EuroJTh (2000) 9:2, 171-185 0960-2720 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The Group and Mission in Europe in the 1930s • « Nous avons tous besoin de changement constant » : le Groupe d 'Oxford et la mission en Europe dans les annees trente • 'Wir brauchen alle regelmiissig Veriinderung': Die Oxford Bewegung und Mission in Europa in den dreissiger Jahren des 20 Jahrhunderts • I. Randall, Prague

RESUME ['evangelisation personnelle, est alors largement passe de mode. Le Groupe d'Oxford, connu par la suite L'auteur etudie les causes du succes sous le nom de " rearmement moral ", est du groupe d 'Oxford dans les annees un reseau evangelique informel qui est ne trente et s'efforce de montrer que sa en Angleterre dans les annees vingt, et croissance dans toute l 'Europe a ete due a qui s'est rapidement repandu en Europe son attachement a la tradition et au-dela dans les annees trente. Le chef evangelique au sein de laquelle il etait de file du groupe etait ne, en meme temps qu 'a sa capacite (1876-1961), et le groupe avait pour mot d'adapter cette tradition a la lumiere de d'ordre ce que Buchman appelait le la modernite. Le Groupe a associe les "changement de maniere de vivre ».Le convictions evangeliques a un interet Groupe etait un mouvement croissant pour les relations missionnaire, une expression nouvelle de interpersonnelles, l'expression de soi, la la vieille tradition revivaliste. Il a eu une therapie et des styles de vie non influence enorme dans les annees trente, institutionnels. ce qui donne un exemple de la capacite C'est a partir de 1920 que Buchman a du christianisme europeen a s 'engager de commence a mettre en avant son idee de mC!n~ere re~ouvelee dans l'entreprise vies changees en Angleterre. Il avait eu mlsswnnalre. quelques contacts avec des etudiants Au milieu des annees trente, le Groupe evangeliques conservateurs de l 'union s'est livre a une activite d'evangelisation chretienne de l'universite de . qui, pour sa plus grande part, s'est La base s'est ensuite deplacee a Oxford, et deroulee a l 'interieur des denominations c'est pourquoi le mouvement a ete appele existantes en Europe, plus le Groupe d 'Oxford a partir de 1928. Il particulierement en Grande Bretagne, attirait les responsables d'eglise, les dans les pays scandinaves, en Allemagne professeurs, les etudiants et d'autres et aux Pays Bas. Puis, en 1938, lorsque le personnes, a Oxford et ailleurs, qui mouvement a pris le nom de etaient frustres par certains aspects de la " rearmement moral », sa principale vie des eglises et qui recherchaient une preoccupation est devenue la mise en experience spirituelle plus authentique. cause des dictatures politiques en Europe, Au debut des annees trente, dans le le national socialisme et le communisme, cadre des ecoles d'Oxford, de grandes et l'objectifpremier du mouvement, reunions du Groupe se tinrent dans les

EuroJTh 9:2 171 • 1. Randall • maisons. En 1933, elles comptaient cinq Bible et de /'engagement dans le service. mille participants. Parmi eux, beaucoup Buchman a volontairement far;onne son consideraient que leur temps a Oxford les mouvement de maniere a ce qu 'il so it en preparaient a s'impliquer pour faire phase avec les orientations de l'epoque. changer la vie en Europe et au-dela. Les On s'y preoccupait de questions qui membres du Groupe s'engageaient par interessaient beaucoup de gens: les exemple comme delegues aux rencontres besoins personnels profonds, la quete de la Ligue des nations a Geneve. C.J. religieuse, l'interet pour les media, le Hambro, qui {ut president du parlement chomage et le rearmement. de Norvege et deux fois president de De diverses manieres, le Groupe l'assemblee de la Ligue des nations, etait d 'Oxford des annees trente a prepare la un partisan du Groupe. voie aux evolutions du monde Le Groupe a exerce une influence evangelique en Europe a partir des considerable dans les pays scandinaves. annees soixante. Cela apparaU par Frederik Ramm, un journaliste exemple dans sa spiritualite norvegien de reputation internationale, charismatique, son desir d'ceuvrer au est passe par un changement profond et sein de differentes denominations, sa s'est ensuite implique dans des mobilisation de tous et sa promotion de mouvements d'etudiants en Norvege, chants nouveaux. ainsi que dans des efforts de Lors d'une rencontre a Visby en 1938, reconciliation entre la Norvege et le Buchman insista sur le caractere Danernark. Plusieurs haul responsables insuffisant du reveil. Il appela les gens de l 'Eglise lutherienne etaient des de divers pays qui se tenaient dans la partisans du Groupe et se sont trouves cathedrale de cette cite ancienne a aller ainsi proches les uns des autres. de l'avant, pour" batir une philosophie Le Groupe a affirme et re-interprete les chretienne qui transformera l 'Europe » et implications, en terme de changement de a decouvrir l 'experience de la croix. Cette maniere de vivre, du message de la experience faite, affirma-t-il " vous ne conversion, de la croix, de l'autorite de la reculerez devant rien "·

