ART. I.-The Exploded Myth of Agniku.Las

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

ART. I.-The Exploded Myth of Agniku.Las ART. I.-The exploded Myth of Agniku.las. BY c. v. VAIDYA, M.A., LL.B. It is well-known that of the 36 traditional Royal Kshatriya families of India four are considered as Agnikulas or fire-born, viz., the Chauhan, the Chalukya, the Paramar and the Pratihara. That is to say while some of the 36 are considered as solar race and others are considered as lunar race Kshatrivas these four a.re looked upon as fire-born or Agnikulas. This idea is generally entertained even now and is, in fact. the orthodox view, so to say, with the present day Rajputs. For example, the princes of Kota, Bundi and Sirohi who are Chauhan Rajputs fully believe that they are Agnikulas or fire-born Kshatriyas. The story of this birth from fire of these four clans is given, for the first time, I think. by Chand Bard3i, the bard of Prithviriij Chauhan in his well-known poem the Prithviraj Rasa, and as this poem enjoys the prestige of the Mahabharata. in the eye of the Rajputs, the story is implicitly believed by them. The story is thus given in Rasii. Samaya I Rupaka 127 : ''Once the Rishis wished to perform a sacrifice on Mount Abu ; but they were molested by Rakshasas. They implored Vasishtha to protect them and he performed a special sacrifice on his fire and brought out four warriors in succession. first the Pratihara, then the Chalukya,. then the Paramar and when these three could not defeat or destroy the Rakshasas there came out the fourth Chahumana, a four armed terrible being and he by the aid and blessing of Durga Bhaviini and the various gods defeated and dispersed the demons or Danavas." The story is of course intended to emphasise the greatness of the progenitor of the Chauhan clan to which the poet's hero Pri­ thviraj belonged. And,it is based on a Puranic account about the founding of the Achalesvara temple by Vasishtha on Mount Abu or Arbuda.; but the story of Vasish(ha's sacrifice with the hirth of four warriors is unquestionably a creation from the poet's l11·ain and has 110 Puranic foundation. But as the poem gained popularity with the Rajputs, it came to be universally accepted and all the Hajput families including the four so-called A~nikula clans themselves believe in it implicitly. 3 2 THE EXPLODED :\IYTH OF AGNIKULAS. Now epigraphic evidence has already proved that this story is merely the poet Chand's creation, for stone-records show that these four clans did not represent themselves as Agnikulas from the 9th to the 1:!th century (when the Risa is believed to have been composed) and even later. The Pratihii.ra, the first, and the Chauhan the fourth clan Ra.jputs are said in the records to be solar-race Kshatriyas, while the Chalukyas are represented as lunar-race Kshatriya.s. There is still some doubt about the Para.mars who alone are said to be fire-born in their records ; but as I shall show later on, thev too did not look upon themselves as Agnikulas but as solar-rac~ Kshatriyas. Thus the records of these clans themselves of the 10th to 13th or 14th centuries declare them to be Solar or Lunar race Kshatriyas and yet strangely enough they believe themselves now tu be Agnikulas. Epigraphic records have been discovered by scores since the days of Tod and it is no wonder that Tod gave by his acceptance of the Agnikula tradition, its final authority. But it is strange that after the discovery of these records historians should still stick to the Agnikula myth and should still adhere to the inference they used to draw from it, viz., that the Rajputs generally, and the four clan Ra.jputs especially, are descended from foreign peoples who have been incorporated into Hindu society by the Brahmins in recent times by a fictitious process of purification by fire. Sir William Crooke who has just edited (1920) the famous history of Tod, with notes based on up-to-date information. observes in his introduction " The Annals describe how bv a solemn act of purification or initiation, under the superiritendence of one of the ancient Vedic Rishis, the fire-born septs were created to help the Brahmins in suppressing Buddhism and other heresies and in establishing the ancient social polity, the temporary downfall of which under the stress of foreign invasion is carefully concealed in the Hindu literature. This privilege was, we are told confined to four septs known as Agnikula, the Paramar, the Parihar, the Chalukya or Solanki and the Chauhan." Though Sir William