Drucksache 19/26675 19

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Drucksache 19/26675 19 Deutscher Bundestag Drucksache 19/26675 19. Wahlperiode 23.02.2021 Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage des Abgeordneten Johannes Huber und der Fraktion der AfD – Drucksache 19/26353 – Der European Council on Foreign Relations, die Open Society Foundations und die Bundesregierung Vorbemerkung der Fragesteller Im Jahr 2007 wurde der „European Council on Foreign Relations“ (ECFR) ge- gründet, unter anderem finanziert vom Auswärtigen Amt, der Europäischen Kommission, der Open Society Foundation, der Robert Bosch Stiftung und der Mercator Stiftung. Dem ECFR gehören u. a. auch amtierende deutsche Politiker an, welche in einem jährlichen Treffen zu einer Generalversammlung zusammenkommen (https://www.ecfr.eu/berlin/de/council). Auf die Schriftliche Frage 35 des Abgeordneten Johannes Huber auf Bundes- tagsdrucksache 19/16951 antwortete die Staatssekretärin des Auswärtigen Amts Antje Leendertse: „Die Bundesregierung steht mit einer Vielzahl von Vertreterinnen und Vertretern aus Wissenschaft, Forschungsinstituten und der Zivilgesellschaft in Kontakt. Erkenntnisse aus diesen Kontakten fließen in die vorbereitende Diskussion zu politischen Entscheidungen und zum Regierungs- handeln ein.“ 1. Welche Bundesmittel flossen im Jahr 2019 direkt oder indirekt, projekt- gebunden oder auf sonstige Weise an den European Council on Foreign Relations (bitte Einzelposten chronologisch unter Nennung der Summe und des Verwendungszwecks angeben)? Bundes- Oberste Verwendungszweck mittel Bundesbehörde in Euro Auswärtiges Amt (AA) EU-Russland Strategy Group 2019 51.753,60 AA Russia‘s Next Generation 14.998,20 AA EU Strategic Autonomy 30.384,00 Die Antwort wurde namens der Bundesregierung mit Schreiben des Auswärtigen Amts vom 23. Februar 2021 übermittelt. Die Drucksache enthält zusätzlich – in kleinerer Schrifttype – den Fragetext. Drucksache 19/26675 – 2 – Deutscher Bundestag – 19. Wahlperiode 2. Wie viele finanzielle Mittel flossen nach Kenntnis der Bundesregierung im Jahr 2019 indirekt von der Bundesregierung über die Institutionen und Körperschaften der EU an den European Council on Foreign Relations (Einzelposten bitte chronologisch unter Nennung der Summe und des Ver- wendungszwecks angeben)? Der Bundesregierung liegen aus dem Gesamthaushaltsplan der EU keine Infor- mationen darüber vor, ob und in welcher Höhe der European Council on Foreign Relations in dem Jahr 2019 finanzielle Mittel von der EU erhalten hat. Entsprechende Mittel werden von der EU eigenständig verwaltet. Grundsätz- lich war Deutschland in den genannten Haushaltsjahren mit seinem Finanzie- rungsanteil von ca. 21 Prozent am EU-Haushalt an Zuwendungen beteiligt. 3. Welche Mitglieder der Bundesregierung stehen außer den auf der Seite des Berliner Büros (ECFR, vgl. Vorbemerkung der Fragesteller) genannten Mitgliedern, des Staatsministers im Auswärtigen Amt Niels Annen, des Diplomaten und ehemaligen Botschafters Deutschlands bei den Vereinten Nationen in New York Harald Braun sowie der Staatsministerin im Aus- wärtigen Amt Michele Müntefering noch in offizieller politscher Verbin- dung mit dem ECFR, und welche Funktionen bekleiden diese Personen (bitte einzelne Personen chronologisch unter Nennung der jeweiligen Funktionen angeben)? Der Bundesregierung liegen keine eigenen Erkenntnisse vor, die über die auf der Internetseite des ECFR öffentlich zugänglichen Informationen hinausgehen. 4. Hat die Bundesregierung im Jahr 2019 gemeinsame Projekte zusammen mit der Open Society Foundation durchgeführt, finanziert oder unter- stützt? Wenn ja, welche Projekte wurden gefördert, in welcher Höhe, und mit welcher Begründung? Im Haushaltsjahr 2019 wurden im Rahmen des Bundesprogramms „Demokra- tie leben!