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In der Mitte der dreissiger Jahre {and Gegenstand dieses Beitrags ist die ein Grossteil der evangelistischen Oxford Bewegung (spiiter bekannt als Aktivitiit der Bewegung innerhalb 'Moral Re-Armament', 'moralische bestehenden denominationellen Lebens in Wiederaufriistung'), ein informelles Europa statt, besonders in England, evangelikales Netzwerk, das in den Skandinavien, Deutschland und den zwanziger Jahren in England entstand Niederlanden. Spiitestens seit 1938, als und sich schnell in den dreissiger Jahren die Gruppe begann, fiir eine 'moralische in Europa und anderswo verbreitete. Der Wiederaufriistung' zu werben (der Leiter der Gruppe war Frank Buchman Begriffwurde in dem Jahr offiziell (1878-1961), und die Gruppe fiihlte sich iibernommen), konzentrierte sich die dem verpflichtet, was Buchman als Gruppe primar auf die Herausforderung 'Lebens-Veriinderung' bezeichnete. Die der politischen Diktatoren Europas - Gruppe war eine missionarische Nationalsozialismus und Kommunismus Bewegung, die einen zeitgenossischen - und die fruhere Identifikation als Ausdruck einer iilteren erwecklichen Bewegung fur personliche Evangelisation Tradition darstellte. Der betriichtliche verschwand grosstenteils im Einfluss der Oxford Bewegung in den Hintergrund. dreissiger Jahren ist ein Beispiel dafiir, Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Grunde wie die europiiische Christenheit zu einer fur den Erfolg der Oxford Bewegung in Erneuerung ihrer Mission fiihig gewesen den dreissiger Jahren. Es wird ist. argumentiert, dass ihr Wachstum quer

172 EuroJTh 9:2 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The and Mission in Europe in the 1930s • durch Europa auf ihrem Vermogen Frederik Ramm, ein international beruhte, mit der evangelikalen Tradition, angesehener norwegischer Journalist, aus der sie kam, verbunden zu bleiben, erfuhr einschneidende sowie diese Tradition im Lichte der Lebensveranderungen und engagierte Moderne zu bearbeiten. sich besonders unter norwegischen Wie David Bebbington gezeigt hat, Studenten und fur die Versohnung verband die Bewegung den zwischen Norwegen und Danemark. Evangelikalismus mit dem wachsenden Mehrere Leiter der lutherischen Kirche Interesse an interpersonellen unterstutzten die Bewegung, was in Beziehungen, Ausdruck der eigenen engeren Kontakten zwischen ihnen Personlichkeit, Therapie und nicht­ resultierte. Die lebensverandernde institutionellen Lebensentwurfen. Botschaft von Umkehr, des Kreuzes Von 1920 an begann Buchman, sein Christi, der Autoritat der Bibel und des Konzept von verandertem Leben in aktiven Dienstes wurde von der Gruppe England umzusetzen. Er hatte seine gleichzeitig verteidigt als auch re­ ersten Kontakte in England zu interpretiert. Buchman formte die konservativen evangelikalen Studenten Bewegung bewusst im Gesprach mit den in der College-ubergreifenden Stromungen der Zeit. Die Gruppe christlichen Vereinigung der Universitat befasste sich mit Angelegenheiten, die fur Cambridge. Der Standort wurde dann viele Menschen von Interesse waren­ nach Oxford verlegt, und seit 1928 wurde tiefe personliche Bedurfnisse, religiose die Bewegung 'Oxford Group' genannt. Suche, das Interesse an Massenmedien, Die Bewegung erwies sich als attraktiv Arbeitslosigkeit und 'moralische fur leitende kirchliche Mitarbeiter, Wiederaufrustung '. Auf verschiedene Akademiker, Studenten und andere in Weise nahm die Oxford Bewegung in den Oxford und anderswo, die angesichts dreissiger Jahren evangelikale mancher Aspekte des bestehenden Entwicklungen in Europa in den kirchlichen Lebens frustriert waren und sechziger Jahren und daruber hinaus nach authentischer geistlicher Erfahrung vorweg. Dies ist beispielsweise in ihrer suchten. charismatischen Spiritualitat, ihrer Anfang der dreissiger Jahre gab die Bereitschaft, innerhalb verschiedener Bewegung in Oxfords Colleges grosse Denominationen zu arbeiten, ihrer Hausfeste. 1933 kamen 5000 Teilnehmer. Mobilisation der Laien und ihrer Viele der Anwesenden sahen ihre Zeit in Forderung neuen Liedgutes sichtbar. Oxford als Vorbereitung fur spateres Auf einem Hausfest in Visby im Jahre Engagement fur 'Lebens-Veranderung' 1938 bestand Buchman darauf, dass in Europa und daruberhinaus. Erweckung nicht genug sei. Er forderte Gruppenmitglieder waren beispielsweise Teilnehmer aus verschiedenen Landern unter den Delegiert(m bei Treffen der bei einer Versammlung in der Kathedrale Liga der Nationen in Genf aktiv. C. J. dieser alten Hansestadt heraus, 'eine Hambro, Prasident des norwegischen christliche Philosophie zu entwerfen, die Parlamentes und zweimal Prasident der Europa bewegen wird,' und die Versammlung der Liga der Nationen, Erfahrung des Kreuzez zu entdecken. unterstutzte die Gruppe. Das Leben in Mit dieser Erfahrung, so Buchman, Skandinavien wurde von der Gruppe in 'werdet ihr keiner Schwierigkeit nicht unwesentlichem Masse beeinflusst. ausweichen.'

