Why Sudan's Popular Consultation Matters
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Sudan's Spreading Conflict (II): War in Blue Nile
Sudan’s Spreading Conflict (II): War in Blue Nile Africa Report N°204 | 18 June 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. A Sudan in Miniature ....................................................................................................... 3 A. Old-Timers Versus Newcomers ................................................................................. 3 B. A History of Land Grabbing and Exploitation .......................................................... 5 C. Twenty Years of War in Blue Nile (1985-2005) ........................................................ 7 III. Failure of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement ............................................................. 9 A. The Only State with an Opposition Governor (2007-2011) ...................................... 9 B. The 2010 Disputed Elections ..................................................................................... 9 C. Failed Popular Consultations ................................................................................... -
Statement of the Sudanese Civil Society Initiative, 4 February 2009
Sudanese Civil Society Initiative An Urgent Call for a Conference to Address the Current Crisis: Seizing the Final Opportunity or Allowing Further Chaos? February 4th 2009 We, the undersigned below members of Sudanese civil society, media, and actors in the public domain, have been in consultations since the presentation of charges by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court against His Excellency the President of the Republic of Sudan. The announcement of these charges and the various official reactions to it has generated confusion and uncertainty about Sudan’s political future. We believe there is an urgent need to engage civic and political leaders, including the two parties to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), to discuss the current crisis facing Sudan. To this end, we are calling for a conference to discuss the situation holistically, and with the participation and representation of key Sudanese civic and political forces and regional and international stakeholders who are directly contributing to peace, justice and democracy in Sudan. The proposed conference is a response to many of our concerns about the direction Sudan is heading at this critical crossroads, just two years before the CPA interim period will expire. The reactions of the government authorities, represented by the senior ruling party, National Congress Party (NCP), to the ICC charges are only deepening the crisis and jeopardizing the rights of Sudanese people. The Interim National Constitution, particularly the second Chapter on the basic rights and freedoms, is not being implemented. And there has yet to be a genuine peace process for Darfur that addresses the rights of Darfurians and brings them justice. -
Sudan Brief December 2019
NUMBER 63 SUDAN BRIEF DECEMBER 2019 Sudan’s popular uprising and the demise of Islamism1 In December 2018, a peaceful popular uprising erupted in Sudan which led to the downfall of Omar al-Bashir in April 2019. The thirty-year authoritarian rule by the Islamist National Congress Party (NCP) thereby came to an end. Last month, a new law AUTHOR officially dissolved the NCP which was a key demand of the Munzoul A. M. Assal University of Khartoum popular protest moment. SUDAN BRIEF 2019:03 This Sudan Brief is concerned with the fractionalization of Islamism during Bashir’s rule (1989-2019). It does not focus on the details of Bashir’s brutal rule, rather, it is about the emerging disunity from within which eventually led to the removal of Bashir from power. I analyze factors that led to the Islamists adopting a more pragmatic stand, especially after the main ideologue of the Islamist movement was kicked out into the cold in 1999. The Brief argues that although the Islamists have successfully created a parallel or deep state the last three decades, the political shift of power away from the Islamists which the 2018 popular uprising represent, makes the political future of Islamism bleak. Loss of social sympathy The recent protests were fore fronted by young coming third in the elections and forming part of women and men who were born and raised during the coalition government of Sadiq el-Mahdi. While Islamist authoritarianism. This was in and of the NIF used the transitional period to reinforce itself seen as a crushing defeat of the Islamists’ its position, the multiparty democracy provided ideological project and thus represent a bleak future them with yet another chance to build and further for political Islam in Sudan. -
The Fall of Al-Bashir: Mapping Contestation Forces in Sudan
Bawader, 12th April 2019 The Fall of al-Bashir: Mapping Contestation Forces in Sudan → Magdi El-Gizouli Protests in Khartoum calling for regime change © EPA-EFE/STR What is the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) anyway, perplexed commentators and news anchors on Sudan’s government-aligned television channels asked repetitively as if bound by a spell? An anchor on the BBC Arabic Channel described the SPA as “mysterious” and “bewildering”. Most were asking about the apparently unfathomable body that has taken the Sudanese political scene by surprise since December 2018 when the ongoing wave of popular protests against President Omar al-Bashir’s 30-year authoritarian rule began. The initial spark of protests came from Atbara, a dusty town pressed between the Nile and the desert some 350km north of the capital, Khartoum. A crowd of school