“ weit über 600 Projekte durch das Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend gefördert. Im Sinne der Fragestellung wurden Modellprojekte zu Phänomenen gruppenbezogener Menschenfeindlichkeit und zur Demokratiestärkung im ländlichen Raum mit 86.000 Euro und Modellpro- jekte zum Zusammenleben in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft mit 130.000 Euro gefördert. Im Übrigen wird auf die Antwort der Bundesregierung zu Frage 19 der Kleinen Anfrage der Fraktion der AfD auf Bundestagsdrucksache 19/1012 – „Das Bundesprogramm „Demokratie leben!“ Aktiv gegen Rechtsextremis- mus, Gewalt und Menschenfeindlichkeit“ verwiesen 5. Welche Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGOs) unterstützten die Bundes- regierung im Jahr 2019, die nach Kenntnis der Bundesregierung auch von der Open Society Foundation unterstützt werden (bitte chronologisch und nach Höhe der Zuwendung aufschlüsseln)? Es wird auf die Antwort der Bundesregierung zu Frage 8 der Kleinen Anfrage der Fraktion der AfD auf Bundestagsdrucksache 19/5134 verwiesen. Deutscher Bundestag – 19. Wahlperiode – 3 – Drucksache 19/26675 6. Welche Programme oder Projekte hat die Bundesregierung im Jahr 2019 in welcher Höhe finanziell unterstützt, an denen nach Kenntnis der Bundesregierung auch die Vereine und Organisationen Ärzte ohne Gren- zen, Amadeu Antonio Stiftung, Amnesty International, Clinton Founda- tion, Correctiv, European Center for Press & Media Freedom, European Civil Liberties Union, European Council on Foreign Relations, European Stability Initiative, Global Investigative Journalism Network, Human Rights Watch, Ichbinhier, Internationale Organisation für Migration, Initiative Transparente Zivilgesellschaft, Investigate Europe, journalism- fund.eu, journalists.network, Jugend rettet, Mediendienst Integration, Migrant Offshore Aid Station, Mission Lifeline, netzpolitik.org, Netzwerk Recherche, No Border Network, Proactiva Open Arms, re:publica, Recon- quista Internet, Reporter ohne Grenzen, Save the Children, Sea-Eye, Sea Watch, SOS Mediterranée, Transparency International beteiligt waren (bitte chronologisch für jede Organisation und nach Höhe der Zuwendung aufschlüsseln)? Nach Kenntnis der Bundesregierung werden die nachstehend aufgeführten Pro- gramme und Projekte durch eine der genannten Organisationen mitfinanziert. Es wird darauf hingewiesen, dass umfassende und abschließend belastbare Er- kenntnisse über Drittmittelgeber nicht vorliegen. Oberste Beteiligung welches Vereins Programme oder Projekte Bundesmittel Bundes- oder welcher Organisation in Euro behörde AA Internationale Organisation Rehabilitierung und Reintegration ehemaliger 8.200.455,00 für Migration Kombattanten, Somalia AA Internationale Organisation Umfrage zum Verständnis von Migranten- 360.000,00 für Migration routen, Kapazitätenstärkung von Nicht-Regie- rungs-Organisationen (NGOs) bei der Hilfe für Menschenhandelsopfer, Unterstützung bei der nationalen Gesetzgebung, Mauretanien AA Internationale Organisation Unterstützung eines Programms zur Beratung 200.000,00 für Migration und Betreuung ehemaliger terroristischer Kämpfer und Risikogruppen, Kenia AA Internationale Organisation Community Stabilization Initiatives in Nor- 1.610.838,00 für Migration thern Niger (COSINN) – Stabilisierung von Gemeinden in Nord-Niger durch Verbesserun- gen der Verwaltungsstrukturen und sozialen Kohäsion, u. a. durch Förderung lokaler Infra- struktur AA Internationale Organisation Strengthening Community Policing in Iraq – 3.587.603,00 für Migration Phase II AA Internationale Organisation Enhanced pre-return Assistance; Marokko 927.301,62 für Migration Foras AA Internationale Organisation Strengthening capacity of the Government 151.500,00 für Migration to operationalize Office for Reparations and other Transitional Justice mechanisms – Phase I, Sri Lanka AA Internationale Organisation Enhance the capacities