On 8 December 1933 the London Evening the floor of the House alike'. 1 The subject Standard reported on an unusual meet­ of the meeting was the message of the ing held in the House of Commons in Lon­ Oxford Group (later known as Moral Re­ don which had attracted so many MPs Armament), an informal evangelical net­ that it had 'emptied smoking rooms and work which had emerged in England in

EuroJTh 9:2 173 • I. Randall • the 1920s and which spread rapidly devotional gathering of about 5,000 evan­ throughout Europe and elsewhere in the gelicals which was held annually in the 1930s. The main speaker on behalf of the English Lake District, hoping to meet F. Group was Carl Johan Hambro, Presi­ B. Meyer, a Baptist internationalist who dent of the Norwegian Parliament and was one of the Convention's main speak­ twice President of the League of Nations ers. Discovering Meyer was not there, Assembly. Three months earlier, Buchman rather disconsolately entered a speaking to an audience in Geneva, local chapel where he heard Jessie Penn­ Hambro had announced that he believed Lewis, a powerful personality associated the vision of the Group's leader, Frank with the Welsh Revival, speaking on the Buchman (1878-1961), for what subject of the cross. Buchman had what Buchman termed 'life-changing', was he described as 'a poignant vision of the more important than most of the subjects Crucified'. He later wrote that the cross on the agenda of the League of Nations. was 'an awesome and devastating con­ Hambro's view was that 'we all need con­ frontation with 's holiness which stant change', and he believed the Group breaks but also remakes, which condemns helped to stimulate such change. Four but also cures.'6 Buchman's crucicentric years after the Commons gathering of experience was quintessentially 1933 the Group's magazine, Rising Tide, evangelical. was being translated into nine languages, Biblicism and activism were also fea­ with over one and a half million copies tures of the Group's operations. A Report being sold, mainly in Europe and Amer­ on the Group by the Social and Industrial ica. 2 As he surveyed the religious scene of Council of the 's the 1930s, the journalist Malcolm Church Assembly noted that within the Muggeridge, who kept a watch on movement the use of Moffat's modern European developments, highlighted translation of the Bible was encouraged. Frank Buchman's notable success as a The Report was unhappy that 'no serious revivalist.:3 The Oxford Group was a mis­ account appears to be taken of critical sionary movement, representing a con­ scholarship' and that isolated biblical pas­ temporary expression of an older sages were 'used out of context and with revivalist tradition. no necessary reference to their original The enormous impact made by the and legitimate meaning', but it acknowl­ Oxford Group in the 1930s is an example edged that this was not uncommon of the way in which in among 'ordinary' church members.7 It Europe has been capable of renewed mis­ was often these 'ordinary' members who sion. The roots of the group were in main­ were inspired to follow Buchman in his stream evangelicalism, that form of 'life-changing' mission. The Group exhib­ Christianity which, as David Bebbington ited a determinedly activist spiritual has shown, stresses conversion, the cross, ethos as it pursued this mission, a further the Bible and activist faith. 4 In 1901 expression of its evangelicalism. In the Buchman, who was an American mid-1930s a good deal of evangelistic Lutheran and was then training for activity took place within existing ordained ministry, attended the North­ European denominational life, especially field () Student Confer­ in Britain, Scandinavia, Germany and the ence, which owed its origin to the Netherlands.R But by 1938, when the American evangelist D. L. Moody, known Group began to call for 'moral re­ for his evangelistic enterprises in North armament' (the name it then officially America and Britain. What he experi­ adopted), its primary concerns had enced at N orthfield, Buchman reported, become the challenge of political dictator­ 'completely changed' him.5 It was lan­ ships in Europe - National Socialism and guage heavy with evangelical con­ Communism. From the 1940s the versionism. In 1908 Buchman visited the Group's earlier identification of itself as a British Keswick Convention, a week-long movement for personal and to

174 EuroJTh 9:2 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The Oxford Group and Mission in Europe in the 1930s • an extent an arm of the churches was confession or 'sharing' of sins and fail­ largely out of fashion. 9 ures, and direct divine guidance which This study examines the reasons for opened up new dimensions of adventur­ the success of the Oxford Group in the ous living. Buchman's initial English con­ 1930s, arguing that its growth through­ tacts were with conservative evangelical out Europe stemmed from its ability to undergraduates in the Cambridge Uni­ remain connected to the evangelical tradi­ versity Inter-Collegiate Christian Union 1 tion from which it arose while also adapt­ (CICCU). :J During the early 1920s ing that tradition in the light of Buchman was active in American college modernity. The Group, as David campuses, but a reaction against him took Bebbington has shown, blended evangeli­ place in 1926 at - calism with the growing interest in his opponents alleged that he intruded exploring inter-personal relationships, into people's personal lives and stimu­ self-expression, therapy and non-institu­ lated a morbid interest in sexual matters tional modes of living. 10 In England, the - and this led to the centre of gravity of Bloomsbury Group set the pace in anum­ the movement shifting to England.14 By ber of these areas. One Oxford Group the following year the 'First Century member explicitly took up the theme of Christian Fellowship', as Buchman modernity, saying: 'We are Moderns'. 