Beyond Identity: Social Relations for International Conict and Cooperation

Dissertation

Presented in partial fulllment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of e Ohio State University

By

Kathleen E. Powers, B.S., B.S., M.A.

Graduate Program in Political Science e Ohio State University



Dissertation Committee: Richard K. Herrmann, Advisor Christopher Gelpi Kathleen McGraw William Minozzi ©Copyright by

Kathleen E. Powers

 Abstract

How can groups overcome conict and cooperate with one another in international pol- itics? Strong group identities contribute to conict — from nationalism driving WWII to sectarian ethnic groups inciting violence in Iraq. As a result, scholars oen turn to the seemingly simple solution of bringing competing groups together as a single community — uniting rivals France and Germany under a common European identity is meant to sustain cooperation on the continent. I argue that this approach is fraught with difficulty: nation- alism within a state promotes militaristic foreign policy, and communities formed among heterogeneous states are both difficult to maintain and potentially problematic as trust only extends to representative community members.

I argue that different social relations shape the meaning, and ultimately the effects, of identity. On one hand individuals can understand their identity group as a community, where maintaining the group’s unity requires a separation between “us” and “them” and justies intergroup conict but not cooperation. On the other, relations can be dened by equality and reciprocity, among individuals who see themselves as one of a set of equals that compose the group. e latter produces a conceptually and practically distinct understand- ing of social identity — one that can accommodate diversity not only within but also outside of the group. I argue that bridging competing groups with equality produces cooperation while avoiding the conictual pitfalls associated with strong community identities.

ii I test this argument and the microfoundations of cooperation and conict in three em- pirical chapters. e rst two present the results of online survey experiments, and demon- strate that the relationship between strong national identities and foreign policy preferences depends upon the relational content that underlies the national identity. e third analyzes public opinion data from a cross-national survey of individuals in  European states to probe the type of transnational identity that fosters cooperation in a transnational group.

Across the three studies, I nd that identities based on equality promote cooperative ten- dencies, while identities based on community can produce more conictual preferences.

iii Acknowledgements

My road to the PhD has been full of many twists and turns, most of which I would not have been able to navigate without the support and advice of the people who surround me.

I owe a great debt to my advisor, Rick Herrmann. He has supported me since he per- suaded me to come to Ohio State  years ago. Rick has been a reliable sounding board for ideas, and I have learned and grown as a scholar in each of our many conversations. His connection to foreign policy and constant search for concrete examples of theory in action has changed the way I write and approach my work — for the better. I thank him for being as generous with his time as he is with feedback, and will continue to hone research throughout my career with his advice in the background.

Chris Gelpi arrived in Columbus at precisely the right time to shape how I thought about my dissertation. I thank him for believing in the project from its earliest stages, and for the thoughtful insights that have had a profound impact on the direction of this project. He taught me to sharpen the way that I discuss my contributions, and his infectious enthusiasm leaves me newly invigorated about my work each time I meet with him.

I thank Kathleen McGraw for spurring my enthusiasm for political psychology. I learned most of what I know about public opinion and the broader world of political psychology from her courses, each of which introduced me to the fascinating questions behind my cur- rent agenda. I am also indebted to her for always reminding me to think rigorously about research design. Her keen eye for valid experimental instruments has shaped the way that I approach each of my projects, and they have improved immeasurably as a result.

iv I thank William Minozzi for his detailed feedback on my research and for pushing me to become a better writer and scholar. Perhaps more importantly, I thank him for bringing a unique perspective to my work, on that leads me to think differently about my theories and evidence each time I step into his office. I thank him, too, for his cumulative advice about various aspects of professional academic life — from setting medium- and long-term goals, to creating realistic timelines and remembering to read e Cra of Research.

I thank my graduate student colleagues, who enriched my time at OSU intellectually and otherwise. Sebastien Mainville provided me with reliable and helpful comments on my work, stimulating academic discussions, and friendship throughout our  years as members of the  IR cohort. Regular coffee trips with Carolyn Morgan immensely improved my

nal semester, and her comments on this dissertation have proven invaluable. Erin Graham,

Eleonora Mattiacci, and Emily Lynch merit recognition as not only my brilliant and helpful colleagues but my favorite running buddies. I am also thankful to Matt Hitt, Marina Duque,

Raphael Cunha, Nyron Crawford, Vittorio Merola, and Jessy Defenderfer, each of whom le a positive mark on my graduate school experience through their feedback, friendship, or both. I especially thank my mentor, colleague, and friend, Josh Kertzer. Working with

Josh taught me more about professionalization, navigating the discipline, the importance of presentation, and framing good research questions than I can reasonably expand upon lest I write another book. e length of my appendices alone is a testament to his inuence. Josh’s condence in my ability to make a contribution to the eld was a major force behind my drive to complete this degree, and I cannot thank him enough.

I thank Larry Baum, Bear Braumoeller, Jennifer Mitzen, Mike Neblo, Tom Nelson, Randy

Schweller, Alex ompson, and Alex Wendt, all members of the OSU faculty who have pro- vided me with comments or advice at various times on this project and throughout graduate

v school. Each has made me a better teacher and/or scholar through feedback on my research, stimulating seminar discussions, and passing conversations. I also thank my colleagues out- side of the department who provided valuable feedback on portions of this project including

Jonathan Renshon, Brian Rathbun, Aaron Rapport, and Debbie Larson.

I acknowledge the support of the Mershon Center for International Security Studies and the Decision Sciences Collaborative at Ohio State. Each provided me with the nancial support required to fund my experimental work and for that I am most grateful.

I thank my parents for fueling my passion to learn, and Judi Powers for inspiring a love of reading that has carried me through life. Even though they are not quite sure what it is I do every day – and the fault for that surely lies with me – I thank my entire family for believing in me during the most demanding parts of writing this dissertation. ank you to all of my nieces and nephews for making everything better and brighter every day.

I thank several people whose friendship has enriched my life and made the challenges within and outside of academia far less daunting. Discussions with Kallie LaPier and Jor- dan LaPier helped me to connect theory to practice, and their friendship is a constant in a world full of variables. Ann Palcisco, Sara Florkey, Randa Johnson, Lydia Bolander, and

Jess Reback supported me on and off the rugby pitch and make Columbus a wonderful place.

Melissa Kleis and Angela Carlberg provided culinary comfort, while Diego Zaccai and Ed- die Worbis furnished technical support in addition to their friendship. Finally, I thank Dave

Lieberman, whose implacable optimism has lled in for my own condence more than once.

He also deserves credit for a portion of this project aer suggesting that Kennedy might have agreed with the implications of my theory. He has experienced my frustrations and celebrated my successes throughout graduate school, and while an adequate expression of appreciation eludes me, I make an effort by including this sincere, if brief, “thanks.”

vi Vita

 ...... B.S. Political Science, Arizona State University

 ...... B.S. Psychology, Arizona State University

 ...... M.A. e Ohio State University

-present ...... Graduate Student, e Ohio State University

Publications

Joshua D. Kertzer, Brian C. Rathbun, Kathleen E. Powers, and Ravi Iyer. “Moral Support:

How Moral Values Shape Foreign Policy Preferences.” e Journal of Politics, (), -.