of Côte d’Ivoire’s 89.584,98 für Migration Authories to Comprehensively Address Trafficking in Persons and Migrant Smuggling (COCOTIP ) AA Internationale Organisation Building border management capacity of the 439.356,00 für Migration Nigerian Immigration Service by streng- thening the Migration Information Data Analysis System in Nigeria Drucksache 19/26675 – 4 – Deutscher Bundestag – 19. Wahlperiode AA Internationale Organisation Einzahlung in den Treuhandfonds (Migration 1.000.000,00 für Migration Multi-Partner Trust Fund) zur Unterstützung der Umsetzung des Globalen Migrationspaktes AA Internationale Organisation Global Migration Data Portal – Phase III – 211.788,00 für Migration Datenportal zur Bereitstellung umfassender migrationsbezogener Analysen und Informa- tionen für Politik, Medien und die breite Öffentlichkeit zur Unterstützung einer fakten- basierten Migrationspolitik AA Internationale Organisation Consolidate Direct Assistance and Assisted 769.582,95 für Migration Voluntary Return and Reintegration services in Egypt (CARE) AA Internationale Organisation Supporting the Rollout of Nigeria’s National 156.357,00 für Migration Biometric Identification Card (NBIC) for Intra-ECOWAS Travel, and Biometric Registration of Foreign Nationals in Nigeria (NBIC-REG Nigeria) AA Internationale Organisation Unterstützung der Joint Initiative of the 8.000.000,00 für Migration European Union (EU) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) for the Protection and Reintegration of Returnees in Africa AA Internationale Organisation Aufzeichnung von Migrationsbewegungen 1.000.000,00 für Migration (DTM Emergency Event Tracking) sowie Unterstützung für Binnenvertriebene mit Gebrauchsgegenständen und Unterkünften sowie im Bereich Basisgesundheit, Burundi AA Internationale Organisation Humanitäre Hilfe für Binnenvertriebene und 1.000.000,00 für Migration Rückkehrer in Gedeo und West Guji, Äthiopien AA Internationale Organisation Mehrjährige Basisnothilfe für schutzbedürftige 3.500.000,00
Recommended publications
  • Migreurop Annual Report 2010-2011 EN
    Annual report 2010-2011 Translation : Eleanor Staniforth MIGREUROP 21ter Rue Voltaire 75011 Paris [email protected] www.migreurop.org +3315327878 I – REMINDER OF MIGREUROP’S OBJECTIVES The Migreurop network was established in 2002 by campaigners who met at a time when the Sangatte camp – a prime example of the absurdity of European migration policy - was receiving intense media attention. The network’s initial aim was to raise awareness of and denounce the increasing detention of migrants and the multiplication of camps in Europe, measures which are at the heart of the European Union’s migration policy. It quickly became clear that the Sangatte camp, far from being an exception, was a mere cog in the European machine for the large-scale exclusion of foreigners. Initially, Migreurop’s work on detention and camps developed around four axes: 1. Gathering information on a phenomenon which is difficult to pin down not only because it is largely hidden, but also because of the geographical scale of the issue (the externalised camps located in Libya and the Ukraine are the collateral effects of these countries’ privileged partnerships with the European Union). 2. Giving a name to a multifaceted reality to which the classic image of camps surrounded by barbed wire does not do justice. The term ‘Europe of camps’ has been adopted to refer to the set of measures which constitute points of forced interruption in migrants’ itineraries. Preventing migrants from crossing a border or from entering a territory, keeping them under ‘house arrest’ either legally or through police harassment, detaining them to ensure that they can be deported and imprisoning them as punishment for crossing the border are but a few of the manifestations of this ‘Europe of camps’.