11 termed it at that time, was firmly based in The Group's self-consciously progressive Oxford, and from 1928 the movement was represented an attempt to called the Oxford Group. understand and communicate Christian The First Century Fellowship was, experience in terms of the contemporary Buchman had asserted in 1922, a protest context. Thus it had its early focus in against 'committeeized and lifeless Chris­ Oxford, among students who prized tian work'. 15 As such it appealed to some themselves on being thoroughly contem­ Free Church leaders who were frustrated porary in their outlook. It used the by aspects of existing church life and were Keswick holiness network and other looking for renewal. In Oxford theological inter-denominational bodies, but circles, for example, N athaniel Micklem, reshaped traditional emphases. Group principal of Congregationalism 's members made strenuous attempts to Mansfield College, and someone who was resonate with inter-war societal changes. deeply concerned about the church in Finally, the Group was able to adjust to Europe, followed the Group's activities different expressions of church life in with interest. In 1932 he commented that Europe. As early as 1921 Buchman had while he admired the Group's 'apostolic the impression that God was going to use fervour' he wondered if it generated a real him to 'remake the world' .12 The Group's sense of God. 16 After attending one Group vision was of engaging with and then meeting in 1935, however, he went so far changing the socio-cultural environment as to say: 'There was the air of Pentecost of the inter-war period through the trans­ about it. >~I There was wide agreement formation of individuals. that informal Group meetings, with their testimonies, fellowship and prayer, were Oxford Connections contemporary versions of 's class meetings. JH A best-selling book It was from 1920 that Buchman began to about the Group by ajournalist, A. J. Rus­ put his concept of changed lives into sell, For Sinners Only (1932), spoke about action in England. At this early stage the Group activities developing and growing crucial elements in Buchman's approach in Germany, and Holland, as to the reshaping of evangelical spiritual­ well as elsewhere in the world. Group ity can be traced: life-changing at an indi­ members, said Russell, 'were urging vidual level; the building of open Christians, congregations and clergy relationships within teams; a community alike, to expel sin from their midst, as the of people surrendered entirely to God; Apostles did too, stressing the need to

EuroJTh 9:2 175 • I. Randall • surrender entirely to God'. 19 When 1,600 Buchman as someone who fostered people attending a Group meeting packed deeper Christian unity. 25 Buchman's the Town Hall in Bournemouth, England, vision was calculated to appeal to those in 1936, comparisons were being made looking for a relevant approach to Chris­ with the impact of John Wesley and tian witness. George Whitefield - who also came Although Buchman attracted some together initially in Oxford, as members known Oxford academic figures, his of the 'Holy Club'. It is significant, how­ greatest success was with the university's ever, that the central feature of the undergraduates. Loudon Hamilton, a for­ Bournemouth event was not preaching mer army officer, who was the Fellow­ but was personal testimony from (twenty­ ship's first student convert in Oxford and four) Group members.20 Older evangelis­ who travelled with Buchman in Europe, tic approaches were being adapted to a recalled that undergraduates would modern context. queue for hours to obtain an interview Group influence among progressive with Buchman. 26 Hamilton himself had a Oxford Anglicans was even more evident. profound influence on Eric Liddell, the L. W. Grensted, Chaplain of University Scots Olympic gold medallist and later a College and later professor of the Philoso­ missionary in . Liddell described in phy of Religion, who was also a psycholo­ 1932 how eight years previously, in a con­ gist, was a prominent recruit in the mid- versation with Hamilton, his heart had 1920s and was to remain heavily involved 'burned within him'.27 One flamboyant in the Group for a decade. He gave talks Oxford student, Marie Clarkson, was typ­ on the psychology of life-changing and ical of those to whom the Group proved Christian experience.21 Grensted used irresistible. She described how she had depth psychology as a framework for his revelled in driving spectacular sports cars thinking. Alan Thornhill, chaplain of and frequenting cocktail parties. The Hertford College, Oxford, described Group's freshness, however, had made Group gatherings in Oxford as having as her feel so 'dull and dissipated' that she 2 their aim 'to build a new world'. They gave her life to Christ. H The Group also combined 'intense spiritual training' with attracted students with a more serious 'complete informality'. 22 Thornhill inclination, such as John Morrison, who became a leading Group spokesman and had studied at New College, activist, emphasising that 'a personal Edinburgh, and in Germany under Karl knowledge of Christ ... is to be put to work Barth and Rudolf Bultmann. In one for others'. 23 Another Oxford college Oxford college a sweepstake was held as chaplain, Geoffrey Alien, at Lincoln Col­ to who would be the next student to be lege, who later became bishop of Derby, 'changed'.29 The contrast with more tradi­ was impressed by an occasion in autumn tional evangelism was marked. 1926 when Buchman drew together his The Group's practice of openly sharing Oxford circle and 'shared with them his personal failures in group settings was guidance' about the effect he believed part of its commitment to freedom and to they could have. 24 The Group believed deeper inter-personal relationships. It that such guided 'thoughts', to which con­ also proved highly controversial, with sex siderable significance was attached, being the main problem. In 1928, writing should be written down and put into prac­ in the Daily Express about what was tak­ tice. It was in the same year that ing place in Oxford, the British MP and Buchman, at the invitation of Archbishop journalist first highlighted Nathan Soderblom of Uppsala, Sweden, what (he claimed) a college head had who was one of the pioneers of the ecu­ described as 'morbid sensualism mas­ menical movement and who worked querading under the guise of religion', closely with Anglican leaders, attended and which Driberg saw as crude invasions the opening session of the League of of physical and spiritual privacy.~ 0 T. R. Nations in Geneva. Soderblom saw Glover, a Baptist layman and Public