Fields of Study

Major Field: Political Science

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ƉƏ throughout the international system, it would merely provide the conditions for global civil war.

e scholarship that I discuss in this chapter relies fundamentally upon ideas about how individuals identify with social groups, and how this identity shapes behavior. Within com- munities of people, where members identify with the family, tribe, or other group that they share, we have come to expect cooperation and helping behavior along with limited vio- lence inside of the community. e mechanisms that drive these outcomes are rooted in the individual level, but for the political scientists who study the role of identity in coop- eration and conict, they scale up to the national and transnational levels. erefore in chapter  I explain, in-depth, the psychological microfoundations of the arguments in favor of community-building among competing groups. I will show that work in both psychology and political science explains three important phenomena: () how identities can contribute to intergroup conict, () why building collective community identities oen emerges as a solution, and () why this strategy can be problematic. Central to my critical review, I argue that there is some promise that under the right conditions, building community identities can pave the way for positive intergroup relations. However, there are at least three ways, discussed in chapter , that it presents a suboptimal solution. Focusing on community, to the exclusion of adding more tools to our theoretical toolkit, could thus ultimately be detrimental to answering the important question that opens this chapter — how can groups overcome conict and cooperate with one another in international politics?

In one attempt at delivering a new answer to this old question, I argue that political sci- entists should expand our understanding of cooperative intergroup relations beyond com- munity. Instead of looking at group identity — as the solution to intergroup conict — through the lens of a de facto community arrangement, I turn to an investigation into how

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Ɗƈ Chapter  examines the second problem that I identity in this dissertation, regarding transnational communities as a way to promote regional or global security cooperation. e work reviewed above, mainly from the constructivist tradition of IR scholarship, maintains that when states share a community identity they will be prone to cooperation. My theory suggests that community identities will actually impede cooperation, but that identities built on equality can promote cooperation instead. I test this argument with public opinion data from a cross-national survey of Europeans.

Chapter  summarizes the ndings of the dissertation and the theoretical contribution.

I discuss the implications of my ndings for the problems at the core of the project including the complex relationship between nationalism and militarism and theories of international cooperation. I also discuss the implications of my work for identity measurement and policy debates in the European Union and directions for future research.

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ƎƎ the standard common ingroup identity model, promote less tolerant and more belligerent foreign policy. Flipping this study around, promoting EM relations prior to exposure to a threat should inspire support for foreign policy that is less reexively bellicose and more conducive to international cooperation.

2.5 Conclusion

In this chapter, I review existing literature on the identity-based microfoundations of inter- group conict and cooperation before I outline my theory connecting relational models to the content of social identity to distinct expectations regarding cooperation and conict. I showed that social identity theory (SIT) has rightfully held a place of prominence in politi- cal science due to its inuential claims about racial, ethnic, and national identication pro- cesses. However, I also demonstrated three factors that undercut the conventional wisdom of the common ingroup identity model that predominates IR research on building interna- tional communities, and render it a suboptimal approach. I do not propose that creating common ingroups, based on community identities, always equates to bad policy: a huge body of research demonstrates that shared identity groups can produce real, consequential benets for otherwise sour intergroup relations. e Communal Sharing relational model that implicitly informs these approaches also produces positive outcomes in many settings where strong community and kinship bonds provide societal goods. However, the potential for negative outcomes — the three problems that I identify in my review — demand an ex- pansion of our theoretical toolkit that moves beyond thinking about identity in community terms alone.

is project attempts to expand our understanding of the possible drivers of less con-

ictual foreign policy preferences in the mass public and of the relational structures that

 promote preferences for transnational cooperation. I present an alternative framework to rigorously theorize the content of social identity and address the negative externalities and feasibility challenges oen associated with common ingroup models. Relational models the- ory provides this framework, one that unites work on common ingroups with the content of national and transnational social identity but explicitly conceptualizes variation in the constitutive norms of groups social identity orientations. To make this argument, I point to how extant literature invokes norms and concepts from Communal Sharing or Equal- ity Matching relational structures. Finally, I contend that relations structured according to

Equality Matching will promote cooperation among distinct groups and attenuate the out- ward aggression that Communal Sharing identities exacerbate.

In the remainder of the dissertation, I turn back to the problems introduced at the begin- ning of this chapter and test my arguments in two contexts at two levels of identity building.

First, I investigate the connection between nationalism and foreign policy using my theo- retical framework. I show that structuring relations with co-nationals in terms of EM or CS alters an individuals’ response to foreign policy threats and their support for cooperation with other international actors. Second, I turn to the puzzle of transnational cooperation in Europe. Using cross-national public opinion data I test whether individuals who dene their transnational, European identity in EM terms are more trusting of their fellow Euro- peans and promote deeper security cooperation than those who dene being European in terms associated with CS.

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ƐƐ (meanCS = 0.62, meanEM = 0.57, p = 0.05; rescaled with  as the maximum value), though the difference between CS and the control does not attain traditional levels of sta- tistical signicance (meanControl = 0.58, p = 0.16). e strength of ingroup values in the control and EM conditions do not differ from one another (p = 0.82), which is consis- tent with expectations that neither the control nor EM manipulations should target ingroup values.

e results for fairness are more ambiguous. e ANOVA reveals that we cannot re- ject the null hypothesis, but the F statistic approaches statistical signicance (F = 0.2098, p = 0.125). A series of pairwise comparisons reveals that the difference between the EM condition and control (meanEM = 0.781, meanControl = 0.746) appears to be in the ex- pected direction as it approaches statistical signicance (p = 0.12). However, the control and CS conditions do not differ in mean fairness values (meanCS = 0.753), nor do the data support the claim that participants in the EM condition are committed to fairness to a greater degree than those in CS. Ceiling effects present one possible reason for the failure to reject the null hypothesis: individuals cluster toward the top of the scale in terms of how much they claim to value fairness, with only  of the sample scoring lower than ..

In general, the three manipulation checks validate that the CS manipulation targets the in- tended construct. While these data cannot reject the null that the EM manipulation does not impact fairness values, it seems clear that it does not tap into the same shared community concepts.

.. Foreign Policy Crisis: Responses to the Rusburgian Conict

e analyses here focus on the later stages of the conict – stages  and  – along with the to- tal escalation between stages  and . In stage , participants were introduced to the conict

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Ƒƍ measures of negative outgroup views address Hypothesis , while the preference for an ag- gressive strategy offers an additional test of conictual foreign policy. In addition to the dummy variable for the experimental treatment, national chauvinism, and the interaction, this model includes controls for sex as well as an individual’s social dominance orientation in order to assess the role of individual differences.

Table .: Outgroup Hostility and Strategy Choice

Negative View of Rusburgians Aggressive Strategy () () Equality Matching −.∗∗ −. (.) (.) National Chauvinism −. −.∗∗ (.) (.) EM x Chauvinism .∗ . (.) (.) SDO . .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Male −. . (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) N   R2 . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Main entries are OLS coefficients. e reference group for Equality Matching is the Communal Sharing condition. Identity variables and social dominance orientation are rescaled from  to . Higher values of the dependent variable indicate more negative views of the outgroup and more aggressive strategy preferences.

Model  predicts negative views of the outgroup, a dependent variable measured af- ter stage  of the conict by participant assessments of Rusburgians as friendly/unfriendly, peaceful/belligerent, untrustworthy/trustworthy, and uncooperative/cooperative. e scores

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ƉƈƐ an existing national identity facilitates an additional layer of randomization in the research design. I manipulate the order of the relational model treatments to come before or aer identity strength measurements. I can then determine whether relational models can af- fect policy preferences aer the existing national identity content has been made salient, or whether a person must have the RM in mind as constituting their national identity before it can inuence attitudes.

ree important ndings emerge from the results. First, the relational content of Amer- ican national identities matters, but only when participants engage that content before they report their degree of identication. In the hypothetical crisis scenario I nd that partici- pants in the Communal Sharing treatment group are prone to more conict, but only when the American identity measures follow the CS treatment. Once people incorporate commu- nity into their understanding of social relations in America, and they take this into account when reporting how strongly they identify, they promote more conictual policies vis-a-vis

China.

Second, the moderating effect of EM holds in the case of certain concrete policy issues.