    [Show full text]
  • Contesting Europeanism: Migrant Solidarity Activism in the European Union
    CONTESTING EUROPEANISM: MIGRANT SOLIDARITY ACTIVISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION CELINE CANTAT CMRB, UEL / MIGRINTER, UNIVERSITE DE POITIERS INTEGRIM ONLINE PAPERS Nº8/2015 “The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement n° 316796” Introduction In this paper, I present some of the findings emerging from my PhD research, which is concerned with the discourses and practices of pro-migrant organisations in the European Union (EU). This topic deals with fundamental questions addressing the core of the European project: the extent to which the European Union welcomes and accommodates non-European migrants can indeed be conceptualised as a test-case for claims of a post-national and cosmopolitan Europe. Soysal (1994), for example, has argued on numerous occasions that, in western European societies and under the pressure brought about by the experience of post-war immigration, national citizenship is losing ground to a more universal model of membership grounded in a deterriorialised notion of personal rights. In this perspective, European citizenship, perceived as a post-national relation between a new form of political entity and the residents of its territory, has been upheld as possessing a great potential for challenging the national concept of citizenship and providing protection and rights outside the framework of the state-citizen relationship. My PhD research proposes to examine such claims by, first, interrogating the nature of the European Union and the associated notions of European identity and citizenship and, second, looking at the types of mobilisation emerging in support of migrants and the impact of these mobilisations on dominant notions of Europeanness.
    [Show full text]
  • Böll-Stiftung, Dossier: Border Politics
    Border Politics Migration in the Mediterranean DOSSIER Impressum Herausgeber Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Schumannstraße 8 10117 Berlin www.boell.de Das Online-Dossier wurde veröffentlicht auf www.migration-boell.de im Juli 2009. Direktlink: http://www.migration-boell.de/web/migration/46_2173.asp V.i.S.d.P. Olga Drossou, MID-Redaktion, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Dossier-Redakteur: Timon Mürer Picture credits Cover photo: home to go, 2001, Plaster, marble, dust, tiles, rope, dimensions variable p. 4: The Line 2007; Dyptich framed photograph, cm 60 x 74.5 each (framed), p. 34: Centro di permanenza temporanea, 2007, Video still p. 49: Centro di permanenza temporanea, 2007, Video still They appear by courtesy of gallery Francesca Kaufmann, Milan. The art works presented in this dossier are all by Adrian Paci, an Albanian artist born 1969 in Shkoder and now based in Milan. Among other awards, he is has won the Prize of the Quadrennial of Rome 2008. Of growing international renown, his work has been exhibited all across Europe, in Israel, Australia, and the United States. In his work, Adrian Paci frequently makes reference to the experience and fate of migrants, as for example in his prize-winning video “Centro di Permanenza Temporanea” (2007). The title refers to the Italian name for the temporary camps for migrants arriving daily on the Italian coast. Linguistically, it offers a paradox, a tension between a temporary and permanent existence, a tension Paci maintains in this film, where men and women board a plane to nowhere. They remain trapped between the transitory and the fixed, a state which speaks to the dislocation of migrants across the globe.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Border “Imagination Battle”: an Examination of the European Neighborhood Policy in Morocco
    THE ANTI-BORDER “IMAGINATION BATTLE”: AN EXAMINATION OF THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY IN MOROCCO A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Walsh School of Foreign Service of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science in Foreign Service By Leah Sabin Kanzer Washington, D.C. April 20, 2020 1 Poem by Gloria Anzaldúa, Borderlands/ La Frontera (p.24) ​ ​ 2 Abstract This thesis examines the ways in which borders are enforced and imagined. The author uses public EU documents, expert interviews and anti-border scholarship to explore the oppressive nature of borders. Specifically, she focuses on how the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) tasks Morocco with policing its Northern border with Spain to protect the Schengen Zone. Morocco’s participation in the ENP demonstrates why anti-border thinkers and activists believe that borders uphold racism, wealth inequality and colonialism. This paper aims to convince readers to participate in what adrienne maree brown calls an “imagination battle” by questioning the current institution of borders and envisioning how humans can organize ourselves in the future. Acknowledgements I feel so grateful for the chance to work on this project, whose topic is, as Taieb Belghazi says, “deeply close to my heart.” I could not have done it without the endless support of my family, who keep me close even when I’m very far (3,531 miles) away. I also feel so lucky for the Lotfis, my family away from home. I would like to thank Dean Pirotti, Professor Brennan who helped me throughout this whole process.