176 EuroJTh 9:2 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The Oxford Group and Mission in Europe in the 1930s • Orator of Cambridge University, al­ the growth of the Group. At a time when though a Group sympathiser, believed much European church life was flagging, that Buchman over-emphasised sexual here was an expression of contemporary matters. 31 In the face of criticisms over mission. sexual sins being shared in the Group's conferences or 'house-parties' (a term New Evangelical Initiatives which was deliberately non-religious), Buchman claimed in 1930 that 'it is the The Group sought to base itself on princi­ rarest thing in the world for irrelevant or ples derived from older evangelicalism foolish talk to be heard on such occa­ while ensuring their modern acceptability sions'.:3~ One Group supporter, Leslie in order to make mission effective. Weatherhead, the highly popular author Conversionism underwent crucial and of the City Temple, London, reshaping. In 1921 Murray Webb-Peploe admitted in July 1932 that at one recent and Godfrey Buxton, both from leading house-party he had encountered 'rather a Anglican evangelical families with morbid display of minds preoccupied with Keswick Convention connections, spent sexual temptations'.33 Nathaniel Mick­ three months with Buchman in America lem, writing two weeks later, had simply and were impressed by his unconven­ found the event boring.34 tional evangelism.:37 The Group's associa­ In the early 1930s Oxford's colleges tion with Keswick, as David Belden became the setting for very large Group shows, was to a large extent written out of house-parties, a name which was retained later Group historiography. Yet it was even when the size of the gatherings Keswick speakers such as F. B. Meyer, as meant that the original sense of intimacy well as missionary statesman such as had gone. In 1931 about 700 Groupers John Mott and outstanding lecturers filled the three women's colleges in such as Henry Wright of Yale and Henry Oxford. Two years later a huge summer Drummond of Edinburgh, who influenced event was convened, again in Oxford, Buchman's ideas about personal wit­ with 5,000 people attending. Many of ness.a~ Buchman's emphasis, like that of those present considered that their time Drummond, was on the relevance to the in Oxford trained them for engagement in contemporary setting. Older evangelical life-changing in Europe and beyond. language such as 'Are you saved?' was Group members were active in 1933 rejected by the Group. Instead, converts among the delegates to meetings of the spoke of discovering the 'adventure and League of Nations in Geneva. At the end romance which I looked for in my pagan of 1933, as we have seen, one of the days'.a9 Churches were fired by the new League's most prominent figures, C. J. mood. Howard Rose, an evangelical Angli­ Hambro, was one of several speakers can clergyman deeply affected by the associated with the Group who addressed Group, moved in 1932 from Oxford to over one hundred British MPs.:J;> In 1934, Christ Church, Penge, in south-east Lon­ Hambro and his wife organised the first don, determined to show his new parish Group house-party in Norway, and in the that the Group was relevant. In August same year B. H. Streeter, a respected New 1933 Rose wrote in his parish newsletter Testament scholar and provost of about his vision of God speaking directly Queen's College, Oxford, who had an through 'a spiritual receiving set in every interest in the place of intuition and of home in our parish'. By autumn of the fol­ divine guidance, came to see the Group as lowing year he could report that many offering spiritual hope for Europe. He who had drifted from faith were now join­ told an audience in the Oxford Town Hall ing Christ Church, finding there 'new that he was associating himself with the reality andjoy'.40 movement.a6 The many social and theo­ Conversion was seen as a miracle in logical connections which Oxford offered which a person was transformed and ensured that it was a fertile seed-bed for through which he or she found new

EuroJTh 9:2 177 • I. Randall • personal potential being realised. An Buchman asserted that it was a personal example was Fredrik Ramm, aNorwegian experience of the atonement, not a theory journalist with an international reputa­ about it, to which the Group was commit­ tion. Ramm had represented the world's ted.44 Thus for the Group it was possible press on Amundsen's flight across the for Christians who took different theolog­ North Pole in an airship. In 1934 Hambro ical positions over the interpretation of invited Ramm to a house-party at the cross to experience unity and to Hosbjor, and as Ramm was travelling to engage in mission together. In Norway the mountain hotel where the gathering there were considerable theological ten­ was to take place he enquired, with evi­ sions between liberals and conservatives dent cynicism, what was going to happen. within the Lutheran Church in the 1920s, 'Miracles', his enthusiastic Group com­ but the influence of the Group helped to panions replied, 'and you'll be one of bring a measure of peace in the mid- them'. Later Ramm spoke of how, at that 1930s. One of those affected by the Group house-party, 'the ice in my heart melted was Eivind Berggrav, who represented and a new and unknown feeling began to the more liberal theological tradition. By grow'. He apologised to Group members the end of the decade Berggrav, by then that his opinion of himself had been too the Bishop of , was making common big. 