UK Trident Replacement: the Facts British American Security Information Council a Briefing by BASIC Updated April 2015
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Sac's Kissing Cousins
Ground crewmen bring a British RAF Bomber Command Vulcan V-bomber to a high state of readiness. In case of nuclear war bombers of the British V-force would likely spearhead any retaliatory attack. Vuleans, the world's largest delta. wing bombers, carry either conventional or nuclear bombs internally and one Blue Steel standoff weapon externally. Although there are some misgivings about the future, today's British RAF Bomber Command is decidedly a viable force for the 1960s. Here is a report on the powerful capabilities of the United Kingdom's nuclear aerospace force . SAC'S KISSING COUSINS HE officer commanding, seated in the War Room of his operational control center, reached for the T red phone and spoke an order into it which ener- gized his widely dispersed command. The order was a single word—Scramble! A small but superbly trained band of men sprang into action. With machine precision, they raced By Richard Clayton Peet through prescribed checkout procedures, preparing their planes for flight. Jet engines began their roar. Seconds later, hundreds of aircraft were on the roll. In less than two minutes, a giant nuclear retaliatory armada was airborne. Most Americans would immediately conclude that the situation described was taking place in our own Strategic Air Command. We have become accustomed 28 AIR FORCE Magazine • January 1964 Sir John Grandy, Bomber Commander CinC, credits Valiant, first V-bomber, today is used primarily as a tanker. technical innovation and high crew proficiency with Here a Valiant refuels one of the Vulcans that made the first keeping Bomber Command a viable force in the 1960s. -
Trident Pack.Pub
Facts about Trident Britain’s Trident nuclear weapon system consists of four components: missiles, warheads, submarines and support infrastructure. The submarines The delivery platform for the Trident missile is the Vanguard- class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine, built by Vickers Shipbuilding and Engineering Limited (now owned by BAE Systems) at Barrow-in-Furness. Beginning in 1993, four Vanguard-class boats were commissioned: the Vanguard, the Victorious, the Vigilant, and the Vengeance. Each submarine has a crew of approximately 140 and is based at Her Majesty’s Navy Base (HMNB) Clyde at Faslane in Scotland. HMS Vanguard The missiles Each submarine can carry 16 Trident II (D5) submarine- launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs). The missiles were designed in the United States by Lockheed-Martin. They have a range of approximately 4,600 miles and are accurate to within 90 metres. Britain bought 58 missiles as part of a larger collective pool at King’s Bay, Georgia – home to many of America’s Ohio-class submarines that employ Trident missiles as well. It has 50 left after test-firings. The missile was first deployed by the U.S. Navy in 1990. Trident missile test flight The United States has initiated a life extension programme to increase the service life of the missiles from 30 to 45 years. Trident missiles will be fully withdrawn from service in 2042. Britain is also participating in this programme. Each Trident missile can deliver 12 independently-targeted warheads, giving each Vanguard- class submarine the capability to deploy 192 warheads. In practice it is British Government policy to deploy no more than 48 warheads per submarine and probably around 12 missiles per submarine with 3-4 warhead each. -
Application Requête
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE APPLICATION INSTITUTING PROCEEDINGS filed in the Registry of the Court on 24 April 2014 OBLIGATIONS CONCERNING NEGOTIATIONS RELATING TO CESSATION OF THE NUCLEAR ARMS RACE AND TO NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT (MARSHALL ISLANDS v. UNITED KINGDOM) COUR INTERNATIONALE DE JUSTICE REQUÊTE INTRODUCTIVE D’INSTANCE enregistrée au Greffe de la Cour le 24 avril 2014 OBLIGATIONS RELATIVES À DES NÉGOCIATIONS CONCERNANT LA CESSATION DE LA COURSE AUX ARMES NUCLÉAIRES ET LE DÉSARMEMENT NUCLÉAIRE (ÎLES MARSHALL c. ROYAUME-UNI) 6 R-ILE_UK_2.indd 1 12/10/15 11:49 2 2014 General List No. 160 I. LETTER FROM THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND CO-AGENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE MARSHALL ISLANDS TO THE REGISTRAR OF THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE Majuro, 6 April 2014. I have the honour to submit herewith nine Applications to the Court. In six of these Applications the Marshall Islands is requesting the Respondent State to con- sent to the Court’s jurisdiction for the purposes of this particular case. All of the Applications are delivered to you on Thursday, 24 April 2014, by our Co-Agent, Mr. Phon van den Biesen. Attached to this letter are nine letters in which I make it known to the Court that Mr. van den Biesen has been duly appointed as Co-Agent for each of these cases. Each of the nine Applications is submitted to the Court in two original copies. In addition, 30 paper copies of each Application are provided to the Court as well as one USB device containing digital copies of each Application. -