    [Show full text]
  • “No Borders, No Nations” Or “Fortress Europe”? How European Citizens Remake European Borders
    “No Borders, No Nations” or “Fortress Europe”? How European Citizens Remake European Borders Sabine Volk 1 Introduction: The Borders of Europe? Étienne Balibar famously claimed that the borders of Europe constituted an ‘unre- solved political problem’.1 Indeed, no matter which lens – geographical, cultural, or political – applied to the notion of Europe, its external borders remain a highly inconsistent, ambiguous and contradictory matter. Since the signing of the Schengen Agreement in 1985 and its incorporation into the European Union (EU) legal framework in 1997, public discourse usually conflates the European external borders with the borders of the growing Schengen area. While Schengen shifted the responsibility to manage the European external borders to the most peripheral EU member states, the EU also got increasingly involved. The establishment of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, commonly known as Frontex, in Warsaw in 2004, is the most visible expression of the EU’s fledgling border re- gime. While enabling the free movement of people across former national borders, it nevertheless seems that Schengen has put in place new borders and boundaries. The EU’s external border policies have become increasingly restrictive over time. Indeed, the establishment of Frontex primarily indicates the tightening of the EU’s 1 Étienne Balibar, We, the People of Europe? Reflections on Transnational Citizenship, trans. J. Swenson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 2, emphasis in original. 78 Volk border regime.2 These major changes in European border management have not gone unnoticed by European citizens. In fact, Europeans are today more active in the issue of the European space and its borders, challenging the current state of borders and control practices.
    [Show full text]
  • Border Management and Gender Angela Mackay
    Tool 6 Gender and SSR Toolkit Border Management and Gender Angela Mackay Geneva Centre for the DCA F Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) Border Management and Gender Angela Mackay Geneva Centre for the DCAF Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) Gender and SSR Toolkit About the Author Angela Mackay is an independent consultant, specialised in conflict management, gender, human rights and human trafficking. Until June 2007, she was part of an International Centre for Migration Policy Development implementation team that established and developed training materials for the Kosovo Border and Boundary Police Training Unit. Formerly Director of Programmes at the Pearson Peacekeeping Training Centre (Canada), she developed and tested the first ‘Gender and Peacekeeping’ training materials for the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations. In 2002, Angela was the Chief of the Office of Gender Affairs in the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo. She also developed and delivered counter-trafficking training for the International Organisation for Migration in Macedonia and Kosovo. Editors Megan Bastick and Kristin Valasek, DCAF Acknowledgements We would like to thank the following people for their valuable comments on drafts of this tool: Martha L. Cottam, Vanessa Farr, Werner Fasching, Hermann Fuertmueller, Marcelyn L. Thompson and UN-INSTRAW. In addition, we would like to thank Benjamin Buckland, Anthony Drummond and Mugiho Takeshita for their editing assistance, and Anja Ebnöther for her guidance of the project. The Gender and SSR Toolkit This Tool on Border Management and Gender is part of a Gender and SSR Toolkit. Designed to provide a practical introduction to gender issues for security sector reform practitioners and policy-makers, the Toolkit includes the following 12 Tools and corresponding Practice Notes : 1.