'Not too big', was the response, 'too cause with Professor Ole Hallesby, the small.' This was a clear change of empha­ leader of the conservative evangelicals in sis when compared to some traditional Norway. The coming together through evangelical thinking about pride, the Group, said Bishop Arne Fjellbu of although Group members argued that the Trondheim in 1945, was an essential perspective that was being talked about foundation for the united witness given was a divine rather than a human one. by the Norwegian church during the Nazi 4 Buchman encouraged Ramm to see his occupation. ,-, potential for achieving change in Norway Many of those who were attracted to and Ramm became particularly involved the Group espoused a position on the in movements among Norwegian stu­ authority of the Bible which stressed its dents as well as in crucial moves towards practical relevance. For some it was like a reconciliation between Norway and Den­ new Reformation, indeed bishop mark over fishing rights. Previously Berggrav commented: 'What is now hap­ Ramm had bitterly opposed 's pening in Norway is the biggest spiritual claims. At the Norwegian national stu­ movement since the Reformation.'46 What dents' conference of 1935 the press noted the Group offered was an approach to the that 'the Oxford spirit' was dominant.41 biblical text that majored on its spiritual The Group both asserted and re-inter­ significance. In 1935, when Buchman vis­ preted the life-changing relevance of the ited Geneva and spoke at a luncheon for message of the cross of Christ. Buchman 500 guests hosted by Edvard Benes, Pres­ summed up his experience in 1908 at ident of Czechlosovakia and President of Keswick with the words of an evangelical the Leage of Nations Assembly that year, hymn- 'At the Cross, at the Cross, where there was comment on the Group's use of I first saw the light' - and he wrote to the Bible. The Group was seen as accept­ Jessie Penn-Lewis in 1920 to say that he ing the challenge of the Sermon on the seldom spoke at meetings without men­ Mount and seeking to see the effect of the tioning that event.42 Julian Thornton­ Word in personal and public life. As Duesbery, who later became principal of Theophil Spoerri, professor of French and the evangelical Anglican Wycliffe Hall, Italian Literature at Zurich University, Oxford, gained an 'apprehension of what put it, Buchman's reading of a text such Christ did on Calvary' at a house-party.43 as Ephesians 3 verses 20 and 21 trans­ Replying in 1933 to criticisms that the formed it into 'something moving, moving Group had been moving away from tradi­ more and more urgently towards the one tional teaching on the atonement, point - the overflowing abundance of

178 EuroJTh 9:2 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The Oxford Group and Mission in Europe in the 1930s • God's effective action, beyond all the with the currents of the time. The most bounds of our understanding and long­ notable achievement of the Group had ing'.47 For the Group the authority of the always been its ability to adapt to a chang­ Bible was not to be defined in terms of ing cultural context. One observer, Marjo­ theological propositions. Rather the Bible rie Harrison, voiced the widespread belief was understood as offering direct guid­ that the Group's promises of joy and ance to anyone who sought help with the thrills fascinated 'a post-War generation, everyday decisions which were necessary lonely in the midst of crowds, hungry in in contemporary life. the midst of plenty, with neither stan­ Frank Buchman and his colleagues dards nor stable background'. 50 The were also marked by energetic evangelical attention given to themes connected with activism. Buchman's vision was always of overcoming sexual temptation was - as an active church. In an address in Zurich we have seen- an example of the Group's in October 1935, which formed the climax determination to face the issues of the of a visit in which Buchman had spoken at time, although Beverley Nichols, a British many business and governmental recep­ journalist and sought-after Group tions, Buchman set out an agenda for speaker in the mid-1930s, complained Switzerland. 'I can see the Church in that 'the real stuff, raw and naked' was Switzerland', he announced, 'in such not publicly shared. He recalled that power that she sends out a mission to when a pimply young man had described Christians in many lands. I can see Swiss at one house-party sensations he had felt business men showing the leaders of the during a visit to the Folies Bergeres, world's commerce how faith in God is the Buchman had rung a bell and stopped only security. I can see Swiss statesmen him.51 Yet the focus on frank revelations demonstrating that divine guidance is the about personal longings and failures, 4 only practical politics.' H A few months which represented a thoroughly modern later Buchman considered that his vision instinct, was integral to the Group's for a Europe mobilised for spiritual action success. was being fulfilled. Twenty-five thousand The Group also mirrored the fascina­ people gathered in the British Industries tion in the period with the paranormal. Fair building, Birmingham, the largest There were many stories of Buchman's covered hall in Europe. There were con­ going, seemingly for no reason, to the tingents from thirty-five countries, five right place at the right time, of his abil­ hundred from Holland alone. Interna­ ity to discern the thoughts of others, and tional sportspersons speaking about life­ of his knowing events elsewhere or what changing included Marjorie Saunders, would transpire in the future.52 Interest who had played hockey for England, and in the supernatural dimension of life Henry Poulson, a Scottish rugby and gave the Group a ready audience. cricket international. Broadcasting from Healing, too, was explained by the England in August 1936 Buchman asked Group in a way which capitalised on the his listeners to picture the vast Birming­ rapidly growing field, initially a special­ ham audience responding to more than a ist one but increasingly picked up by thousand young people from many society at large, of psycho-analysis and 5 nations, 'marching together in a new psychology. :J There were reports within enlistment'. 