Crooke adds that Para.mar was the only dan which laid chim to this distinction before the time of the poet Chand who flourished in the 12th century of our era, he is not yet prep'l.red to abandon the whole myth as a poet's fancy and abrnion also the theory of the foreign descent of the RJ.jputs whh:1 is principally based on this story of the Agnikula creat'on. Ct seerni, however, that the story of the Agnikula ore:i.tion s not only an em'l.nation from a poetic brain but is based ·urther up m a miiconception of that poet's idea. For it appears that even Chand did not intend to put forth a new race or- Vamsa for the Iour ,,Jans wh~, as epigraphic 3 THE EXPLODED MYTH OF AGNIKULAS. 3 ,records prove, in his time and before him and even after him ;believed themselves to be solar or lunar race Kshatriyas. I .Propose in this paper to place before you the considerations and arguments which substantiate these two positions. It must be stated at the outset that nobo<ly attaches any .historical value even to the solar or lunar race tradition in the sense that some races were actually born from the sun or the .moon. For nobody can believe that these orbs could have been the progenitors of human races. The tradition is, however, important in the sense that this belief is very ancient and goes .back even to the Vedas and it shows that Aryan peoples came to India in Vedic times in two hordes which called themselves .solar race people and lunar race people. .The coming of two -different hordes of Aryan peoples into India is shown even by linguistic differences still existing as expounded by Sir R. ·Grierson who to my mind was the first to point out the coming into India of two hordes of Aryans in ancient times. The addition of a third race not Aryan but Turanian in recent times, i.e., in centuries later than the Christian era is supposed to be -evidenced by the Agnikula tradition, and it is argued that these foreigners Sakas and Huns, Gujars and Mehers were incorporated into the Kshatriya caste already existing by the fictitious process of purification by fire. The question, therefore, is impor­ tant whether the four clans Chauhan, Chalukya, Paramara and Pratihara did represent themselves as Agnikulas in early times, and if not whether Chand Ba.rdai, the writer of the Prithviraja Rii.sa really represents them as other than solar and lunar race Kshatriyas. The answer to both questions is in the negative as I proceed to show. That the Chauhans represented themselves in their records .as solar race Kshatriyas is now admitted on all hands. The Harsha stone inscription dated V. E. 1030 or A. D. 952 (Ep. lnd. II. p. 119) shows distinctly that the Chiihama:r!as were believed to be solar race Kshatryas ( ~"fi~('I') ~ ~('l'T ~~~ ). The Prithviraj Vijaya, a poem written by another poet in the court of Prithviraj himself as shown by }Ir. Harbilas Sarda of Ajmere, distinctly calls the Chauhans as solar race Kshatriy~ (e. g., he ruled over the heads of kings like his ancestor the sun) and Harbilas further says that an inscription of Visaldeo IV (A.D. 1153-63) also states the same. The Hamir Mahii.kavya gives the same extraction (Hamir being a noted Chauhan king after Prithviraj and the Kavya being composed after 1400 A.D.) and gives a different story from that of the Riisii.. It says that once Brahma.deva or the <ireator wished to perform a sacrifice and as he was revolving 3 4 THE EXPLODED MYTH OF AGNIKULAS. this idea in his mind the lotus in his hand fell. The place where­ it fell on the earth became the Pushkar or lotus lake and there· a sae;rifice was performed and for its protection the sun gave a powerful warrior, viz., the first Cha.hamii.na. This story brings the Pushka.r lake, the worship of Brahma, who has his temple there alone in the whole of India, and the Chauhan kings who ruled this land, together in one legend. These inscriptions and stories bring out the fact that in the 10th to the 14th centuries, the Chahamanas were believed to be solar race Kshatriyas. It may be noted that the Bijolia inscription of Samvat 1226 says that the first noted Chauhan king Siimanta was born of a Brahmin of the Vatsa. gotra ; but this does not contra.diet the solar race tradition, much less assign them a fire-origin (B. R. .A. S. Vol. L','). The case of the Pratihara. Ra.jputs is equally clear. The Gwalior inscription of Bhoja published by Mr. D.R. Bhandarkar (Arch. S. R. 1903-4, p. 280) gives a detailed history of the line and states that the Pratiharas were descended from Lakshma.r;ia., brother of Rama.
