The G8 Summit in the Global Order for Environment and Development 5-29
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Potential Partnership in Global Economic Governance: Canada’S G20 Summit from Toronto to Turkey John Kirton Co-Director, G20 Research Group
Potential Partnership in Global Economic Governance: Canada’s G20 Summit from Toronto to Turkey John Kirton Co-director, G20 Research Group Paper prepared for a presentation at TEPAV, Ankara, and DEIK, Istanbul, Turkey, June 7-8, 2010. Version of June 13, 2010. Introduction The Challenge In less than two weeks the most powerful leaders of the world’s 20 most systemically significant countries arrive in Toronto, Canada for their fourth summit of the Group of Twenty (G20). It will be their first meeting of the newly proclaimed permanent priority centre of international economic co-operation, the first co-chaired by an established and emerging economy, and the first held in tight tandem with the older, smaller Group of Eight (G8) major power democracies. In Toronto the G20 leaders will confront several critical global challenges. The first is the European-turned-global financial crisis, erupting in May even before the previous American-turned-global financial crisis of 2007-9 had been solved. The second is the devastation to trade, investment and development that these financial-turned-economic crises cause. The third is the environmental and social problems they exacerbate, from climate change and energy to food and health. And the fourth is strengthening the G20 itself and the international financial institutions and other global bodies more generally, to govern more effectively, equitably and accountably today’s complex, uncertain, intensely interconnected world. Can Canada and Turkey work together at Toronto to cope with these and other challenges that the world confronts? At first glance, Canada and Turkey would appear to be distinctly different countries, within the global community and as members of the G20, the institutionalized club of systemically significant countries that was created in 1999 in response to the Asian-turned-global financial crisis then and that leapt to the leaders’ level in response to the American-turned-global financial crisis continuing today. -
Glossary on APEC
Glossary A ABAC - APEC Business Advisory Council APEC Business Advisory Council - provides business-specific advice to APEC Leaders on implementation of the Osaka Action Agenda (OAA), trade and investment liberalization and facilitation (TILF), economic and technical cooperation (ECOTECH), and other priorities specifically related to the business sector. Membership is composed of up to three senior representatives of the business sector from each member economy. Established in 1995 and formally recognized by the APEC Ministers in 2005 as one of the five categories of delegates to attend APEC official meetings. ABTC - APEC Business Travel Card APEC Business Travel Card - allows business travelers pre-cleared, facilitated short-term entry to participating member economies. Card holders benefit from faster immigration processing on arrival via access to fast-track entry and exit through special APEC lanes at major airports in participating economies. All 21 APEC member economies participate in the ABTC scheme, 18 namely Australia; Brunei Darussalam; Chile; People’s Republic of China; Hong Kong, China; Indonesia; Japan; Republic of Korea; Malaysia; Mexico, New Zealand; Papua New Guinea; Peru; Philippines; Singapore; Chinese Taipei; Thailand and Viet Nam are full members while Canada, the United States and Russia are transitional members. ACBD - APEC Customs Business Dialogue APEC Customs Business Dialogue - a yearly event organized by the Sub-Committee on Customs Procedures (SCCP) with a view to enhancing cooperation within the business community in areas related to customs procedures. ACTWG - Anti-Corruption and Transparency Working Group Anti-Corruption and Transparency Working Group - promotes cooperation in areas such as extradition, legal assistance and judicial/law enforcement, especially asset forfeiture and recovery. -
The 2018 G7 Summit: Issues to Watch
AT A GLANCE The 2018 G7 Summit: Issues to watch On 8 and 9 June 2018, the leaders of the G7 will meet for the 44th G7 Summit in Charlevoix, Quebec, for the annual summit of the informal grouping of seven of the world's major advanced economies. The summit takes place amidst growing tensions between the US and other G7 countries over security and multilateralism. Background The Group of Seven (G7) is an international forum of the seven leading industrialised nations (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as the European Union). Decisions within the G7 are made on the basis of consensus. The outcomes of summits are not legally binding, but compliance is high and their impact is substantial, as the G7 members represent a significant share of global gross domestic product (GDP) and global influence. The commitments from summits are implemented by means of measures carried out by the individual