pupils, market labourers and university students raged against the government in response to an abrupt tripling of the price of bread as a result of the government’s removal of wheat subsidies. Protestors in several towns across the country set fire to the headquarters of the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and stormed local government offices and Zakat Chamber1 storehouses taking food items in a show of popular sovereignty. Territorial separation and economic freefall Since the independence of South Sudan in 2011, Sudan’s economy has been experiencing a freefall as the bulk of its oil and government revenues withered away almost overnight. Currency depreciation, hyperinflation and dwindling foreign currency reserves coupled with the rise in the prices of good and a banking crisis with severe cash supply shortages, have all contributed to the economic crisis. -
Sudan and South Sudan: Current Issues for Congress and U.S. Policy
Sudan and South Sudan: Current Issues for Congress and U.S. Policy -name redacted- Specialist in African Affairs October 5, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R42774 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Sudan and South Sudan: Current Issues for Congress and U.S. Policy Summary Congress has played an active role in U.S. policy toward Sudan for more than three decades. Efforts to support an end to the country’s myriad conflicts and human rights abuses have dominated the agenda, as have counterterrorism concerns. When unified (1956-2011), Sudan was Africa’s largest nation, bordering nine countries and stretching from the northern borders of Kenya and Uganda to the southern borders of Egypt and Libya. Strategically located along the Nile River and the Red Sea, Sudan was historically described as a crossroads between the Arab world and Africa. Domestic and international efforts to unite its ethnically, racially, religiously, and culturally diverse population under a common national identity fell short, however. In 2011, after decades of civil war and a 6.5 year transitional period, Sudan split in two. Mistrust between the two Sudans—Sudan and South Sudan—lingers, and unresolved disputes and related security issues still threaten to pull the two countries back to war. The north-south split did not resolve other simmering conflicts, notably in Darfur, Blue Nile, and Southern Kordofan. Roughly 2.5 million people remain displaced as a result of these conflicts. Like the broader sub-region, the Sudans are susceptible to drought and food insecurity, despite significant agricultural potential in some areas. -
Map of South Sudan
UNITED NATIONS SOUTH SUDAN Geospatial 25°E 30°E 35°E Nyala Ed Renk Damazin Al-Fula Ed Da'ein Kadugli SUDAN Umm Barbit Kaka Paloich Ba 10°N h Junguls r Kodok Āsosa 10°N a Radom l-A Riangnom UPPER NILEBoing rab Abyei Fagwir Malakal Mayom Bentiu Abwong ^! War-Awar Daga Post Malek Kan S Wang ob Wun Rog Fangak at o Gossinga NORTHERN Aweil Kai Kigille Gogrial Nasser Raga BAHR-EL-GHAZAL WARRAP Gumbiel f a r a Waat Leer Z Kuacjok Akop Fathai z e Gambēla Adok r Madeir h UNITY a B Duk Fadiat Deim Zubeir Bisellia Bir Di Akobo WESTERN Wau ETHIOPIA Tonj Atum W JONGLEI BAHR-EL-GHAZAL Wakela h i te LAKES N Kongor CENTRAL Rafili ile Peper Bo River Post Jonglei Pibor Akelo Rumbek mo Akot Yirol Ukwaa O AFRICAN P i Lol b o Bor r Towot REPUBLIC Khogali Pap Boli Malek Mvolo Lowelli Jerbar ^! National capital Obo Tambura Amadi WESTERN Terakeka Administrative capital Li Yubu Lanya EASTERN Town, village EQUATORIAMadreggi o Airport Ezo EQUATORIA 5°N Maridi International boundary ^! Juba Lafon Kapoeta 5°N Undetermined boundary Yambio CENTRAL State (wilayah) boundary EQUATORIA Torit Abyei region Nagishot DEMOCRATIC Roue L. Turkana Main road (L. Rudolf) Railway REPUBLIC OF THE Kajo Yei Opari Lofusa 0 100 200km Keji KENYA o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 50 100mi CONGO o e The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
ABYEI CASE STUDY Improving Livelihoods, Social Peace and Stability in Abyei
EVALUATION IN HARD TO REACH AREAS Conflict Sensitivity: A criterion for evaluations in the contexts of violent conflicts ABYEI CASE STUDY Improving Livelihoods, Social Peace and Stability in Abyei Marco De Gaetano – Natural Resource Management Expert Brussels, 17 May 2019 [email protected] Improving livelihoods, social peace and stability in the Abyei Area Abyei Map [email protected] Marco De Gaetano – Natural Resource Management Expert Improving livelihoods, social peace and stability in the Abyei Area Conflicts resulting from different types of tenure FAO, 2016. Land and people in protracted crises [email protected] Marco De Gaetano – Natural Resource Management Expert Improving livelihoods, social peace and stability in the Abyei Area Conflicts resulting from different types of tenure [email protected] Marco De Gaetano – Natural Resource Management Expert Improving livelihoods, social peace and stability in the Abyei Area Conflicts resulting from different types of tenure [email protected] Marco De Gaetano – Natural Resource Management Expert Improving livelihoods, social peace and stability in the Abyei Area Conflicts resulting from different types of tenure [email protected] Marco De Gaetano – Natural Resource Management Expert Improving livelihoods, social peace and stability in the Abyei Area Project intervention strategy Three Pillars I. Assessing the natural resources to promote its efficient utilization and future development II. Promoting dialogue, confidence and peacebuilding -
DTM MONTHLY REGIONAL REPORT Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM)