Recommended publications
  • Castes and Caste Relationships
    Chapter 4 Castes and Caste Relationships Introduction In order to understand the agrarian system in any Indian local community it is necessary to understand the workings of the caste system, since caste patterns much social and economic behaviour. The major responses to the uncertain environment of western Rajasthan involve utilising a wide variety of resources, either by spreading risks within the agro-pastoral economy, by moving into other physical regions (through nomadism) or by tapping in to the national economy, through civil service, military service or other employment. In this chapter I aim to show how tapping in to diverse resource levels can be facilitated by some aspects of caste organisation. To a certain extent members of different castes have different strategies consonant with their economic status and with organisational features of their caste. One aspect of this is that the higher castes, which constitute an upper class at the village level, are able to utilise alternative resources more easily than the lower castes, because the options are more restricted for those castes which own little land. This aspect will be raised in this chapter and developed later. I wish to emphasise that the use of the term 'class' in this context refers to a local level class structure defined in terms of economic criteria (essentially land ownership). All of the people in Hinganiya, and most of the people throughout the village cluster, would rank very low in a class system defined nationally or even on a district basis. While the differences loom large on a local level, they are relatively minor in the wider context.
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Caste Relations and Emerging Contestations in Punjab
    CHANGING CASTE RELATIONS AND EMERGING CONTESTATIONS IN PUNJAB PARAMJIT S. JUDGE When scholars and political leaders characterised Indian society as unity in diversity, there were simultaneous efforts in imagining India as a civilisational unity also. The consequences of this ‘imagination’ are before us in the form of the emergence of religious nationalism that ultimately culminated into the partition of the country. Why have I started my discussion with the issue of religious nationalism and partition? The reason is simple. Once we assume that a society like India could be characterised in terms of one caste hierarchical system, we are essentially constructing the discourse of dominant Hindu civilisational unity. Unlike class and gender hierarchies which are exist on economic and sexual bases respectively, all castes cannot be aggregated and arranged in hierarchy along one axis. Any attempt at doing so would amount to the construction of India as essentially the Hindu India. Added to this issue is the second dimension of hierarchy, which could be seen by separating Varna from caste. Srinivas (1977) points out that Varna is fixed, whereas caste is dynamic. Numerous castes comprise each Varna, the exception to which is the Brahmin caste whose caste differences remain within the caste and are unknown to others. We hardly know how to distinguish among different castes of Brahmins, because there is complete absence of knowledge about various castes among them. On the other hand, there is detailed information available about all the scheduled castes and backward classes. In other words, knowledge about castes and their place in the stratification system is pre- determined by the enumerating agency.
    [Show full text]
  • Aryan Tribes, and on the 'Rājput'
    295 ART. X.—Notes on the Origin of the 'Lunar' and 'Solar7 Aryan Tribes, and on the ' Rajput' Clans. By B. If. BADEN-POWELL, C.I.E., M.E.A.S. BY way of explanation, I may be permitted to say that having been for some time engaged on an inquiry into the history of the various kinds of Indian landlord tenure,1 not as a matter of theory, but on the basis of local facts, it became necessary to consider the origin and distribution of the tribes or clans to which the landlord classes most commonly belong. A number of notes were thus accumulated ; and I thought it might be useful to put them together, much more in the hope of receiving correction, and of thus gaining information, than with the design of imparting it. It at once appears, as regards Northern India, that of the superior proprietor class when ' Hindu,' or at least originally Hindu, a large proportion belongs to the tribes known as 'Rajput.' Some of the higher families, however, now resent being so designated, and call themselves 'Kshatriya.'2 The latter name,- again, is usually understood to have reference to the military and ruling caste of ancient times, 1 Which I hope eventually to publish in continuation of my study of the Indian village communities and their tenures. 2 Or in the spoken form Chatri. This, in fact, is the equivalent of 'Kshatriya,' and not the word Khatri, which is also in use but indicates quite another caste. The latter has no real connection with the old military order, though sometimes attempts are made to assert such a connection.