In the security context, EM weakens the positive association between nationalism and con-

ictual responses to Iranian nuclear proliferation. Conversely, EM enhances the positive association between national attachment and support for international cooperation to com- bat climate change. ese results replicate those reported in Chapter  and demonstrate the relevance of my theory to salient issues in American foreign policy.

ird, the experimental method and theory have substantive limits. EM attenuates the effect of chauvinism on preferences for conducting air strikes to combat ISIS, but not when the dependent measure asks about deploying ground troops. Neither the relational models nor national attachment consistently predict support for economic cooperation through free

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64 UBLJOH NJMJUBSZ BDUJPO BHBJOTU *SBO JODSFBTJOH FDPOPNJD TBODUJPOT PSCPNCJOHOVDMFBS

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GPS 64 NJMJUBSZ BDUJPO BHBJOTU *4*4 JO *SBR BOE 4ZSJB XJUI TFQBSBUF JUFNT HBVHJOH UIFJS

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ƉƉƐ TVQQPSU GPS PS PQQPTJUJPO UP TFOEJOH HSPVOE USPPQT UP UIF SFHJPO PS DPOEVDUJOH BJS TUSJLFT

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*O PSEFS UP UFTU )ZQPUIFTJT Ɗ VTJOH DPODSFUF QPMJDZ JUFNT UIF TVSWFZ JODMVEFT UXP TFUT

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64 XPSLJOH UP DSFBUF B OFX USFBUZ UP SFQMBDF UIF ,ZPUP 1SPUPDPM PS HFOFSBMMZ XIFUIFS UIF

64 TIPVME DPPQFSBUF XJUI PUIFS DPVOUSJFT UP DBQ DBSCPO FNJTTJPOT FWFO JG UIJT NFBTVSF

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TUSPOHMZ OFHBUJWF DPFďDJFOU PO UIF JOUFSBDUJPO CFUXFFO &. BOE DIBVWJOJTN b = −0.304

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ƉƋƋ Table .: National Chauvinism in Fictional China Dispute

Stage  Stage  Stage  Total Outgroup Escalation Attitudes Equality Matching . −. −.∗ −.∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) National Chauvinism .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ . .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) EM x Chauvinism −. . . .∗ −. (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Constant . .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) N      R2 . . . . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Main entries are OLS coefficients, standard errors in parentheses. e reference group for Equality Matching is the Communal Sharing condition. Chauvinism, Ideology, and the dependent measures have been rescaled to range from  to . Higher values of the dependent variable indicate support for a more conictual foreign policy or negative outgroup attitudes directed toward Chinese people.

object of manipulation. Indeed, to the extent that the relational model treatment moderates the relationship between chauvinism and conictual policy preferences, it appears to do so in a positive direction — though the coefficient reaches statistical signicance below con- ventional thresholds only in the case of total escalation. e EM treatment has a negative effect on total escalation at low levels of national chauvinism, but when chauvinism levels pass . on the scale the effect becomes null and then slightly positive (national chauvin- ism median = .). For the most nationalistic participants in the sample, thinking about the American identity in terms of Equality Matching leads them to escalate the hypothetical crisis to a greater degree than those in the Communal Sharing condition. For the remaining portion of the sample – roughly  of participants – Equality Matching either reduces the

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ƉƋƍ Communal Sharing groups, which emphasize united communities and binary distinctions between ingroup and outgroup members, give rise to social identities that exacerbate ten- dencies toward conict.

Chapter  provided support for these theoretical expectations in a novel experiment, where participants imagined themselves to be citizens of a ctional country and dened their identity with it on the basis of the provided information about social relations. In this

Chapter, I built upon the ndings from Chapter  by directing manipulations at participants’ existing identication with America and testing the role of relational models in predicting responses to a combination of real and hypothetical policy events.

e results in this chapter were mixed. I nd some support for Hypotheses , , and  when the outcome measures include concrete policy events. EM weakens the positive re- lationship between chauvinism and conict in the case of Iranian nuclear proliferation and support for air strikes against ISIS, but only when the manipulation precedes measures of identity strength. EM strengthens the relationship between attachment and international cooperation to combat climate change, pulling the slope of that line in a more positive di- rection. In support of Hypothesis  this result again applies only when participants have a chance to consider the content of their national identity prior to reporting on identity strength. When identication with America is measured before the manipulation, the ef- fects disappear. e concrete policy results also demonstrate an important substantive limi- tation of my theory. e relational model treatments do not exert the expected inuence on preferences for economic cooperation or sending ground troops to combat ISIS. is points to the difficulty inherent in moving particularly salient or polarized opinion in a short survey experiment, and affirms the long tradition in foreign policy and public opinion scholarship of treating trade as a separate problem.

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Ɖƍƌ that each measures a facet of CS. Feeling European, respecting European laws, and exercis- ing citizens’ rights each load on Factor , which seems to tap EM orientations to European identity. Contrary to my expectations, both mastering a European language and respect- ing cultural traditions load most strongly on this rst EM factor. In the case of mastering a

European language, I argued above that this item might have multiple interpretations that could lead either EM or CS identiers to declare its importance — the data point more to- ward EM. e cultural traditions item seems to load on both factors with a factor loading of

. on the second CS factor, suggesting that it taps some aspects of both EM and CS.

Table .: Factor Analysis of Features Important to European Identity Factor  Factor  To be a Christian -. . Born in Europe . . European Parents . . Master European Language . . Cultural Traditions . . Respect European Laws . -. Feel European . . Exercise Citizens’ Rights . . Note: Table reports the results of a principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation. Cell entries indicate the rotated factor loadings. Bolded entries show which factor the item most strongly loads on.

While α statistics on the theory-driven additive scales that I create are above an accept- able threshold for this large cross-national dataset, the factor analysis implies that alternative dimensions t the data better. e disconnect between the two sets of results with regard to which scales should contain the language and cultural traditions items leads me to include each individual item in my analyses rather than using additive scales or factor scores. is

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TJEFST DPOTJTUFOU XJUI SFTFBSDI JO QTZDIPMPHZ 6TMBOFS ƊƈƈƊ BOE3BUICVOT XPSL PO USVTU

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QPSUFE MFWFMT PG USVTU JO PUIFS &VSPQFBOT ćF EFQFOEFOU WBSJBCMF USVTU JO PUIFS &VSPQFBOT

SBOHFT GSPN ƈƉƈ *O BEEJUJPO UP UIF MJTUFE DPFďDJFOUT FBDI NPEFM JODMVEFT ƉƎ EVNNZ WBSJ

BCMFT GPS OƉ DPVOUSJFT JODMVEFE JO UIF TVSWFZ FYDMVEJOH #FMHJVN BT UIF SFGFSFODF HSPVQ

UP DPOUSPM GPS DSPTTOBUJPOBM WBSJBUJPO JO USVTU ćFTF DPFďDJFOUT BSF FYDMVEFE GSPN 5BCMF

ƍƌ JO UIF JOUFSFTU PG TQBDF

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POMZ UIF DPVOUSZ EVNNJFT BOE SFMBUJPOBM NPEFM QSPYZ WBSJBCMFT ‰ QBSUJDJQBOUT JNQPSUBODF