member countries, and through their respective relations with other countries and influence in multilateral organisations. Compliance within the G7 is particularly high in regard to agreements on international trade and energy. The summit communiqué is politically binding on all G7 members. As the G7 does not have a permanent secretariat, the annual summit is organised by the G7 country which holds the rotating presidency for that year. The presidency is currently held by Canada, to be followed by France in 2019. Traditionally, the presidency country also determines the agenda of the summit, which includes a mix of fixed topics (discussed each time), such as the global economic climate, foreign and security policy, and current topics for which a coordinated G7 approach appears particularly appropriate or urgent. -
Input and Output Legitimacy, Reforms, and Agenda
ADBI Working Paper Series The Group of Twenty: Input and Output Legitimacy, Reforms, and Agenda Andrew F. Cooper No. 372 August 2012 Asian Development Bank Institute Andrew F. Cooper is a professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Waterloo/BSIA and is a distinguished fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation. The views expressed in this paper are the views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of ADBI, the ADB, its Board of Directors, or the governments they represent. ADBI does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this paper and accepts no responsibility for any consequences of their use. Terminology used may not necessarily be consistent with ADB official terms. The Working Paper series is a continuation of the formerly named Discussion Paper series; the numbering of the papers continued without interruption or change. ADBI’s working papers reflect initial ideas on a topic and are posted online for discussion. ADBI encourages readers to post their comments on the main page for each working paper (given in the citation below). Some working papers may develop into other forms of publication. Suggested citation: Cooper, A. F. 2012. The Group of Twenty: Input and Output Legitimacy, Reforms, and Agenda. ADBI Working Paper 372. Tokyo: Asian Development Bank Institute. Available: http://www.adbi.org/working- paper/2012/08/08/5212.g20.input.output.legitimacy.reforms.agenda/ Please contact the author for information about this paper. Email: [email protected] Asian Development Bank Institute Kasumigaseki Building 8F 3-2-5 Kasumigaseki, Chiyoda-ku Tokyo 100-6008, Japan Tel: +81-3-3593-5500 Fax: +81-3-3593-5571 URL: www.adbi.org E-mail: [email protected] © 2012 Asian Development Bank Institute ADBI Working Paper 372 Cooper Abstract The Group of Twenty (G-20) deserves credit for opening up of the “top table” of global governance to a wider representation of countries on a geographic basis in general and Asia in particular. -
FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
Building Better Global Economic Brics
Economics Global Economics Research from the GS Financial WorkbenchSM at https://www.gs.com Paper No: 66 Building Better Global Economic BRICs n In 2001 and 2002, real GDP growth in large emerging market economies will exceed that of the G7. n At end-2000, GDP in US$ on a PPP basis in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) was about 23.3% of world GDP. On a current GDP basis, BRIC share of world GDP is 8%. n Using current GDP, China’s GDP is bigger than that of Italy. n Over the next 10 years, the weight of the BRICs and especially China in world GDP will grow, raising important issues about the global economic impact of fiscal and monetary policy in the BRICs. n In line with these prospects, world policymaking forums should be re-organised and in particular, the G7 should be adjusted to incorporate BRIC representatives. Many thanks to David Blake, Paulo Leme, Binit Jim O’Neill Patel, Stephen Potter, David Walton and others in the Economics Department for their helpful 30th November 2001 suggestions. Important disclosures appear at the end of this document. Goldman Sachs Economic Research Group In London Jim O’Neill, M.D. & Head of Global Economic Research +44(0)20 7774 1160 Gavyn Davies, M.D. & Chief International Economist David Walton, M.D. & Chief European Economist Andrew Bevan, M.D. & Director of International Bond Economic Research Erik Nielsen, Director of New European Markets Economic Research Stephen Potter, E.D. & Senior Global Economist Al Breach, E.D & International Economist Linda Britten, E.D. -
G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance CIGI G20 Papers | No