NOV 2018 DTM MONTHLY REGIONAL REPORT Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) East & the Horn of Africa Flow monitoring in Uganda continued through the four FMPs located along the border with South Sudan in close coordi- nation with the DTM South Sudan team. Mixed Migration Flow monitoring was also initiated at an additional six points in Uganda, along the Flow Monitoring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) border, bringing the total number of and Uganda Reporting Period FMPs in Uganda to 10. November 2018 Regionally, a total of 126,366 individuals were observed at the FMPs during the Active Flow Monitoring Network month of November 2018. A large pro- Burundi 8 FMPs portion of the migrants tracked were Djibouti 10 FMPs moving along the eastern corridor in the Ethiopia 5 FMPs Horn of Africa (HoA) region (48%). Of Somalia 7 FMPs these, the majority were Ethiopian na- South Sudan 5 FMPs tionals (65%), while the second-largest Uganda 10 FMPs population was Somali nationals (30%), which is comparable to what was tracked A network of 45 Flow Monitoring Points in October (31%). (FMPs) is currently operational in six countries. Fifty-two per cent of the movements tracked were incident-based move- Flow monitoring registry continued in ments, mainly between Burundi and the Burundi, and an additional four points United Republic of Tanzania, South Su- were opened in the provinces of Ruyigi dan and Sudan, as well as between and Rutana, bringing the total to eight Uganda, South Sudan and the United Re- Burundi, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan FMPs. Djibouti Flow Monitoring contin- public of Tanzania. -
Media Monitoring Report United Nations Mission in Sudan/ Public Information Office
09 Dec 2010 Media Monitoring Report www.unmissions.unmis.org United Nations Mission in Sudan/ Public Information Office Referendum Watch • We have not achieved what we sought of the CPA – VP Taha (Al-Akhbar) • Voter registration comes to a close (Al-Rai Al-aam) • Almost three million sign up for south Sudan vote (AFP) • There is a likelihood of war with the south – Dr. Nafei (Al-Rai Al-Aam et al) • SSRC denies allegations of irregularities levelled by the NCP (Al-Rai Al-Aam) • Higher Committee formed for referendum appeals (Khartoum Monitor/ SUNA) • NCP, SPLM resume post-referendum negotiations (The Citizen) • Armed men fail in attempt at Deputy Abyei Administrator (Al-Ahram Al-Youm) • Misseriya challenge SPLM to bar it from participating at the Abyei referendum (Al- Tayyar) • Opposition parties to meet Misseriya representatives (Al-Rai Al-Aam) • S. Africa's Tutu calls for peaceful Sudan referendum (AFP) Other Highlights • Thousands displaced by Sudanese army bombs - aid agency (AlertNet) • Northern Bahr el Ghazal gets humanitarian assistance for victims of air attacks (Sudantribune.com) • Authorities release students arrested in Bahr-el-Ghazal (Al-Rai Al-Aam; Akhir Lahza) • SPLM fears Athor may have been transferred to Khartoum (Al-Sudani) • Minnawi orders his troops to cross over to southern Sudan (Al-Rai Al-Aam) • Kidnapped Latvian pilots released in South Darfur (SUNA) • ICC prosecutor accuses Sudanese rebels of killings (Reuters) • Pirates’ catch exposed route of arms in a tense Sudan (Boston.com) • Rise in commodity prices in Khartoum (Ajras Al-Hurriya) • Sudan men fined over "indecent" fashion show makeup (Reuters) NOTE: Reproduction here does not mean that the UNMIS PIO can vouch for the accuracy or veracity of the contents, nor does this report reflect the views of the United Nations Mission in Sudan. -
Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Opposition to the government, including sur place activity Version 2.0 November 2018 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis of COI; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Asessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012
Forgotten Again: How the World Has Failed Abyei Jenn Christian and John Prendergast October 11, 2012 On September 27, 2012, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and South Sudanese President Salva Kiir signed agreements concerning a host of issues resulting from South Sudan’s July 2011 secession. The agreements concern issues of oil and other financial matters, border security, and citizenship. They represent the culmination of a nearly two and half year-long negotiation process and, if implemented, have the potential to further consolidate peace and security within and between the two Sudans. However, the suc- cess of these agreements ultimately hinges on the resolution of the remaining outstand- ing issues on which the two presidents were unable to agree, chief among them the final status of the disputed Abyei area. Straddling the ill-defined international border separating the two Sudans, Abyei is the traditional homeland of the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms, a group with strong ethnic, cultural, and linguistic ties with the Dinka of South Sudan. Misseriya herders, members of a northern nomadic Arab tribe, seasonally traverse the Abyei area with their cattle. While Abyei was administratively transferred to the North in 1905, its Ngok Dinka inhabitants sided with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, or SPLM, and its pre- decessor, the Anyanya movement, during Sudan’s successive North-South civil wars.1 Despite Abyei’s central role as a catalyst for North-South tensions, the international com- munity has historically dodged the difficult issue of the area’s final status – or the question of whether the area should be part of Sudan or South Sudan – and, in doing so, has repeat- edly sacrificed the safety, security, and livelihoods of the Ngok Dinka people for the sake of other concerns and interests.