ƉƍƑ SBUJOHT GPS FBDI PG UIF GBDUPST JO UIF DPOTUJUVUJPO PG &VSPQFBO JEFOUJUZ ‰ XIJMF .PEFM Ɗ JO

DMVEFT UIF ĕWF BEEJUJPOBM DPOUSPM WBSJBCMFT ćF SFTVMUT PG UIFTF NPEFMT QSPWJEF NJYFE TVQ

QPSU GPS )ZQPUIFTJT Ɖ &BDI PG UIF &. WBSJBCMFT QSFEJDUT NPSF USVTU JO PUIFS &VSPQFBOT BOE

UXP PG UIF ĕWF $4 JOEJDBUPST EFNPOTUSBUF B OFHBUJWF BOE TUBUJTUJDBMMZ TJHOJĕDBOU BTTPDJBUJPO

XJUI USVTU

*O CPUI NPEFMT UIF DPFďDJFOUT GPS UXP PG UIF WBSJBCMFT BTTPDJBUFE XJUI B WJTJPO PG $PN

NVOBM 4IBSJOH TPDJBM SFMBUJPOT JO &VSPQF BSF OFHBUJWF BOE TUBUJTUJDBMMZ TJHOJĕDBOU * GPDVT PO

NPEFM Ɗ GPS B EFUBJMFE EJTDVTTJPO PG UIF SFTVMUT 3FTQPOEFOUT XIP UIJOL UIBU CFJOH &VSPQFBO

FOUBJMT GPMMPXJOH UIF $ISJTUJBO GBJUI BSF MFTT USVTUJOH PG UIFJS GFMMPX &VSPQFBOT‰NPWJOHVQ

POF TUFQ PO UIF ƌ QPJOU TDBMF JT BTTPDJBUFE XJUI B ƈƈƐƉ EFDSFBTF p<0.01 PO UIF ƈƉƈ

PVUDPNF NFBTVSF 4JNJMBSMZ UIPTF XIP UIJOL UIBU QFPQMF NVTU IBWF &VSPQFBO QBSFOUT JO

PSEFS UP CF &VSPQFBO BSF MFTT MJLFMZ UP USVTU PUIFST PO UIF DPOUJOFOU ćF ƈƉƈƎ p<0.01

DPFďDJFOU JOEJDBUFT UIBU BTDSJCJOH NPSF JNQPSUBODF UP UIJT DIBSBDUFSJTUJD JT BTTPDJBUFE XJUI

MFTT USVTU /FJUIFS UIF JNQPSUBODF PG CFJOH CPSO JO &VSPQF OPS NBTUFSJOH B &VSPQFBO MBO

HVBHF BSF BTTPDJBUFE XJUI MFTT USVTUJOH BUUJUVEFT UPXBSE PUIFS &VSPQFBOT BTJOCPUIDBTFTUIF

DPFďDJFOUT GBJM UP BUUBJO TUBUJTUJDBM TJHOJĕDBODF ćF NFBTVSFT BTLJOH BCPVU UIF JNQPSUBODF

PG CFJOH CPSO JO &VSPQF BOE IBWJOH &VSPQFBO QBSFOUT BSF IJHIMZ DPSSFMBUFE 4QFBSNBOT

ρ =0.71,p<0.001  8IJMF B UFTU PG UIF WBSJBODF JOĘBUJPO GBDUPST EPFT OPU SFWFBM UIBU NVM

UJDPMMJOFBSJUZ JT B QSPCMFN GPS UIJT NPEFM UIF IJHI DPSSFMBUJPO OFWFSUIFMFTT TVHHFTUT UIBU UIF

UXP NBZ CF DBQUVSJOH TJNJMBS QIFOPNFOB ‰ XIJDI FYQMBJOT XIZ POMZ POF PG UIF NFBTVSFT

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UBUJPOT PG XIBU JU NFBOT UP IBWF NBTUFSFE BOZ &VSPQFBO MBOHVBHF ‰ JU DBO TUSFTT FJUIFS B

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USBEJUJPOT TUBOET PVU BT JODPOTJTUFOU XJUI NZ QSFEJDUJPOT " POFTUFQ JODSFBTFJOUIFJNQPS

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JOEJDBUPST UIPVHI BOE UIJT SFTVMU DPVME SFĘFDU UIF GBDU UIBU UIJT JUFN TUBUJTUJDBMMZ MPBET PO

CPUI $4 BOE &. GBDUPST .PSFPWFS UIF TVCTUBOUJWF JNQBDU PG UIJT JUFN DIBOHFT XIFO * EJT

BHHSFHBUF UIF SFTVMUT CBTFE PO UIF TUSFOHUI PG BO JOEJWJEVBMT SFQPSUFE BUUBDINFOU UP &VSPQF

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*O DPOUSBTU UP UIF OFHBUJWF PS ƈ DPFďDJFOUT PO NPTU PG UIF $4 JUFNT UIPTF XIP EFĕOF CF

JOH B &VSPQFBO JO UFSNT UIBU SFĘFDU &RVBMJUZ .BUDIJOH BSF NPSF USVTUJOH PG PUIFS &VSPQFBOT

" POF VOJU JODSFBTF PO UIF JNQPSUBODF PG SFTQFDUJOH &VSPQFBO MBXT BOE JOTUJUVUJPOT QSFEJDUT

B ƈƊƉƎVOJU JODSFBTF PO USVTU p<0.01  $POTJEFSJOH UIJT JUFN WFSZ JNQPSUBOU ‰ B ƌ PO

UIF TDBMF ‰ JT BTTPDJBUFE XJUI BO JODSFBTF PG ƈƐƎƌ PO UIF EFQFOEFOU WBSJBCMF BMNPTU B GVMM

TUFQ UPXBSE DPNQMFUF USVTU JO PUIFS &VSPQFBOT ćF TXJUDI GSPN TUBUJOH UIBU FYFSDJTJOH DJUJ

[FOT SJHIUT JT OPU WFSZ JNQPSUBOU UP TPNFXIBU JNQPSUBOU JT BTTPDJBUFE XJUI B ƈƉƎƉ JODSFBTF

POUIFUSVTUPVUDPNF p<0.01  5P TBZ UIBU PUIFST OFFE UP TJNQMZ GFFM &VSPQFBO JO PSEFS

UP CF &VSPQFBO BMTP QSFEJDUT IJHIFS MFWFMT PG USVTU b =0.188,p < 0.01  ćPTF XIP NBSL

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ƉƎƉ Table .: Does the Relational Content of European Identity Predict Trust in Europeans?

Full Sample High Attachment Low Attachment () () () () To be Christian −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Born in Europe −. . −. . (.) (.) (.) (.) European Parents −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Master European −. −. −. . Language (.) (.) (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Respect European .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ Laws (.) (.) (.) (.) Feel European .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗ (.) (.) ((.) (.) Citizens’ Rights .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Ideology (right) .∗∗ .∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Age −.∗∗∗ −. −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Male .∗ . .∗ (.) (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) N , , , , R2 . . . . Adjusted R2 . . . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Models report unstandardized OLS coefficients, and all models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. e dependent variable ranges from -. Higher values on the identity content variables indicate greater importance. High and low attachment subsamples are determined by a median split on the item indicating attachment to Europe.