    [Show full text]
  • Cc-5: History of India(Ce 750-1206) Iii
    CC-5: HISTORY OF INDIA(CE 750-1206) III. AGRARIAN STUCTURE AND SOCIAL CHANGE: (C). PROLIFERATION OF CASTES: STATUS OF UNTOUCHABLES The caste system, which had been established much earlier continued to be the basis of the society in the Early Medieval times as well. But there were important changes within the caste system. The orthodox section during the period accepted heredity instead of culture as the deciding factor in the determination of castes. Varna and Jati began to be regarded as virtually synonymous. The varnas were far outnumbered by ever proliferating jatis. The problems of understanding the social organization of early medieval times from the points of view of the unchanging four-varna model have been sometimes recognized by the then theorists themselves, tacitly or explicitly. This is seen in the attempt at presenting an image of the society divided into only two tiers: the dvija (literally twice-born, but actually denoting the brahmana) and advija (literally the non-twice born, but actually meaning the sudra). This view at least theoretically omits the existence of the kshatriya and the vaishya as significant social groups. Such a situation is particularly noticeable in early medieval Bengal and Tamil-speaking areas. The law givers of early medieval times were clearly aware of the rise in the number of jatis, a social phenomenon explained by them in terms of innumerable matrimonial combinations and permutations within the over-arching four-fold vama order. The jati or more precisely mishrajatis, according to the latest stratum of the Vedic literature numbered eight in addition to the four vamas.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter: Iii Origin, History and Introduction of the Rajputs (Kshatriyas)
    CHAPTER: III ORIGIN, HISTORY AND INTRODUCTION OF THE RAJPUTS (KSHATRIYAS) Sr.No. Details Page No. 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Origin and History of the Rajputs (Kshatriyas) 3.3 The Origin and History of Karadiya Rajputs 3.4 Peculiarities of Karadiya Rajputs 3.5 Folk life of Karadiya Rajputs 3.6 Conclusion References 210 CHAPTER: III ORIGIN, HISTORY AND INTRODUCTION OF THE RAJPUTS (KSHATRIYAS) Sr.No. Details PageNo. 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Origin and History of the Rajputs (Kshatriyas) 3.2.1 Preface 3.2.2 The Aryan Culture 3.2.3 The Rise of Rajputs (Kshatriyas) 3.2.4 Varna system and Rajputs 3.2.5 A historical view 3.2.6 The Rajput period 3.2.7 Meaning of the term ‘Rajput’ 3.2.8 The origin of the alternative terms of ‘Kshatriya’ 3.2.8.1 Rajput 3.2.8.2 Thakur 3.2.8.3 Darbar 3.2.8.4 Garasiya 3.2.9 Different Rajput family lines in Gujarat 3.2.10 Rajput Ruling family lines 3.2.11 Mythological origins 3.2.12 The Chandravanshi (born from the Moon) and the Suryavanshi (born from the Sun) 3.2.13 Family lines born of fire 3.2.14 Famous Rajput family lines 3.2.15 Famous royal family lines 3.2.16 Rajput states in the British Rule 3.2.17 The family line from Narayan (Lord Vishnu) to Ramchandra as mentioned in the Purana 3.2.18 The family lines from Shri Ramchandra to Supit and Kanaksen 211 3.2.19 Table showing a list of Rajput family lines 3.2.20 36 royal families and the Rajput family trees 3.2.20.1 Names of 36 royal family trees 3.2.20.2 36 Royal family lines 3.2.20.3 36 Rajput family lines 3.2.20.4 36 Branches of the Rajputs as described by Poet Chand 3.2.20.5
    [Show full text]
  • HISTORY of RAJPUTS in INDIA a Rajput
    HISTORY OF RAJPUTS IN INDIA A Rajput (from Sanskrit raja-putra, “son of a king”) is a member of one of the patrilineal clans of western, central, northern India and some parts of Pakistan. They are descendants of ruling Hindu warrior classes of North India. Rajputs rose to prominence during the 6th to 12th centuries. Until the 20th century, Rajputs ruled in the “overwhelming majority” of the princely states of Rajasthan and Saurashtra, where the largest number of princely states were found. The Rajput population and the former Rajput states are found spread through much of the subcontinent, particularly in north, west and central India. Populations are found in Rajasthan, Saurashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Jammu, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. There are several major subdivisions of Rajputs, known as vansh or vamsha, the step below the super-division jati. These vansh delineate claimed descent from various sources, and the Rajput are generally considered to be divided into three primary vansh: Suryavanshi denotes descent from the solar deity Surya, Chandravanshi from the lunar deity Chandra, and Agnivanshi from the fire deity Agni. Lesser-noted vansh include Udayvanshi, Rajvanshi, and Rishivanshi. The histories of the various vanshs were later recorded in documents known asvanshaavaliis. Beneath the vansh division are smaller and smaller subdivisions: kul, shakh (“branch”), khamp or khanp (“twig”), andnak (“twig tip”). Marriages within a kul are generally disallowed (with some flexibility for kul-mates of different gotralineages). The kul serves as primary identity for many of the Rajput clans, and each kul is protected by a family goddess, the kuldevi.