G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE CIGI G20 PAPERS | NO. 6, MAY 2011 Gordon S. Smith G7 TO G8 TO G20: EVOLUTION IN GLOBAL GOVERNANCE TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY Summary 3 This paper provides a brief history of the evolution of Acronyms 3 the Group of Seven (G7) from its origins in the aftermath of the 1971 breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of G7 to G8 to G20: Evolution in Global Governance 4 exchange rates and the oil crisis in 1973. It then discusses Russia’s participation at summits after the fall of the Works Cited 8 Berlin Wall, formally joining the group in 1997, thus becoming the Group of Eight (G8). The paper gives a CIGI G20 Resources 9 concise account of the formation of the Group of Twenty About CIGI 10 (G20) finance ministers and central bank governors in the late 1990s, in the wake of financial crises in Asia and Latin America, which was elevated to a leaders’ summit forum at the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. The paper wraps up with a discussion of the differences in the G8 and G20 models, concluding that the G20 process is still the best option for meeting the challenges of complex global governance issues. ACRONYMS 3G Global Governance Group ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations AU African Union BMENA Afghanistan, the Broader Middle East and North Africa CFGS Centre for Global Studies G5 Group of Five G7 Group of Seven G8 Group of Eight G20 Group of Twenty IMF International Monetary Fund Copyright © 2011 The Centre for International Governance Innovation. -
Climate Change: a G8 Overview
Climate change: A G8 Overview Developing Visions Towards a Low Carbon Society Through Sustainable Development – June 16 2006 David Warrilow Head of Climate Change Science Policy DEFRA, UK WHY IS CLIMATE CHANGE AN ISSUE FOR THE G8? • The G8 accounts for over 65% of global GDP and 47% of global CO 2 emissions. • United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change – Article 3: “the developed country Parties should take the lead in combating climate change and the adverse effects thereof.” UK G8 PRESIDENCY – GLENEAGLES SUMMIT OUTCOMES •G8 leaders agreed that climate change is happening now, that human activity is contributing to it, and that it could affect every part of the globe. •They recognised that, globally, emissions must slow, peak and then decline, moving to a low-carbon economy. •Gleneagles Dialogue on Climate Change, Clean Energy And Sustainable Development. •Gleneagles Plan of Action on Climate Change, Clean Energy And Sustainable Development. Gleneagles Dialogue on Climate Change, Clean Energy And Sustainable Development • First meeting held 1 st November 2005 • “We invite other interested countries… (G8+5 and others) • ”Transforming our energy systems … a more sustainable future • “Monitor implementation of… the Plan of Action • IEA and World Bank involvement Gleneagles Dialogue Working Groups •Meetings in Mexico 7-9 June •Preparations for Ministerial meeting in October •Not an alternative to official UNFCCC process •Facilitates discussion on aspects of combating climate change: Technology Transfer Market Mechanisms Adaptation Gleneagles Plan of Action Climate Change, Clean Energy And Sustainable Development • Using less energy • Cleaner sources of energy • Developing country interests • Adaptation and logging – sustainable development International Energy Agency (IEA) Workplan •Advise participants in the Dialogue on alternative energy scenarios and strategies to create a clean clever and competitive energy future. -
BYJU's IAS Comprehensive News Analysis
Group of Eight (G8) Origin and Development The origin of the Group can be traced back to November 1975 when the then President of France, Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, and the German Chancellor, Helmut Schmidt, invited the US, Britain, Italy, and Japan for a meeting at the Chateau of Rambouillet, France, to discuss the economic crisis resulting from the rise of oil prices. Another member, Canada, attended the meet in June 1976 held in San Juan, Puerto Rico, and as an outcome, the Group of Seven (G-7) was formally created. The G-7 became an international forum for discussing various issues like economic growth, inflation, unemployment, trade ailments, and other problems confronted by the developed nations. It later began to discuss political issues also. The third G7 summit in May 1977 in London saw the participation of the President of the European Commission also. At the 20th G-7 summit, held in Naples, Italy, in July 1997, at summit in Denver, the US, Russia became a full-fledged member, and the G-7 was renamed as the Group of Eight (G-8) or the Group of Seven plus One (G-7 + 1). Russia, however, participates only in political deliberations, and it does not have a say in economic matters. Objectives The Group aims at deliberating on and evolving strategies to deal with the major economic and political international issues. Structure There is no formal institutional structure. Summits of Heads of State and Government of member-countries and representatives of the European Union are held annually to discuss issues within the competence of G- 7 + 1. -
The Role of the G-8 in International Climate Change Negotiations