 UIJT WFSZ JNQPSUBOU BSF ƈƏƍƊ VOJUT IJHIFS PO BWFSBHF JO UIFJS MFWFMT PG USVTU UPXBSE UIFJS

DPSFHJPOBMT ćFTF SFTVMUT QSPWJEF DPOTJTUFOU TVQQPSU GPS QBSU PG )ZQPUIFTJT Ɖ ‰ EFĕOJOH

&VSPQFBOOFTT JO UFSNT PG &. GBDJMJUBUFT USVTU UPXBSE PUIFST XIP TIBSF NFNCFSTIJQ JO UIF

USBOTOBUJPOBM HSPVQ

ćF FČFDUT PG UIF DPOUSPM WBSJBCMFT BSF MBSHFMZ DPOTJTUFOU XJUI FYQFDUBUJPOT ćF QPTJUJWF

BOE TUBUJTUJDBMMZ TJHOJĕDBOU DPFďDJFOU PO HFOFSBMJ[FE USVTU b =0.333 p<0.01 JOEJDBUFT

UIBU JOEJWJEVBMT FYQSFTT UIJT EJTQPTJUJPO JO UIF TQFDJĕD DBTF PG &VSPQFBOT ćF GBDU UIBU QFS

DFQUJPOT PG &VSPQFBO TPDJBM SFMBUJPOT QSFEJDU EJČFSFODFT JO TQFDJĕD USVTU XIFO BDDPVOUJOH

GPS HFOFSBMJ[FE USVTU SFNBJOT OPUBCMF ‰ NZ UIFPSZ FYUFOET XIBU XF LOPX BCPVU QSFEJDUPST

PG JOUFSOBUJPOBM USVTU CFZPOE EJTQPTJUJPOT BMPOF ćF QPTJUJWF DPFďDJFOU PO UIF OVNCFS PG

UJNFT B QFSTPO WJTJUFE PUIFS &6 DPVOUSJFT JO UIF QBTU ƉƊ NPOUIT TIPXT UIBU USBWFM BOE DPO

UBDU JODSFBTF USVTU UIPVHI UIF FČFDU JT TVCTUBOUJWFMZ TNBMM b =0.078 p<0.01  0MEFS

SFTQPOEFOUT UFOE UP CF MFTT USVTUJOH PG PUIFS &VSPQFBOT b = −0.003 p<0.01 XIJMF

NFO BSF NBSHJOBMMZ NPSF USVTUJOH UIBO XPNFO b =0.064 p<0.1  ćPTF XIP QMBDF

UIFNTFMWFT GVSUIFS UP UIF SJHIU JEFPMPHJDBMMZ BMTP BQQFBS UP CF NPSF USVTUJOH PG PUIFS &VSP

QFBOT XIJDI JT TVSQSJTJOH HJWFO UIBU SFTFBSDI JO "NFSJDBO QPMJUJDT ĕOET UIBU DPOTFSWBUJWFT

UFOE UP TFF UIFJS FOWJSPONFOU BT NPSF UISFBUFOJOH 'FMENBO BOE 4UFOOFS ƉƑƑƏ  ćF FG

GFDUJTTVCTUBOUJWFMZTNBMM UIPVHI BOEDPVMEBMTPCFCJBTFECZDSPTTOBUJPOBMWBSJBUJPOTJO

UIF JOUFSQSFUBUJPO PG UIF JEFPMPHJDBM TQFDUSVN BNPOH &VSPQFBOT "TQFMVOE -JOEFNBO BOE

7FSLBTBMP ƊƈƉƋ %F#FMM BOE .PSHBO ƊƈƉƍ 

%PFT BUUBDINFOU JOUFSBDU XJUI SFMBUJPOBM NPEFMT

5P UFTU GPS EJČFSFODFT JO UIF FČFDUT PG FBDI $4 BOE &. JOEJDBUPS PO USVTU JO PUIFS &VSPQFBOT

BDDPSEJOH UP TUSFOHUI PG UIF USBOTOBUJPOBM JEFOUJUZ * TQMJU UIF TBNQMF BDDPSEJOH UP XIFUIFS

JOEJWJEVBMT TUBUF UIBU UIFZ GFFM BUUBDIFE UP &VSPQF .PEFM Ƌ JO 5BCMF ƍƌ SFQPSUT SFTVMUT VTJOH

ƉƎƋ UIF TBNF TFU PG DPWBSJBUFT BT .PEFM Ɗ CVU BNPOH UIF TVCTFU PG JOEJWJEVBMT XIP SFQPSU GFFMJOH

BUUBDIFE UP &VSPQFƍƋ *FTUJNBUF.PEFMƌGPSUIFTVCTFUPGJOEJWJEVBMTXIPBSFMFTTBUUBDIFE

UP &VSPQFƍƌ

ćF FČFDUT PG $4 JEFOUJUZ JOEJDBUPST GSPN UIF GVMM TBNQMF HFOFSBMMZ IPME GPS CPUI IJHI

BOE MPX JEFOUJĕFST ćF DPFďDJFOU QMPU JO 'JHVSF ƍƉ EJTQMBZT UIFTF SFTVMUT UP GBDJMJUBUF DPN

QBSJTPO BDSPTT UIF UISFF HSPVQT &BDI PG UIF $4 JOEJDBUPST UIBU IBE OFHBUJWF TUBUJTUJDBMMZ

TJHOJĕDBOU FČFDUT PO USVTU JO UIF QPPMFE TBNQMF IBWF UIF TBNF QBUUFSO BDSPTTUIFUXPTVC

TBNQMFT *OEJWJEVBMT XIP CFMJFWF $ISJTUJBOJUZ bhigh = −0.069 p<0.01 blow = −0.079 p<0.05 PS IBWJOH &VSPQFBO QBSFOUT bhigh = −0.092 p<0.01 blow = −0.132 p<0.01

BSF JNQPSUBOU UP CFJOH &VSPQFBO BSF MFTT USVTUJOH PG PUIFST GSPN UIFJS SFHJPOBM HSPVQ SF

HBSEMFTT PG XIFUIFS UIFZ SFQPSU IJHI PS MPX MFWFMT PG BUUBDINFOU

ćFSF SFNBJOT B OPUBCMF TVCTUBOUJWF EJČFSFODF IPXFWFS JO UIF FČFDU PG IPX JNQPSUBOU

SFTQPOEFOUT SBUF UIF OFFE UP NBJOUBJO &VSPQFBO DVMUVSBM USBEJUJPOT ćF ƈƈƎƋ p<0.05

DPFďDJFOU JO .PEFM Ƌ ‰ UIF IJHI BUUBDINFOU HSPVQ ‰ JT TVCTUBOUJWFMZ TNBMMFS UIBO UIF

ƈƉƎƋ p<0.01 FTUJNBUFE GPS UIF MPX BUUBDINFOU HSPVQ ćF EFHSFF UP XIJDI B QFSTPO

BUUBDIFT UP UIFJS IFUFSPHFOFPVT DPOUJOFOU BUUFOVBUFT UIF QPTJUJWF JNQBDU PG DPNNJUNFOU UP

&VSPQFBO DVMUVSF PO USVTU UPXBSE HSPVQ NFNCFST ćPTF XIP TFF UIJT $4 QSPYZ BTBOJN

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ƉƎƐ Table .: Multinomial Logit Analysis Predicting Support for a European Army

Model  National & EU No Army EU Army Only Armies To be a Christian −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Born in Europe −.∗ −. −. (.) (.) (.) European Parents −. −.∗∗∗ −.∗ (.) (.) (.) Master European Language −.∗∗∗ . .∗ (.) (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗ .∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) Respect Laws −. .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Feel European . .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Citizens’ Rights . .∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Ideology (Right) −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗ (.) (.) (.) Age .∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Male −. −. .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Constant −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) N  LR χ2 .∗∗∗ Log pseudo-likelihood −. ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Columns represent each of the dependent variable options, and coefficients are relative to the base- line choice of having national army only. Higher values on the identity content variables indicate greater importance. Models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data, omitted for presentation.