    [Show full text]
  • Caste in Question: Identity Or Hierarchy? Occasional Studies
    Caste in question Contributions to Indian Sociology Caste in question: Identity or hierarchy? Occasional studies 1. T.N. MADAN, ed., 1976. Muslim communities of South Asia: Society and culture (vol. 6, 1972). New Delhi: Vikas.* 2. SATISH SABERWAL, ed., 1978. Process and institution in urban India: Edited by Sociological studies (vol. 11, no. 1, 1977). New Delhi: Vikas. Second impres- sion (New Delhi: Vikas), 1978.* 3. T.N. MADAN, ed., 1982. Way of life: King, householder, renouncer: Essays Dipankar Gupta in honour of Louis Dumont (vol. 15, nos 1&2, 1981). New Delhi: Vikas. Paris: Maison des Sciences de lHomme. Second impression (New Delhi: Vikas), 1982. Second edition (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass), 1988. 4. VEENA DAS, ed., 1986. The word and the world: Fantasy, symbol and record (vol. 19, no. 1, 1985). New Delhi: Sage.* 5. McKIM MARRIOTT, ed., 1990. India through Hindu categories (vol. 23, no. 1, 1989). New Delhi: Sage. Fifth impression (New Delhi: Sage), 1998. 6. T.N. MADAN, ed., 1995. Muslim communities of South Asia: Culture, society and power (Revised enlarged edition) (vol. 6, 1972). New Delhi: Manohar CONTRIBUTIONS TO INDIAN SOCIOLOGY (First published by Vikas*). OCCASIONAL STUDIES 12 7. PATRICIA UBEROI, ed., 1996. Social reform, sexuality and the state (vol. 29, nos 1&2, 1995). New Delhi: Sage. Third impression, 1998. 8. VEENA DAS, DIPANKAR GUPTA and PATRICIA UBEROI, eds, 1999. Tradition, pluralism and identity: In honour of T.N. Madan (vol. 32, no. 2, 1998). New Delhi: Sage. 9. JONATHAN P. PARRY, JAN BREMAN and KARIN KAPADIA, eds, 1999. The worlds of Indian industrial labour (vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Sons of Krishna: the Politics of Yadav Community Formation in a North Indian Town
    Sons of Krishna: the politics of Yadav community formation in a North Indian town Lucia Michelutti London School of Economics and Political Science University of London PhD Thesis Social Anthropology 2002 UMI Number: U61BB38 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613338 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 TH£ S£ £ f Zosz ABSTRACT This thesis is an ethnographic exploration of the inter-locking relationships between politics, popular democracy, religion and caste/community formation in a North Indian town. This study is conducted through an exploration of the political rhetoric and political participation of a community of Yadavs in Mathura town, western Uttar Pradesh. The Yadavs were traditionally a low- to middle- ranking cluster of pastoral-peasant castes that have become a significant political force in Uttar Pradesh (and other northern states like Bihar) in the last thirty years. The analysis of Yadav political culture involves the historical exploration of varying local conceptions of caste, race, primordialism, socio-religious segmentation, factionalism, history/myth, politics and democracy. Throughout the thesis runs a concern with the elaboration of a theoretical framework which makes sense of the transformation of the caste system, and its interrelations with modem politics and Hinduism.