The Nuclear Question
The nuclear question Source: Martins, Véronica. The nuclear question. Translation CVCE. Copyright: (c) CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/the_nuclear_question-en-d3dae17d-f438-475e-b396- 63654c2c350a.html Last updated: 25/10/2016 1/6 The nuclear question The dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki on 6 and 9 August 1945 began a new era in international relations. For more than four years, the United States imposed itself as the only nuclear power capable of producing and deploying weapons of mass destruction. The Soviet Union exploded its first A-bomb in Kazakhstan on 29 August 1949. The United Kingdom joined the nuclear club on 3 October 1952 after its first nuclear test off the coast of Australia. France, meanwhile, joined the ranks of the nuclear powers on 13 February 1960 after successfully exploding its first atomic bomb in the Algerian Sahara.[1] Against the international background of the developing Cold War, nuclear deterrence became the main organising principle behind the national security policy of the western bloc states and the Soviet Union.[2] It was the United States and the Soviet Union, however, which set the pace for discussions in this area. The United States’ influence was particularly marked in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). In the early 1950s, British views on the attitude to be adopted towards Soviet threats were taken up by NATO: NATO’s MC/48 strategy of November 1945, which developed out of the Global Strategy Paper adopted by the United Kingdom in June 1952,[3] advocated a principle of massive retaliation against the Soviet Union. -
Pdf, Accessed 10 August 2013
Notes Introduction 1 . Kristan Stoddart, Losing an Empire and Finding a Role: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1964–1970 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) and Kristan Stoddart, The Sword and the Shield: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1970–1976 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 2 . He eventually defeated Michael Foot in the leadership run-off. Foot would succeed Callaghan as leader in 1980, defeating Denis Healey. 3 . James Callaghan, Time and Chance (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 385–408. 4 . David McKie, ‘Lord Callaghan Labour prime minister who, uniquely, held all four of the great offices of state, but whose consensus politics were washed away in the late 1970s’, The Guardian , 28 March 2005. 5 . ‘Why grass roots protests are now a “Must”’, The Guardian , 4 March 2010. 6 . Callaghan, Time and Chance , p. 400. 7 . Ibid. p. 448. 8 . Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Penguin, 1990), pp. 388–464. 9 . Ibid. pp. 381, 393, 422–424, 429–435 and Callaghan, Time and Chance , pp. 413–447, 478, 498, 515. 10 . For a comprehensive synopsis see Richard Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009). 11 . Andy McSmith, ‘Margaret Thatcher obituary: the most divisive political leader of modern times’, The Independent , 8 April 2013. 12 . Quoted in Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2000), pp. 408, 397–436. 13 . www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/BDOHP/Coles.pdf, accessed 10 August 2013. 14 . John Nott, Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician (London: Politico’s, 2002), p. -
Duncan Sandys, Unmanned Weaponry, and the Impossibility of Defence
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of East Anglia digital repository 1 Nuclear Belief Systems and Individual Policy-Makers: Duncan Sandys, Unmanned Weaponry, and the Impossibility of Defence Lewis David Betts This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of East Anglia (School of History, Faculty of Arts and Humanities) November, 2014 This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution. 2 This thesis attempts to explore the influence that Duncan Sandys' experiences of the Second World War had on his policy preferences, and policy-making, in relation to British defence policy during his years in government. This is a significant period in British nuclear policy which began with thermonuclear weaponry being placed ostentatiously at the centre of British defence planning in the 1957 Defence White Paper, and ended with the British acquiring the latest American nuclear weapon technology as a consequence of the Polaris Sales Agreement. It also saw intense discussion of the nature and type of nuclear weaponry the British government sought to wield in the Cold War, with attempts to build indigenous land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, and where British nuclear policy was discussed in extreme depth in government. The thesis explores this area by focusing on Duncan Sandys and examining his interaction with prominent aspects of the defence policy-making process. -
The Trident Commission an Independent, Cross-Party Inquiry to Examine UK Nuclear Weapons Policy