    [Show full text]
  • “There Are No Angels in Calais” the Impact of French Migration Policies on the Migrants of Calais
    “There are no Angels in Calais” The impact of French migration policies on the migrants of Calais. Merijn van Nuland Human Geography, specialization: Europe: Borders, Identities & Governance. Email: [email protected] Student number: 0603031 Thesis supervisor: Henk van Houtum - 2 - “In fact, we are the untouchables to the civilians. They think, more or less explicitly— with all the nuances lying between contempt and commiseration—that as we have been condemned to this life of ours, reduced to our condition, we must be tainted by some mysterious, grave sin. They hear us speak in many different languages, which they do not understand and which sound to them as grotesque as animal noises; they see us reduced to ignoble slavery, without hair, without honor and without names, beaten every day, more abject every day, and they never see in our eyes a light of rebellion, or of peace, or of faith. They know us as thieves and untrustworthy, muddy, ragged and starving, and mistaking the effect for the cause, they judge us worthy of our abasement. Who could tell one of our faces from another? For them we are Kazet, a singular neuter word.” (Levi, 1958) - 3 - - 4 - I head for the clothes distribution organized by Secours Catholique in an old church in the Rue de Croy. Shadows on the wall give away the places where angels once stood. (travel diary: 5th of May) - 5 - - 6 - Summary. Calais, where France almost touches Great-Britain, is one of the many spots in Europe where immigration is highly visible. Because of its location, it has been an important knot for immigrants trying to reach the United Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Drucksache 19/26353 19
    Deutscher Bundestag Drucksache 19/26353 19. Wahlperiode 02.02.2021 Kleine Anfrage des Abgeordneten Johannes Huber und der Fraktion der AfD Der European Council on Foreign Relations, die Open Society Foundations und die Bundesregierung Im Jahr 2007 wurde der „European Council on Foreign Relations“ (ECFR) ge- gründet, unter anderem finanziert vom Auswärtigen Amt, der Europäischen Kommission, der Open Society Foundation, der Robert Bosch Stiftung und der Mercator Stiftung. Dem ECFR gehören u. a. auch amtierende deutsche Politiker an, welche in ei- nem jährlichen Treffen zu einer Generalversammlung zusammenkommen (https://www.ecfr.eu/berlin/de/council). Auf die Schriftliche Frage 35 des Abgeordneten Johannes Huber auf Bundes- tagsdrucksache 19/16951 antwortete die Staatssekretärin des Auswärtigen Amts Antje Leendertse: „Die Bundesregierung steht mit einer Vielzahl von Vertreterinnen und Vertretern aus Wissenschaft, Forschungsinstituten und der Zivilgesellschaft in Kontakt. Erkenntnisse aus diesen Kontakten fließen in die vorbereitende Diskussion zu politischen Entscheidungen und zum Regierungs- handeln ein.“ Wir fragen die Bundesregierung: 1. Welche Bundesmittel flossen im Jahr 2019 direkt oder indirekt, projektge- bunden oder auf sonstige Weise an den European Council on Foreign Rela- tions (bitte Einzelposten chronologisch unter Nennung der Summe und des Verwendungszwecks angeben)? 2. Wie viele finanzielle Mittel flossen nach Kenntnis der Bundesregierung im Jahr 2019 indirekt von der Bundesregierung über die Institutionen und Kör- perschaften
    [Show full text]
  • Practices of Refugee Support Between Humanitarian Help And
    Larissa Fleischmann Contested Solidarity Culture and Social Practice Larissa Fleischmann, born in 1989, works as a Postdoctoral Researcher in Human Geography at the Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg. She received her PhD from the University of Konstanz, where she was a member of the Centre of Excellence »Cultural Foundations of Social Integration« and the Social and Cultu- ral Anthropology Research Group from 2014 to 2018. Larissa Fleischmann Contested Solidarity Practices of Refugee Support between Humanitarian Help and Political Activism Dissertation of the University of Konstanz Date of the oral examination: February 15, 2019 1st reviewer: Prof. Dr. Thomas G. Kirsch 2nd reviewer: PD Dr. Eva Youkhana 3rd reviewer: Prof. Dr. Judith Beyer This publication was funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Re- search Foundation) - Project number 448887013. The author acknowledges the financial support of the Open Access Publication Fund of the Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg. The field research for this publication was funded by the Centre of Excellence “Cultural Foundations of Social Integration”, University of Konstanz. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Na- tionalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 (BY- NC) license, which means that the text may be remixed, build upon and be distributed, provided credit is given to the author, but may not be used for commercial purposes. For details go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ Permission to use the text for commercial purposes can be obtained by contacting rights@ transcript-publishing.com Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder.