    [Show full text]
  • 8 Charan Identities
    In praise of death : history and poetry in medieval Marwar (South Asia) Kamphorst, J. Citation Kamphorst, J. (2008, June 18). In praise of death : history and poetry in medieval Marwar (South Asia). Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12986 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) Licence agreement concerning inclusion of doctoral thesis in the License: Institutional Repository of the University of Leiden Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12986 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). 8 Charan Identities “In these golden times of Rajput life when swords were never allowed to rust nor steeds to rest, and the bard was always wanted at the side of the warrior as a witness of his deeds and a singer of his praises, the lavishness of the chiefs to the bards had known no limits”, wrote Tessitori (1917a: 250) in a style which perhaps knowingly resembled the effusive style of Charan poets, generally described as the “bards” of Rajput rulers in colonial sources. Charan poets are believed to have stood at the cradle of what is generally known as the “Rajput Great Tradition”, the heritage that underpins the worldview and ruling ambitions of noble Rajput lineages. Till date, Marwar’s exceptionally literate Charan community’s self-image centres upon claims to a high- ranking socio-political status which originated with their prominent positions at Rajput courts as poet-kings, poet-historians, ministers, political advisors, warriors and protectors of forts and havelis (polapaṭ).406 The elite literary and courtly status ascribed to Charan poets can probably be traced to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the “glory days” of Dimgal poetry, when Charan Dimgal poetry came to be seen as a literary court tradition analogous to the gradual increase of Rajput dominance in the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Punjabi Musalmans
    Marke Co-nperanve ^C. KARACHI V.ctona Road. ^Yest Pakistan. PUNJABI MUSALMANS Lt. Col. J.M. Wikeley Second Edition THE BOOK HOUSE 8, Trust Building P.O. Box 734, LAHORE. Price Bs. 7-50 LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 1 'Punjabi Musalmans' by Captain Hamilton. 2 The Gazetteers of the Punjab and North Western Frontier Province. 3 Census Report 1891, 1901, 1911 and 1931, 4 Tod's 'Rajasthan'. -\ ^ 5 Thompson's 'History of India'. '^ 6 Elphinstone's 'History of India'. I 7 McGrindle's 'Ancient India' Vj ^ ? Handbooks an 'Rajputs, Jats and Gujars . 9 Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North Western Frontier Province. 10 'The Gypsies of India' by Mackeritchie. 11 'A History of the Muglia:l&=^:egatt£' Asia' by N. Elias and Printed By : Muhammad Saeed Sheikh at ACCURATE PRINTERS And Publisaed by Him fOR THE BOOK HOUSE, LAHORE. The aim in produciug this book is to put into an easily accessible form and as much informative as possi- ble concerning the history, customs etc., of the people of Punjab who have embraced Islam. This book gives the origin and history of almost all the important Punjabi Tribes. Publisher PUNJABI MUSALMANS Chapter I The term Punjabi Musalmans roughly describes those Muslim Classes and Tribes which are to be found m that portion of the Punjab and North West Frontier Pro- vince which lies between the Indus and the Sullej Rivers to the South of the main Himalavan Range. This includes Hazara District, portion of Jammu and Poonch (Kash- mir territory), and the Hill Tracts of Rawalpindi District.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Were the Shudras