The Trident Commission An independent, cross-party inquiry to examine UK nuclear weapons policy Concluding Report Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP Lord Browne of Ladyton Sir Menzies Campbell MP Professor Alyson Bailes Sir Jeremy Greenstock Lord Guthrie of Craigiebank Professor Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield Lord Rees of Ludlow July 2014 Published by British American Security Information Council (BASIC) July 2014 BASIC in London BASIC in Washington 3 Whitehall Court 1725 DeSales St., NW, Ste. 600, London SW1A 2EL Washington, DC 20036 Tel: +44 (0) 207 766 3461 / 65 Tel: +1 202 546 8055 www.basicint.org Acknowledgements BASIC and the Trident Commission are grateful to Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, Polden Puckham Charitable Foundation, the Mulberry Trust, Marmot Charitable Trust, Allan and Nesta Ferguson Charitable Trust, Ploughshares Fund and Nuclear Education Trust for their financial support of the work of the Commission. We would also like to thank all those who have contributed to the work of the Commission by submitting evidence and otherwise engaging in our activities. BASIC would also like to thank the Trident Commissioners for their unpaid involvement in this enterprise. Members of the Commission Lord Browne of Ladyton, (co-chair) former Labour Secretary of State for Defence; Sir Malcolm Rifkind, (co-chair) former Conservative Defence and Foreign Secretary; Sir Menzies Campbell, (co-chair) former leader of the Liberal Democrats and Shadow Foreign Secretary; Professor Alyson Bailes, Former Head of FCO Security Policy Department and member of the WMD Commission; Sir Jeremy Greenstock, former UK Ambassador to the United Nations; Lord Guthrie of Craigiebank, former Chief of the Defence Staff; Professor Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield, Queen Mary, University of London; and, Lord Rees of Ludlow, Astronomer Royal and recent President of the Royal Society. -
De Gaulle Between Grain and Grandeur : the Political Economy of French EC Policy, 1958–1970 (Part 2)
De Gaulle Between Grain and Grandeur : The Political Economy of French EC Policy, 1958–1970 (Part 2) ✣ Andrew Moravcsik [This is the concluding part of the article; for the first part, see the previ- ous issue of the Journal. This part continues the analysis of four case studies of de Gaulle’s diplomacy, turning to the third and fourth of them: the rejection of British membership in the EEC, and the “empty chair” crisis of 1956–1966. It then offers an extended discussion of the implica- tions of the four cases for our understanding of French policy in Europe during this crucial phase of the Cold War.] British Membership: “For France to maintain its agriculture with England as a member, England would have to stop being England” From 1958 through early 1969, Gaullist France remained implacably opposed to British membership in or association with the European Economic Commu- nity (EEC). In December 1958, after gaining West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s support, French President Charles de Gaulle vetoed British pro- posals for a free trade area (FTA) outright. He called on the British, disingenu- ously, to join the EEC and to accept the obligations adopted by the other Community partners, particularly regarding the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), external tariffs, and social harmonization. In early 1960, Britain orga- nized the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) with Denmark, Portugal, Switzer- land, Sweden, Norway, Austria, and Ireland—a move designed almost exclusively to exert greater pressure on France—and called for an EFTA-EEC agreement. Uncompromising French obstruction again scuttled the negotia- tions. -
The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 a Dissertation Presented
The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Robert Thomas Davis II August 2008 © 2008 Robert Thomas Davis II All Rights Reserved ii This dissertation titled The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 by ROBERT THOMAS DAVIS II has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by ______________________________ Peter John Brobst Associate Professor of History ______________________________ Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences iii Abstract DAVIS, ROBERT THOMAS II, Ph.D., August 2008, History The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 (422 pp.) Director of Dissertation: Peter John Brobst This study is a reappraisal of the strategic dilemma of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the Cold War. This dilemma revolves around the problem of articulating a strategic concept for a military alliance in the nuclear era. NATO was born of a perceived need to defend Western Europe from a Soviet onslaught. It was an imperative of the early alliance to develop a military strategy and force posture to defend Western Europe should such a war break out. It was not long after the first iteration of strategy took shape than the imperative for a military defense of Europe receded under the looming threat of thermonuclear war. The advent of thermonuclear arsenals in both the United States and Soviet Union brought with it the potential destruction of civilization should war break out. This realization made statesmen on both sides of the Iron Curtain undergo what has been referred to as an ongoing process of nuclear learning. -