49 Active engagement in the Group of inner healing of sexual bringing about change was paramount. complexes, healing of relationships and even physical healings. L. W. Grensted, Social and Political Dimensions of whose interest in this area was consider­ Mission able, described a case in which tubercu­ lar destruction of a person's lung, What was also evident by the mid-1930s clearly shown by X-ray, cleared up was that Buchman was consciously shap­ within a month.54 He argued that ing his movement so that it resonated prayer, psychotherapy and drugs were

EuroJTh 9:2 179 • I. Ranclall • all ways by which God's could cure a cross-denominational basis. Jaeger, physical and emotional disorders. 55 The who never entered Baptist ministry, was claim was being made that the experi­ to devote much of his life to the labour ence of surrender as explained by the movement throughout the world.60 Bill Group offered a direct experience of God Rowell, who was to represent 250,000 and resulted in personal wholeness. unemployed people in 1936 at the Trades The increasing interest in mass media Union Congress, was one of those was another feature exploited by the recruited by a member of Jaeger's team­ Group. Modern methods of communica­ who was himself the son of a peer. It tion were used to spread the Group's mes­ appeared that through the efforts of sage. Ivan Menzies, a performer with the Group members such as Jaeger women D'Oyly Carte company, became an active and men from all sections of inter-war Group member and began to investigate society were beginning to be affected. communicating Christianity through Increasingly, with the idea of social revo­ drama. 56 At one Sunday morning service, lution in the air, Buchman saw the Group held in a theatre in Oxford, Groupers as a revolution aimed at bringing in a new showed a film. 57 One British journalist, social order. Hugh Redwood, deputy editor of the News The idea began to emerge of mobilising Chronicle, was one of a number of jour­ an international spiritual army, a Group nalists across Europe attracted by the manifesto speaking of fighting a greater Group. The British media had a field day war than any known before. 61 Political in 1937, however, when, at a Foyle's Lit­ figures could be utilised. The influence of erary Lunch featuring Group apologists, supportive figures such as Carl Johan Margaret Rawlings, an actress, pro­ Hambro, or in England Sir Lynden nounced to the audience of 2,500 that Macassey, Leader of the Parliamentary exposure of one's soul in public was like Bar, and Ernest Brown (a Baptist), who undressing in Piccadilly."H The Group was was Minister of Labour, was significant. 6 ~ defended by its supporters in Scandina­ Buchman's frequent visits to Germany in via, as well as in Britain by Wilson Carlile, the period in which Nazi influence was the founder of the Church Army. growing included a meeting in 1932 with Although the statement by Rawlings 150 church leaders at Bad Homburg. In embarrassed the Group, her perspective the same year a body called the 'German could be seen as a logical extension of the Christians' was organised by the Nazis Group's desire to connect with a world and one bishop from the German Chris­ that increasingly revelled in the tians, after attending the 1933 Oxford sensational. house-party, preached against the expul­ There was, however, a more sombre sion of Jewish Christians from the aspect to the society of the 1930s, with churches. He left the German Christians. economic depression and rising unem­ , as part of the Con­ ployment a feature of the lives of many fessing Church that opposed Hitler, dep­ communities. The Group tried to address recated the Group's efforts to gain a the situation of those who found their way hearing in Nazi circles, efforts that in any 6 of life collapsing. In order to tackle this case failed. :; Buchman's contact with issue, George Light, chairman of the Germany highlighted for him the impor­ Unemployed Workers' Association of tance of what he called 'spiritual dictator­ Warwickshire, in England, was used as a ship'. The Group began to arrange large prominent speaker at Group events in camps and assemblies, the largest, as we Britain. He also spoke to workers and have seen, attracting 25,000 to Birming­ intellectuals in Denmark.';9 In the later ham for an event described as 'Enlist­ 1930s a student for the Baptist ministry ment in the moral equivalent of war'.64 at Regent's Park College, Bill Jaeger, led Buchman incurred severe censure for his teams of Groupers who worked in poor apparent appreciation, in what was per­ areas in the , often on haps a throwaway comment, of Hitler's