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ƉƏƌ Table .: Support for a European Army – High and Low Attachment Subgroups

Model : Low Attachment Model : High Attachment National & EU National & EU No Army EU Army Only No Army EU Army Only Armies Armies To be a Christian −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Born in Europe −.∗∗ −. −. −.∗∗ −. −. (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) European Parents −. −.∗ −. −. −.∗ −. (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Master European Language . . . . . .  (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗∗ .∗∗∗ . −. . −. (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Respect Laws −. .∗∗∗ . −. .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Feel European . .∗∗∗ . −. .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Citizens’ Rights −. . .∗∗∗ . . .∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) Constant −.∗∗ −. −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ . −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) (.) ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Columns represent each of the dependent variable options, and coefficients are relative to the baseline choice of having national army only. Higher values on the identity content variables indicate greater importance. Models controls for age, gender, ideology, EU visits, generalized trust, and  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. ese variables are omitted from the table for presentation. the models that predicted trust in other Europeans — a high degree of attachment to Eu- rope attenuates the otherwise positive impact of this CS indicator on support for security cooperation. is push in the negative direction is consistent with Hypothesis .

e coefficients for the three EM variables are positive and statistically signicant. ey each predict increases in the log odds of choosing either EU army response relative to main- taining separate national level forces for all but one instance in the high attachment subsam- ple (the exception being the non-signicant coefficient on citizens’ rights with the two level army outcome option). When people express low levels of attachment to Europe, however, their apparent lack of commitment to the EM norms thought to shape European identity produces more sporadic effects. Only the citizens’ rights indicator predicts a positive and statistically signicant increase in the log odds of preferring a sole European army.

.. Extending Trust Outside Europe

How do individual understandings of European identity shape their trust in people outside of that supranational group? In chapters  and , I demonstrate that social relations inside of a group — in that case, the nation-state — affect the way that individuals respond to actors outside of the group. According to my theory, those relationships will hold even as the size of the group increases. Creating regional level, superordinate identities based on CS thus comes with a cost that reects what I observe at the state level, where nationalism predicts conict when CS shapes the group — an external group remains, it just becomes “those out- side of Europe” rather than “those outside of my state.”is poses an additional problem for scholars who argue that the solution to nationalist aggression lies in regional communities, and provides additional evidence that EM identites can drive broader cooperation.

 Table .: Does the relational content of European identity predict trust in Outsiders?

Full Sample High Attachment Low Attachment () () () () To be Christian −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Born in Europe −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) European Parents −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) European Language −. −. −.∗∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Respect Laws .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Feel European .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) (.) Citizens’ Rights .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Ideology (Right) −.∗∗ −.∗ −.∗ (.) (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Age −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Male −. −.∗ . (.) (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) (.) N , , , , R2 . . . . Adjusted R2 . . . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Models report unstandardized OLS coefficients, and all models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. e dependent variable ranges from -. Higher values on the identity content variables indicate greater importance. High and low attachment subsamples are determined by a median split on the item indicating attachment to Europe.

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ƉƐƉ revealed that this item loads on both EM and CS, which suggests some variance in how peo- ple interpret the question. It could be the most attached participants read the question more narrowly, projecting a certain class of cultural traditions onto others while the least attached saw “European cultural traditions” as a more mixed and accessible group. Participants see cultural traditions as diverse and evolving rather than specic timeless may be drawing less on CS and more on EM when they consider whether this item is important. Overall, where

I observe differences they tend to be in the expected direction, but the results do not provide consistent support for Hypothesis .

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ƉƑƑ would provide a useful complement to this research. A deeper understanding of the indi- vidual level characteristics that predict a preference for certain relational models will facili- tate research on aggregate, cross-national trends in foreign policy preferences — this would provide a macro-level complement to my micro-level studies. A survey that more directly targets the constructs of interest could supplement the analysis in Chapter , and contribute to clarifying how different aspects of a European identity connect to EM or CS orientations.

Additionally, I follow the tradition of political psychological scholarship in international relations by probing the microfoundations of arguments that are ultimately about foreign policy and international cooperation that exist at higher levels of analysis. Research at these other levels would provide useful tests of my theory and their absence represents one limita- tion of the current project. Case study research could provide a different look at how states understand their membership in a transnational group to triangulate the ndings reported in Chapter , for example. Complementary work on the connections between relational models to existing perspectives in IR, and how the social relations manifest as macro-level international relations, could further make the case for the relevance of this perspective in a eld that tends to focus on state and system-level phenomena.

Finally, in maintaining a theoretical and empirical focus on the dark side of community, this project does not address the potential pitfalls of EM social relations in international politics. Since EM relations entail reciprocity for both positive and negative exchanges, EM across state lines could lock states in an endless reciprocal exchange of blows. An investi- gation into the conditions under which such reciprocal violence is likely and how relations could contribute to states’ emergence from such cycles is imperative for a more complete understanding of social relations in international conict.

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 Appendix A

Instruments and Scales for Chapter 

A.1 Text of the Experimental Manipulations

Control

Imagine that you are a citizen of a country, Fredonia. Fredonia is about , square

miles in area with a population of approximately  million people.

(On the next page)

Now, think about a meal that you enjoy. Please spend the next  minutes writing about

this meal and how to prepare it.

Communal Sharing

Imagine that you are a citizen of a country, Fredonia. Fredonia is about , square

miles in area with a population of approximately  million people.

In Fredonia, typical relationships among citizens are organized as follows. In the past,

there were multiple cultural groups that didn’t get along. Now, most individuals in

your country are unied as one community and think of themselves as Fredonians ––

you share a common history, speak the same language, and have similar values. As a

society, you generally share with one another, freely giving to others in need without

expecting anything in return. When you need to make a decision for the country,

 you decide by reaching a consensus about what is best. You are a typical citizen of

Fredonia, sharing in the cultures and traditions. You can think of your relationships with other Fredonians as you do your close family members—a group with which you share a close bond.

(On the next page)

Now, think about Fredonia’s social structure as just described. Please spend the next

 minutes writing about the benets of Fredonian society, and how the establishment of community is optimal for the country.

Equality Matching

Imagine that you are a citizen of a country, Fredonia. Fredonia is about , square miles in area with a population of approximately  million people.

In Fredonia, typical relationships among citizens are organized as follows. In the past, there were multiple cultural groups that didn’t get along. Now, individuals in your country recognize that you differ in many ways, but you generally think of one another as equals or peers, each with even chances. As a society, people generally keep track of what they give to one another so that they can reciprocate in the future. When you need to make a decision for the country, you do so through a voting procedure where each person gets one vote. You are a typical citizen of Fredonia, respecting the differences but equality of others. You can think of your relationships with other

Fredonians as you do your casual friendships, co-workers, or classmates — a group where there is even balance and equivalent give and take.

(On the next page)

 Now, think about Fredonia’s social structure as just described. Please spend the next

 minutes writing about the benets of Fredonian society, and how the establishment of equality is optimal for the country.

 A.2 Measurement Scales

National Identity

National Attachment (α = 0.804)

. If someone said something bad about Fredonian people, how strongly would you feel

it is as if they said something bad about you?

. How much would being an Fredonian have to do with how you feel about yourself?

. How much do you feel that what happens to Fredonia in general would be your fate

as well?

National Chauvinism (α = 0.583)

. How superior do you think Fredonia is compared to other nations?

. How many things about Fredonia make you ashamed?

. How much better would the world be if people from other countries were more like

Fredonians?

. Patriots should support Fredonia even if it is in the wrong.

Culturalism (α = 0.733)

Some people say that the following things are important for being truly Fredonian. Others say they are not important. How important do you think each of the following is?

 . To be able to speak the dominant language.

. To believe in the dominant religion.

. To be born from at least one Fredonian parent.

. To adopt the basic Fredonian culture and values as your own.

Foreign Policy Orientations

Cooperative Internationalism (α = 0.842)

. e United States needs to cooperate more with the United Nations.

. It is essential for the United States to work with other nations to solve problems such

as over-population, hunger, and pollution. itemIn dealing with other nations our gov-

ernment should be understanding and exible.

. e best way to ensure peace is to sit down with other nations and work out our dis-

agreements.

