MASTER'S THESIS M-1486 SNOW, Jr., Hugh Bain UNITED STATES POLICY AND THE 1953 PHILIPPINES PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. The American University, M.A., 1968 Political Science, international law and relations University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan Copyright by Hugh Bain Snow, Jr. 1968 UNITED STATES POLICY AND THE 1953 PHILIPPINES PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION By Hugh Bain Snow, Jr. Submitted to the Faculty of The School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Signature of Committee: ^ Chairman : D a t e : z. y / 7 Dean of Vcfé School Pate AMERICAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MAY 13 1968 WASHINGTON. 0 . t. ? 7 C/7 TABLE OP CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE ................................................ 1 CHAPTER I. THE UNITED STATES AND THE PHILIPPINES IN THE POST-WAR PERIOD ............................... 1 Political Considerations ..................... 3 Strategic-Military Considerations ............ 8 Economic Considerations ....................... l4 II. THE UNITED STATES TAKES THE OFFENSIVE........... 22 Chinese Communist Victory ..................... 23 The Korean W a r ................................ 24 The Hukbalahap Movement ....................... 26 The Bell M i s s i o n ......................... 32 III. EARLY AMERICAN INTEREST IN MAGSAYSAY ........... 37 The 1948 Trip to the United S t a t e s .......... 4l The 1950 Visit to the United S t a t e s .......... 43 American Support of Magsaysay for the Defense Secretary Post ..................... 46 Magsaysay as Secretary of National Defense . 49 IV. THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF AMERICAN INVOLVEMENT IN 1953 E L E C T I O N S ............................. 60 Resume of Election Preparations ............... 6l The Nature of the C a m p a i g n ................... 69 PAGE Official United States Position During the Election ............................... 76 United States Participation Contrary to Official Policy ........................... 82 The Role of the American P r e s s ............... 90 V. THE PHILIPPINES REACHES POLITICAL MATURITY . 94 Results of the E l e c t i o n ..................... 94 Significance of the Election to Philippine Politics ..................... 95 Rationale of United States Policy .......... 98 Significance of the Election to United States Asian Policy ........................ 104 Weaknesses of United States Policy ............ 109 Strengths of United States Policy ............ II5 Concluding Remarks ............................. 120 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 122 PREFACE A cardinal principle of American foreign policy has been the traditional United States reluctance to interfere in another state's internal matters. A comprehensive look at American diplomatic history, however, vividly shows that while the United States has been hesitant to take part in the domestic affairs or another nation, it certainly has not refrained from making its own views known, and openly inter­ vening when the situation required extreme measures to protect American interests. The 1953 Philippine presidential election is a good case in point to show how the United States exerted influence in a skillful and effective way in order to achieve desired objectives, but avoid if possible the charge of internal meddling. Although the official strategy strictly adhered to a "hands off" policy during the campaign and at the polls, American representatives in the Philip­ pines impressed upon Philippine leaders that the United States would not tolerate a repeat performance of the 19^9 presidential election— an event that became dubiously known in the islands as the "dirty" election. This paper seeks to determine and discuss the United States policy with respect to the 1953 Philippines election. In so doing the broad outlines of post-war Philippines- American relations are traced; particular emphasis is placed on the impact that international and domestic Filipino developments in the early 1950's had on United States' intentions and courses of action, and vice-versa. Only by setting this election against the backdrop of the Cold War can the United States ' interests in the proceedings and results be understood. The following objectives served as research guidelines: l) to determine the nature and extent of American involvement in the 1953 election, 2) to analyze the basic assumptions underlying United States policy and 3) to evaluate the significance of this election with subsequent United States Asian policy. The decision to write on this topic was indeed a fortunate one. Faced with the distinct possibility that the subject would be too sensitive to adequately research, it came as a pleasant surprise to find that information was readily available and plentiful but hard to assess in terms of veracity. Aside from any deficiencies that may be present in its contents, writing this paper has given the author the opportunity to discover what could be called the "stuff" of international politics. A greater appre­ ciation for the scope of international issues has been gained. Having to deal with the problems associated with the search for information, and the chance to discuss the event with some of the participants has made this a very ii worthwhile exercise. Assistance rendered by Professors William Y. Elliott and Millidge P. Waiker of the American University and H. Bradford Westerfield of Yale University has been greatly appreciated. A personal interview with former Deputy Director of Mission to the Philippines, William S. B. Lacy, was an invaluable source of first-hand information. Correspondence with former Ambassador to the Philippines, Admiral Raymond A. Spruance, provided another excellent primary source. Although many holes remain in the obtainable information thus far uncovered on this topic, it is believed that sufficient evidence has been accumulated to make possible a reasonable reconstruction of United States policy with regards to this election, and an accurate appraisal of the policy in light of the circumstances present at the time and those likely to have developed in the future. iii CHAPTER I THE UNITED STATES AND THE PHILIPPINES IN THE POST-WAR PERIOD The United States faced many problems of catastrophic proportions following World War II. Half the world lay in ruins. Traditional political and economic patterns had been severely altered during the war. Perhaps most significantly tne old balance of power system in Europe had been destroyed. Two non-European powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, emerged from the rubble. Both were destined to con­ trol the international system by virtue of their superior power status around the world. The United States, a new and inexperienced leader in great-power international politics and essentially satisfied with its post-war standing, embarked on a status quo policy based on objectives of world order, stability, and internal security. It can be said that American diplomats assumed the awesome job of maintaining tne relative power positions in the world under an umbrella of peaceful change. That Soviet-American interests were bound to clash after 19^5 can be attributed to Soviet moves in Eastern Europe immediately after the war, and to the slowly formu­ lated American contention that the Soviet Union had expan­ sionist objectives that could not be tolerated. What 2 followed will not be dealt with here. This confrontation, nonetheless, was not limited to Europe. American interests in Asia reflect the same general pattern that was followed elsewhere in the world. Political stability and economic viability were the goals. China was looked upon to fill the power vacuum created by Japan's de­ feat, and to redress the balance in the Par East. Korea, a rehabilitated Japan and the Philippines would provide a measure of local dominance over Soviet intentions. To bolster all these countries and to protect our own interests in the Pacific, American military forces remained in the Par East at widely-scattered points. But as time progressed it became evident that internal problems in China had reduced her ability to carry on a role of leadership in the Far East. Accordingly the United States, faced with growing area instability, coupled with the decline in British strength and the rise of Soviet in­ fluence, found itself with the choice of either withdrawing to a more tenable position, or digging in to meet the Soviet threat. An assessment of our post-war Asian interests and the legacy of our past achievements there actually left us with no alternative but to embrace the latter. In this respect, particular reference is made to our colonial admin­ istration in the Philippines and the belief that political, strategic and economic considerations toward that country 3 made our continued presence in East Asia imperative. The political implications will be discussed first, followed by an analysis of the strategic and economic matters. Political Considerations It is generally conceded by most historians that United States colonial rule in the Philippines was truly unique in many ways. Following the brutal defeat of the Filipino patriot Aquinaldo in 1901, a civilian colonial government was established. From the beginning of its admin­ istration the United States made it clear to the Filipinos that as soon as they had reached a sufficient level of po­ litical and social maturity they would be granted independ­ ence. In the meantime, however, the occupation was charac­ terized by a desire to make this island nation into a