    D:\AMBEDKAR\VOL-07\CONTENT Mk S.K.—26-09-2013>DK>9-11-2013\M 1 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Source Material Publication Committee, Maharashtra State EDITORIAL BOARD 1SHRI KAMALKISHOR KADAM .. .. .. PRESIDENT MINISTER FOR EDUCATION 2PROF. JAVED KHAN .. .. .. VICE-PRESIDENT EDUCATION MINISTER FOR STATE 3SHRI R. S. GAVAI .. .. .. VICE-PRESIDENT 4SHRI DADASAHEB RUPAVATE .. .. .. EXECUTIVE PRESIDENT 5SHRI B. C. KAMBLE .. .. .. MEMBER 6DR. P. T. BORALE .. .. .. MEMBER 7SHRI GHANSHYAM TALVATKAR .. .. .. MEMBER 8SHRI SHANKARRAO KHARAT .. .. .. MEMBER 9SHRIMATI SHANTABAI DANI .. .. .. MEMBER 10 SHRI WAMAN NIMBALKAR .. .. .. MEMBER 11 SHRI PRAKASH AMBEDKAR .. .. .. MEMBER 12 SHRI R. R. BHOLE .. .. .. MEMBER 13 SHRI S. S. REGE .. .. .. MEMBER 14 DR. BHALCHANDRA PHADKE .. .. .. MEMBER 15 SHRI DAYA PAWAR .. .. .. MEMBER 16 SHRI LAXMAN MANE .. .. .. MEMBER 17 PROF. N. D. PATIL .. .. .. MEMBER 18 PROF. MORESHWAR VANMALI .. .. .. MEMBER 19 PROF. JANARDAN WAGHMARE .. .. .. MEMBER 20 BARRISTER P. G. PATIL .. .. .. MEMBER 21 DR. M. P. MANGUDKAR .. .. .. MEMBER 22 PROF. G. P. PRADHAN .. .. .. MEMBER 23 SHRI B. M. AMBHAIKAR .. .. .. MEMBER 24 SHRI N. M. KAMBLE .. .. .. MEMBER 25 PROF. J. C. CHANDURKAR .. .. .. MEMBER 26 SHRI GIRISH KHOBRAGADE .. .. .. MEMBER 27 SECRETARY, EDUCATION DEPARTMENT .. .. MEMBER 28 DIRECTOR OF EDUCATION .. .. .. MEMBER- SECRETARY 29 SHRI V. W. MOON, O.S.D. .. .. .. MEMBER D:\AMBEDKAR\VOL-07\CONTENT Mk S.K.—26-09-2013>DK>9-11-2013\S 2 BLANK D:\AMBEDKAR\VOL-07\CONTENT Mk S.K.—26-09-2013>DK>9-11-2013\M 3 FOREWORD The seventh volume of the Writings and Speeches of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar contains two of his most memorable contributions to the sociological literature of the modern India, viz. (1) ‘Who were the Shudras?- How they came to be the Fourth Varna in the Indo-Aryan Society;’ and (2) ‘The Untouchables- Who Were They and Why They Became Untouchables?’ Both these works have influenced the thinking of the present century which has witnessed emergence of the individual as the autonomous unit in the constitutional jurisprudence of equality and liberty.
    [Show full text]
  • Univerza V Ljubljani Filozofska Fakulteta Oddelek Za Bibliotekarstvo, Informacijsko Znanost in Knjigarstvo
    UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI FILOZOFSKA FAKULTETA ODDELEK ZA BIBLIOTEKARSTVO, INFORMACIJSKO ZNANOST IN KNJIGARSTVO Primerjava Encyclopædie Britannice in Wikipedie glede pokritosti vsebinskega področja X Mogul (Mughal) dinasty in India Profesor: doc. dr. Jure Dimec Študentka: Anja Jerše Ljubljana, december 2009 Izvleček: V seminarski nalogi je predstavljena primerjava med dvema spletnima enciklopedijama: Wikipedijo ter Encyclopædijo Britannico. Najprej je primerjava izvedena opisno – s primerjanjem njunih nemerljivih lastnosti, nato pa s pomočjo štetja tematik (ki jih predstavljajo hiperpovezave). Kot osnova sta bila izbrana dva nivoja spletnih strani tematike Mughal dynasty. Ugotovljeno je bilo, da imata obe enciklopediji pozitivne in negativne lastnosti. Wikipedija vsebuje veliko več hiperpovezav, ki pa so uporabljene precej nedosledno. Veliko pojmov je napačno zapisanih, povezave so nedelujoče ipd. Encyclopædija Britannica vsebuje hiperpovezave, ki so v veliki meri povezane z izbrano tematiko ter se od nje pretirano ne oddaljujejo. Povezave so ustvarjene dosledno, so delujoče ter pravilno zapisane, tematiko predstavi z vseh vidikov, Wikipedija pa pretirava s hiperpovezavami, ki bralca prehitro odvrnejo od osnovne tematike. Ključne besede: Wikipedia, Encyclopædia Britannica, hiperpovezave 2 KAZALO 1. Uvod............................................................................................................................... 4 2. Prednosti in slabosti .......................................................................................................
    [Show full text]