Militant Internationalism (α = 0.872)

. e United States should take all steps including the use of force to prevent aggression

by any expansionist power.

. Rather than simply countering our opponents’ thrusts, it is necessary to strike at the

heart of an opponent’s power.

. Going to war is unfortunate but sometimes the only solution to international prob-

lems.

 . In dealing with other nations our government should be strong and tough.

. e United States must demonstrate its resolve so that others do not take advantage

of it.

 A.3 Response Options for the Conict Vignette

How should Fredonia respond? (stage )/How should Fredonia respond in light of this es- calation? (stages  and )

• Welcome Rusburgians and dra an agreement to make the territory a shared space.

• Negotiate to partition the territory into Fredonian and Rusburgian portions.

• Formally announce a request that Rusburg withdraw their claim.

• reaten economic sanctions against Rusburg to pressure them to withdraw their

claim to the territory.

• reaten the use of force in the disputed territory to pressure them to withdraw their

claim.

• Break off diplomatic relations with Rusburg and begin military exercises near the ter-

ritory.

• Launch a targeted strike against Rusburgian military bases.

• Declare war against Rusburg in order to fully reclaim the territory.

• Escalate the existing war by moving troops in and beginning a military takeover of

the territory. (this option only appeared in stages  and )

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ƊƋƋ Table B.: Dichotomous Stage  Response

Response to Conict at Stage  () () Equality Matching . −. (.) (.) National Chauvnism . −. (.) (.) National Attachment −. −. (.) (.) EM x Chauvinism −. . (.) (.) EM x Attachment −. −. (.) (.) Age . (.) Male −. (.) Bachelor’s degree . (.) Social Dominance Orientation .∗∗∗ (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗ (.) (.) N   R2 . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Main entries are logit coefficients. e reference group for Equality Matching is the Communal Sharing condition. All other variables are rescaled from  to . e dependent variable is coded  if the participant chose the most cooperative response option, and  oth- erwise.

 Appendix C

Instruments and Scales for Chapter 

C.1 Text of the Experimental Manipulations

Control

e United States of America is a large country, measuring . million square miles, with a population of over  million people.

(On the next page)

Now, please list  of your favorite foods.

Communal Sharing

e United States of America is a large country, measuring . million square miles, with a population of over  million people. Historically, the United States of America has been composed of many different groups –– people of different faiths, ethnic and racial backgrounds, and cul- tures. Now, though, we think of Americans as part of one community dened by a distinct type of social relations — Communal Sharing — discussed in more detail below. When Americans relate to one another as part of a community, the central theme is one of unity and solidarity. Americans feel a sense of belonging and closeness with one another. ey feel a common identity as Americans and bear

 common responsibilities. e individual does not matter so much – what mat- ters is America as a whole. e phrases “All for one, one for all” and “We’re all in this together” describe what it means to be part of the American community. When social relations like these are common among Americans, they experi- ence a sense of solidarity, communality, and compassion toward each other. Americans share a common history and language, making them similar in im- portant respects. When Americans make a decision, they can do so by consen- sus and act in solidarity with one another to benet the country.

(On the next page) Now, please list  reasons that you think community provides a good descrip- tion of social relations among Americans.

(On the next page) Here are  reasons that were listed by previous participants –– please check the box next to any of the reasons that are similar to your own.

• It is best to work together. United we stand divided we fall.

• Everyone shares the same past and the same language so it is easy to co-exist with one

another.

• Americans hold to the idea that “we are all family” and watch out for each other all

the time.

• In a close community people look out for each other and are also more unied against

any foreign enemy. e identity of “us” in regards to community is benecial in many

ways to the group as a whole.

• ey look aer the needs of another as if they are one big family. No one is le out

and they all pull each other up as though another’s struggles were their own.

Equality Matching

 e United States of America is a large country, measuring . million square miles, with a population of over  million people. Historically, the United States of America has been composed of many different groups –– people of different faiths, ethnic and racial backgrounds, and cul- tures. Now, though, we think of Americans as equals with one another, dened by a distinct type of social relations — Equality Matching - discussed in more detail below. When Americans relate to one another as equals, the central theme is one of bal- ance and equality. Americans are treated equally and regarded as equal in terms of certain qualities — like responsibilities, rights, and opportunities. Americans tend to share things equally, and one-for-one reciprocity matters for them. e phrase “All men are created equal” describes what it means to be part of an America based on equality. When social relations like these are common among Americans, they experi- ence equality, reciprocity, and balance with each other. Americans may speak different languages or come from different backgrounds, but they are equals. When Americans make decisions, they do so with one-person one-vote rules.

(On the next page) Now, please list  reasons that you think equality provides a good description of social relations among Americans.

(On the next page) Here are  reasons that were listed by previous participants –– please check the box next to any of the reasons that are similar to your own.

• Equality is the basis of what America was built upon. Everyone is kind and everyone

is equal.

• American society seems to have the best of both worlds, acceptance of differences and

desire for equality for all. You don’t have to be the same as everyone else to have equal

rights and status.

• Citizens are fair in their treatment of each other and have a reciprocal method of help-

ing each other and being good neighbors.

 • e benets of this society allow for people to have more individual ideas and thoughts

toward the country rather than being a completely unied group.

• I think this is benecial to American society because they can treat each other fairly

while not pretending to oblivious of differences.

 C.2 Measurement Scales

National Identity

National Attachment (α = 0.77)

. When someone says something bad about American people, how strongly do you feel

it is as if they said something bad about you?

. How much does being an American have to do with how you feel about yourself?

. How much d you feel that what happens to America in general would be your fate as

well?

National Chauvinism (α = 0.774)

. How superior do you think America is compared to other nations?

. How many things about America make you ashamed?

. How much better would the world be if people from other countries were more like

Americans?

. Patriots should support America even if it is in the wrong.

Foreign Policy Orientations

Cooperative Internationalism (α = 0.801)

 . e United States needs to cooperate more with the United Nations.

. It is essential for the United States to work with other nations to solve problems such

as over-population, hunger, and pollution. itemIn dealing with other nations our gov-

ernment should be understanding and exible.

. e best way to ensure peace is to sit down with other nations and work out our dis-

agreements.

Militant Internationalism (α = 0.814)

. e United States should take all steps including the use of force to prevent aggression

by any expansionist power.

. Rather than simply countering our opponents’ thrusts, it is necessary to strike at the

heart of an opponent’s power.

. Going to war is unfortunate but sometimes the only solution to international prob-

lems.

. In dealing with other nations our government should be strong and tough.

. e United States must demonstrate its resolve so that others do not take advantage

of it.

 C.3 Conict Vignette

Stage  Imagine that the US is currently in the midst of a conict with China over an island that each claims as part of their historical territory. Historically, both countries have claimed ownership over an island in the Pacic Ocean. While it used to be sparsely populated, over the past few years citizens from both countries have been moving to the island and valuable minerals have been found there, spurring industry as businesses mine for them and engage in trade. As space on the island for people and industry is becoming scarce, there have been some isolated skirmishes between the two countries in which each has tried to claim complete ownership. Recently, things have escalated with citizens from both the U.S. and China attempting to use their own police presence to establish the territory as fully their own – oen resorting to violence. It has always been the position of the American government and citizens that the territory belongs to the U.S., and China makes the same claim.

Stage  It’s been a few weeks and violence on the island has escalated, as the [negotia- tions/threats/actions] were unsuccessful: Clashes on the island with both police and citizens trying to assert their rights over the area recently erupted. is has resulted in the deaths of  people from both sides of the conict. e U.S. continues to maintain their claim over the territory.

Stage  Despite the [negotiations/threats/actions], a resolution has not been reached. Now,  months later, several bombs exploded at the local farmer’s market, re- sulting in  deaths as well as dozens of more injuries, to both U.S. and Chinese citizens living on the island. Right now, there is no evidence to say who planted the bombs.