In-Spire Journal of Law, Politics and Societies (Vol. 4, No. 2 – 2009) The Role of the G-8/G-20 in International Climate Change Negotiations Stavros Afionis, PhD. This article looks at G-8 Summit outcomes and analyses their impact on international climate change negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). In particular, the article evaluates whether the UNFCCC negotiations have benefited from G-8 input and, if yes, to what extent. Even though issues relating to energy or energy security have been frequent G8 Summit top agenda topics, only recently has climate change featured prominently in G-8 talks. This paper argues that even though world leaders have been increasingly viewing G-8 meetings as an opportunity to discuss climate change-related developments at the highest level, seldom have they succeeded in achieving major breakthroughs. Nevertheless, Tony Blair’s decision in 2005 to make climate change a core theme of the UK G-8 Presidency, has resulted in significantly advancing international climate change negotiations over the past few years. With the G-20 replacing the G-8 as of 2011, as well as with President Obama in power in the US, future G-20 summits are expected to be far more eventful and productive in terms of promoting climate change mitigation and adaptation. Abbreviations COP Conference of the Parties COP/MOP Conference of the Parties serving as the Meeting of the Parties UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Introduction The Group of Eight (G-8) is one of the most important international forums for dealing with global issues. -
4 Ministerial Meeting of the Gleneagles Dialogue on Climate
4th Ministerial Meeting of the Gleneagles Dialogue on Climate Change, Clean Energy and Sustainable Development (Gleneagles Dialogue) to be Held 1. OUTLINE (1) Dates: March 14 (Fri.)-16 (Sun.), 2008 (2) Venue: Makuhari Messe International Conference Hall, Chiba, Japan (3) Hosted by: Ministry of the Environment, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (4) Participating Countries and Organizations: ・ Environment and Energy Ministers of the G8 countries and other major greenhouse gas-emitting nations including China, India and Brazil (see annex) ・Representatives from the international organizations including the World Bank and the International Energy Agency (IEA) ・Representatives from NGOs/NPOs and industries (5) Environmental Considerations We will minimize the environmental impact of this Meeting by, for example, utilize fuel cell vehicles and purchase renewable energy certificates, among other measures. Furthermore, we plan to offset the greenhouse gasses emitted from holding this Meeting through carbon offsetting. (6) What is the Gleneagles Dialogue? The Ministerial Meeting of the Gleneagles Dialogue on Climate Change, Clean Energy and Sustainable Development was launched as a result of an agreement reached at the G8 Gleneagles Summit held in the United Kingdom in 2005. At the Meeting, environment and energy ministers of the G8 member states as well as other major greenhouse gas-emitting nations such as China, India and Brazil will discuss issues on technology, finance and the future framework for addressing climate change with important input provided by relevant organizations such as the World Bank and the IEA. 2. FOR THE PRESS Accreditation Although this meeting is closed to the public, journalists will be permitted to cover some parts of the meeting by obtaining accreditation beforehand by filling in the on-line registration form. -
Explaining BRICS Outreach: Motivations and Institutionalization
INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS RESEARCH JOURNAL. Vol. 15. No 2 (2020) Explaining BRICS Outreach: Motivations and Institutionalization H. Zhao, D. Lesage Huanyu Zhao – PhD, Researcher, Ghent Institute for International Studies (GIIS), Ghent University – Department of Political Science; 8 Universiteitstraat, B9000 Gent, Belgium; Email: [email protected] Dries Lesage – Associate Professor, Ghent Institute for International Studies (GIIS), Ghent University – Department of Political Science; 8 Universiteitstraat, B9000 Gent, Belgium; Email: [email protected] Abstract This article examines and explains the outreach activity of the BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. We focus on two research puzzles: a) the motivations and b) the form and degree of the institutionalization of BRICS outreach. We define outreach as collaborative interaction among BRICS and other actors within and outside the BRICS area and focus on outreach to governments of non-BRICS countries and national top officials representing regional organizations. First, we offer a theoretical framework based on the experiences of the Group of 7/8 (G7/8) and the Group of 20 (G20), considering both commonalities and differences with BRICS. Second, we provide a detailed empirical analysis of BRICS outreach over time. Third, we explain BRICS outreach in light of the theoretical framework and enrich it based on our findings. Methodologically, we draw empirical information from official documents, news media and academic literature. We argue that the outreach activity of a major power grouping is reflective of its internal cohesion, as well as of how it defines its own position in the world and how it is perceived by others.