A Foregone Conclusion? the United States, Britain and the Trident Missile Agreements, 1977 – 1982
A Foregone Conclusion? The United States, Britain and the Trident missile agreements, 1977 – 1982 Suzanne Doyle A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the University of East Anglia, School of Politics, Language and Communication Studies. July 2015 This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution. Abstract Only recently have declassified government documents on the United States sale of Trident nuclear missiles to the United Kingdom become available. As such, the Trident agreements of 1980 and 1982 have received little scholarly attention. This thesis provides the first focused study of the negotiations on the supply of Trident C4 and D5 missiles. It does this by drawing upon material from the British National Archives, the Jimmy Carter Library and the Ronald Reagan Library. Specifically, the research focuses on the ways in which the interests of the United States influenced the Trident negotiations and British decision- making on the successor to Polaris. This approach eschews the Anglo-centric framework that dominates research on the US-UK nuclear relationship. This US-centred approach demonstrates the contingency of the Trident negotiations. Both the Reagan and Carter administrations were hard-headed in their discussions with the British over the supply of Trident, and only consented to do so when it suited Washington. Furthermore, both administrations drove a hard bargain over the terms of sale, and sought to derive the greatest possible benefit from the deal. -
75 YEARS Trinity Test the Dawn of America’S Scientific Innovation CONTENTS
75 YEARS Trinity Test The Dawn of America’s Scientific Innovation CONTENTS 1 THE MANHATTAN PROJECT ........ 4 2 TRINITY TEST - JULY 16, 1945 ...... 6 3 1940s .............................................. 10 4 1950s ..........................................12 5 1960s ..........................................14 1970s ..........................................16 Beyond the advances in nuclear physics 6 and chemistry that made the “ 7 1980s ..........................................18 “ first functional atomic device possible, Trinity was arguably the greatest 1990s ..........................................20 scientific experiment ever conducted. 8 9 2000s ..........................................22 Lisa E. Gordon-Hagerty U.S. Under Secretary of Energy for Nuclear Security Administrator of the National Nuclear Security Administration 10 2010s ..........................................24 11 2020 and FORWARD ..................... 26 1 Manhattan Project: The Origin of the Trinity Test In the 1920s-1930s, a young Hungarian-German physicist Roosevelt responded by launching The Manhattan Project, Leo Szilard led the field of nuclear research, submitting a nationwide network of laboratories and manufacturing patents for a linear accelerator (1928) and cyclotron (1929), facilities designed to collaboratively assist in the before collaborating with Albert Einstein to develop the manufacture of a new atomic weapon. Einstein refrigerator. But when Hitler came into power in 1933, Szilard fled to England, encouraging his friends and family to do the same. In England, he first described the nuclear chain reaction (1933) and patented an early design for a nuclear fission reactor (1934). In 1938, Szilard joined Einstein in the United States, but the rumor that a group of Berlin chemists had split the uranium atom made them so concerned that in 1939, they sent an urgent letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, warning him that that Axis scientists were working to turn new nuclear discoveries into a superweapon. -
Governing the Bomb: Civilian Control and Democratic
DCAF GOVERNING THE BOMB Civilian Control and Democratic Accountability of Nuclear Weapons edited by hans born, bates gill and heiner hänggi Governing the Bomb Civilian Control and Democratic Accountability of Nuclear Weapons STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Göran Lennmarker, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Alexei G. Arbatov (Russia) Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi (Algeria) Jayantha Dhanapala (Sri Lanka) Dr Nabil Elaraby (Egypt) Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger (Germany) Professor Mary Kaldor (United Kingdom) The Director DIRECTOR Dr Bates Gill (United States) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 70 Solna, Sweden Telephone: +46 8 655 97 00 Fax: +46 8 655 97 33 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Governing the Bomb Civilian Control and Democratic Accountability of Nuclear Weapons EDITED BY HANS BORN, BATES GILL AND HEINER HÄNGGI OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 2010 1 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © SIPRI 2010 All rights reserved.