Response options aer each stage How should the U.S. respond? (stage )/How should the

U.S. respond in light of this escalation? (stages  and )

• Welcome the other citizens and dra an agreement to make the territory a shared

space.

 • Negotiate to partition the territory into American and non-American portions.

• Formally announce a request that China withdraw their claim.

• reaten economic sanctions against China to pressure them to withdraw their claim

to the territory.

• reaten the use of force in the disputed territory to pressure China to withdraw their

claim.

• Break off diplomatic relations with China and begin military exercises near the island.

• Launch a targeted strike against China’s military bases.

• Declare war against China in order to fully reclaim the territory.

• Escalate the existing war by moving troops in and beginning a military takeover of

the territory. (this option only appeared in stages  and )

C.4 Policy Questions

Iran (-item conict scale α = 0.749)

. Do you support or oppose the United States taking military action against Iran if there

is evidence that Iran is building nuclear weapons?

To try to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, would you support or oppose

each of the following:

. Increasing international economic sanctions against Iran?

. e United States bombing Iran’s nuclear development sites?

 . Direct diplomatic talks between the United States and Iran to try to resolve the situa-

tion? cooperation indicator

ISIS (α = 0.695)

Now here are a few questions about the Islamic militant group oen referred to as ISIS that controls some areas of Iraq and Syria. e group is also sometimes referred to as ISIL or as the Islamic State. As you may know, the U.S. has conducted airstrikes against ISIS forces in

Iraq and in Syria, but there are no U.S. combat troops ghting ISIS forces in either country.

. Do you support or oppose the U.S. sending a large number of U.S. ground forces?

. Do you support or oppose U.S. airstrikes against ISIS militants in Iraq and Syria?

Economic Agreements (α = 0.9030)

. e United States and European Union have been negotiating recently to develop a

free trade zone, referred to as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

(TTIP). Do you support or oppose the development of this trade agreement?

. e United States has been negotiating with  other nations, including Japan, Viet-

nam, and Australia, to develop a trade agreement called the Trans-Pacic Partner-

ship (TPP). e TPP would eliminate most tariffs on goods and services exchanged

between member countries. Do you support or oppose the negotiation of the Trans-

Pacic Partnership?

Climate Change (α = 0.929)

. e Kyoto Protocol, the global treaty designed to curb greenhouse gas emissions, ex-

pired in . Do you approve or disapprove of the United States working closely with

other nations to create a new international treaty to ght global warming?

 . Do you approve or disapprove of the United States cooperating with other countries

to cap carbon emissions as a measure to curb climate change, even though this could

be costly for the U.S. economy?

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ƊƌƏ Table E.: Trust in Other Europeans, Additive Scales for Relational Models

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Ɗƍƈ Table E.: Trust in Outsiders, Additive Scales Based on Factor Analysis

Full Sample High Attachment Low Attachment Communal Sharing −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Equality Matching .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Ideology (right) −.∗∗∗ −.∗ −.∗ (.) (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Age −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Male −. −. . (.) (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) N , , , R2 . . . Adjusted R2 . . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Models report unstandardized OLS coefficients, and all models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. e dependent variable ranges from -. Higher values on the EM and CS scales indicate greater importance for the dimen- sion. High and low attachment subsamples are determined by a median split on the item indicating attachment to Europe.

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&VSPQFBOT ćFTF NPEFMT SFQMJDBUF UIPTF SFQPSUFE JO $IBQUFS ƍ JO 5BCMF ƍƌ CVUXJUIFBDI

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JNQPSUBOUw BOE UIPTF XIP EP OPU TIPXT B XFBL CVU TUBUJTUJDBMMZ TJHOJĕDBOU OFHBUJWF FČFDU

ƊƍƊ Table E.: Trust in Other Europeans, Dichotomous Coding for Relational Model Indicators

Full Sample High Attachment Low Attachment To Be a Christian −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Born in Europe −. −. . (.) (.) (.) European Parents −.∗∗∗ −. −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) European Language −.∗ −.∗ −. (.) (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗∗∗ . . (.) (.) (.) Respect European Laws .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Feel European .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) Citizens’ Rights .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Ideology (right) .∗ .∗∗ −. (.) (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Age −.∗∗∗ −. −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Male . . . (.) (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) N , , , R2 . . . Adjusted R2 . . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Models report unstandardized OLS coefficients, and all models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. e dependent variable ranges from -. Each of the EM and CS identity items are dichotomous variables, coded  if the participants lists the item as ‘very important’ and  otherwise. High and low attachment subsamples are determined by a median split on the item indicating attachment to Europe.

 Table E.: Trust in Outsiders, Dichotomous Coding for Relational Models Indicators

Full Sample High Attachment Low Attachment To be a Christian −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Born in Europe −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗ (.) (.) (.) European Parents −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) European Language −.∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −. (.) (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗∗∗ .∗ . (.) (.) (.) Respect Laws .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Feel European .∗∗ .∗ −. (.) (.) (.) Citizens’ Rights .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ . (.) (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Ideology (right) −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗ −.∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Age −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) Male −.∗∗ −. −. (.) (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) (.) N , , , R2 . . . Adjusted R2 . . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Models report unstandardized OLS coefficients, and all models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. e dependent variable ranges from -. Each of the EM and CS identity items are dichotomous variables, coded  if the participants lists the item as ‘very important’ and  otherwise. High and low attachment subsamples are determined by a median split on the item indicating attachment to Europe.

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ƍƈƍƈŰ PG SFTQPOEFOUT TBZ UIBU CFJOH &VSPQFBO IBT i4PNFXIBUw PS i"HSFBU EFBMwUPEPXJUI

IPX UIFZ GFFM BCPVU UIFNTFMWFT XIJMF ƌƑƍƈŰ TBZ UIBU JU IBT i/PU WFSZ NVDIw PS i/PU BU BMMw

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JNQPSUBOU BOE UIPTF XIP EP OPU

Ɗƍƍ Table E.: Trust in Other Europeans, Alternative Measure for National Attachment

Important for Self Not Important for Self To be a Christian −.∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) Born in Europe −. . (.) (.) European Parents −.∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) European Language −.∗ . (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Respect Laws .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Feel European .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Citizens’ Rights .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Ideology (right) −. .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Age −. −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) Male .∗∗ . (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) N , , R2 . . Adjusted R2 . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Models report unstandardized OLS coefficients, and all models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. e dependent variable ranges from -. Higher values on the identity content variables indicate greater importance. Sub- samples are determined by a median split on the item indicating how much being Euro- pean has to do with how a person feels about themselves.

 Table E.: Trust in Outsiders, Alternative Measure for National Attachment

Important for Self Not Important for Self To be Christian −.∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) Born in Europe −.∗∗ −.∗∗ (.) (.) European Parents −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) European Language −. −. (.) (.) Cultural Traditions .∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Respects Laws .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Feel European .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Citizens’ Rights .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Generalized Trust .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) Ideology (right) −.∗∗∗ −. (.) (.) Other EU Visits .∗∗∗ . (.) (.) Age −.∗∗∗ −.∗∗∗ (.) (.) Male −. −. (.) (.) Constant .∗∗∗ .∗∗∗ (.) (.) N , , R2 . . Adjusted R2 . . ∗p < .; ∗∗p < .; ∗∗∗p < . Note: Models report unstandardized OLS coefficients, and all models include  dummy variables for n- countries represented in the data. e dependent variable ranges from -. Higher values on the identity content variables indicate greater importance. Sub- samples are determined by a median split on the item indicating how much being Euro- pean has to do with how a person feels about themselves.

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