    [Show full text]
  • Across the Borders of Lesvos: the Gendering Of
    open space 94 across the borders of Lesvos: the gendering of migrants’ detention in the Aegean Gabriella Alberti It is late summer and the first large demonstration organized by the No Border camp against Pagani, the detention centre for undocumented migrants, takes place in Mytilene. Mytilene is the main city of Lesvos, which is the largest of the islands scattered in the Aegean Sea between Greece and Turkey. Pagani is supposed to be a ‘reception centre’ for undocumented migrants arriving on Lesvos from outside the European Union (EU). It is, in fact, a prison where migrants are detained for days or months in order to be identified by the local authorities before they are set ‘free’ to move on to the mainland. I joined the protest organized by the No Border network against the detention and deportation of migrants in Europe and internationally. The politics of the No Border groups are rooted in a commitment to unrestricted freedom of movement as a basic right for all people, and the need to mobilize against inhumane and degrading border controls (Kopp and Schneider, 2003, http://www.makeworlds.org/node/29). Lesvos is a particular location in which to observe and contrast the operation of the EU border policing as a major ‘transit point’ for migrants on the edge of the continent. The march proceeds towards Pagani. It is hot, and the police block the street before we can see the entrance of the prison. Yet, the voices of the migrants behind the bars quickly permeate the police cordon with their longing for freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • Transferir Download
    31/3 revista do centro de estudos humanísticos 2017 diacrítica imigração, refugiados e as humanidades: abordagens críticas para novos desafios Título: DIACRÍTICA (Nº 31/3 – 2017) Imigração, Refugiados e as Humanidades: Abordagens críticas para novos desafios Editora: Marie-Manuelle Silva Editores Adjuntos: Fadi Skeiker, Orlando Grossegesse Revisão: Orlando Grossegesse Comissão Redatorial: Assel Swalha (Fordham University); Augustin Berti (Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina); Camila de Lira Santos (Europa-Universität Viadrina Frankfurt/Oder); Carlos Pazos (Universidade do Minho); Fátima Silva (Universidade do Porto); Isabel Ermida (Universidade do Minho); Joanne Paisana (Universidade do Minho); Júlia Garraio (Universidade de Coimbra); Luís Mourão (Instituto Politécnico de Viana do Castelo); Manuel Conceição (Universidade do Algarve); Márcia Oliveira (Universidade do Minho); Margarida Marques (Universidade Nova de Lisboa); Maria Clara Oliveira (Universidade do Minho); Maria da Conceição Carapinha Rodrigues (Universidade de Coimbra); Maria do Rosário Ribeiro dos Santos (Universidade do Minho); Maria Helena Santana (Universidade de Coimbra); Maria Luísa Coelho (Universidade do Minho); Mário Matos (Universidade do Minho); Micaela Ramon (Universidade do Minho); Patrícia Jerónimo (Universidade do Minho); Pedro Eiras (Universidade do Porto); Sérgio Roberto Massagli (Universidade Federal de Fronteira Sul, Brasil); Sílvia Araújo (Universidade do Minho); Sílvia Melo-Pfeifer (Universidade de Hamburgo); Valérie Spaeth (Université de la Sorbonne
    [Show full text]
  • The Biopolitical Border in Practice: Surveillance and Death at the Greece–Turkey Borderzones
    Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2014, volume 32, pages 815 – 833 doi:10.1068/d13031p The biopolitical border in practice: surveillance and death at the Greece–Turkey borderzones Özgün E Topak Department of Sociology, D431 Mackintosh-Corry, Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada K7L 3N6; e-mail: [email protected] Received 17 May 2013; in revised form 29 March 2014; published online 28 August 2014 Abstract. This paper examines biopolitical control practices at the Greece–Turkey borders and addresses current debates in the study of borders and biopolitics. The Greek and Frontex authorities have established diverse surveillance mechanisms to control the borderzone space and to monitor, intercept, apprehend, and push back migrants or to block their passage. The location of contemporary borders has been much debated in the literature. This paper provides a nuanced understanding of borders by demonstrating that while borders are diffusing beyond and inside state territories, their practices and effects are concentrated at the edges of state territories—ie, borderzones. Borderzones are biopolitical spaces in which surveillance is most intense and migrants suffer the direct threat of injury and death. Applying biopolitics in the context of borderzones also prompts us to revisit the concept. While Foucault posits that biopolitics is the product of the historical transition away from sovereign powers controlling territory and imposing practices of death towards governmental powers managing population mainly through pastoral, productive, and deterritorialized techniques, the case of the Greece–Turkey borderzones demonstrates that biopolitics operates through sovereign territorial controls and surveillance, practices of death and exclusion, and suspension of rights.
    [Show full text]