180 EuroJTh 9:2 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The Oxford Group and Mission in Europe in the 1930s • role as a possible bulwark against Com­ Like many of the leaders of spiritual munism. 65 There was certainly never any renewal from the 1960s, the Group's lead­ common ground between the Group and ers wanted to work within existing Fascism. An SS Central Security Office denominations. Lord Salisbury, Leader of document of 1936 saw in the Group a the and a senior Conser­ 'dangerous opponent for National Social­ vative, was a Group sympathiser, and ism'.66 By 1938 Buchman's belief in God­ encouraged Cosmo Lang, Archbishop of control, and his sensitivity to political Canterbury, to favour the Group.74 On 7 developments, had led to a new thought: October 1933 a congregation of over 6,000 'Britain and the world must re-arm mor­ filled St Paul's Cathedral for a service in ally.'67 The early evangelistic outlook that which the , A. F. marked the Group gave way to a more Winnington-Ingram, used a specially con­ general campaign for Moral Re­ structed liturgy to authorise 500 life­ Armament. changers for mission in London. 75 Four German Church leaders attended this Renewal and Revival ceremony and one of them brought back the Nazi Bishop Hossenfelder to London In a number of ways, however, the Oxford to meet Buchman and to seek to improve Group in the 1930s anticipated evangeli­ the image of the German Church. cal developments in Europe in the 1960s Hossenfelder reported back that he did and subsequently. Group belief in fresh not understand 'all they kept saying operations of the in human about change' .76 Norway and Finland, experience, David Bebbington argues, through Lutheran Church leaders, expe­ anticipated the influential charismatic rienced the impact of the Group on renewal movement of the 1960s."H The national life in the mid-1930s. In Oslo the Swiss theologian fre­ notable Lutheran scholar Sigmund quently spoke of his debt to the Group Mowinckel gave support to the Group. Up and suggested that it offered a form of to 14,000 people attended Group meet­ 'renewal . . . by the power of the Holy ings in this period, and communicants in Spirit'.69 The British Methodist leader, the Oslo diocese grew by nearly a quarter W. E. Sangster, agreed, and took strong over the following two years. 77 The Group objection to 's assertion that enjoyed widespread acceptance in part the Group was destructive of mystery and because it worked with clerical leaders spirituality.70 As with the later charis­ and did not seek to create separatist matic movement, the Group offered a churches. stimulus to existing, rather lack-lustre In many situations, however, the expressions of religion. Indeed there was Group was prepared to take advantage of some continuity of personnel between the extra-ecclesiastical networks and it was Group and charismatic renewal. also committed to the mobilisation of lay Bebbington notes the example of people. These were also emphases that , later the bishop of would characterise many more churches Coventry.71 George West, Bishop of Ran­ in Europe in subsequent decades. The goon, who was drawn into the Group in Group's campaign in Denmark in 1935, 1935, also became an ardent charismatic when team members who had been part in the 1970s.72 John Tyndale-Biscoe, of a house-party of 10,000 people in West's chaplain, was one of a circle of Oxford moved on to Copenhagen, relied early Groupers who subsequently heavily on international, non-denomina­ embraced charismatic spirituality, and tional contacts. These were often made for him the Group exhibited 'an enthusi­ through the YMCA and also through the asm, expectancy and unity which we find Keswick Convention, which had links in the Charismatic Renewal'.':! The with holiness conventions throughout Group's strategy was to promote renewal Europe. For a week the biggest hall in that promoted mission. Copenhagen was filled every night. At an

EuroJTh 9:2 181 • I. Randall • all-Scandinavian demonstration in Ham­ authoritarianism of the time and also let's Castle at Elinsore 10,000 people foreshadowed some of the authoritarian crowded into the castle courtyard. The charismatic groups that would emerge, chief editor of Dagens Nyheter spoke of for example within British how all ages and classes were repre­ evangelicalism. sented. 7H An important factor in the Styles of worship within the Group Group's advance was its ability to foster were also designed to convey more mod­ lay leadership. In Norway the two most ern ideas. Complaints in the 1930s of lack outstanding Group leaders were probably of hymn-singing at Group meetings indi­ Ronald Fangen, President of the Norwe­ cate that the Group was not convinced gian Authors' Association, and Fredrik that existing hymnody was culturally rel­ Ramm. In Denmark, in 1935, a well­ evant.M Neither was the spirituality of known High Court Advocate, Valdemar the Group sacramental in the traditional Hvidt, was convinced by the message of churchly sense. Swedish observers spoke the Group and threw his energies into its of the experience offellowship itself being activities. Out of the team of 210 which the sacrament of the Group.85 At large formed the core of the group in Denmark, Group events in Scandinavia traditional only seven or eight were clergy. Buchman hymns such as 'A Mighty Fortress is our encouraged them to see Christ as God', might be used, but attention was the answer to human need and to look for paid to less familiar features such as 'a mighty awakening of the living Spirit of visual displays and the vibrant accompa­ God'. 79 Lay women and men were given niment ofbugles and drums.s(j From 1935, the freedom by the Group to explore new Group members began to compose their ways of spreading this message across own songs, the first - which was written Europe. in Denmark in 1935- being the rhythmic Although the Group seemed to offer 'Bridgebuilders', composed by George freedom to individuals, some observers Fraser, a former church organist in Edin­ nevertheless detected an underlying burgh. Fraser went on to write over 1,000 authoritarianism in its operations. It songs. A Group-produced record, 'The became the practice that each person who Drums of Peace', which had sophisticated joined the Group became subject to a orchestration, sold 75,000 copies.s7 At a system of detailed checking of guidance significant house-party at Visby, on the by someone in the Group's chain oflead­ island of Gottland in Sweden, in 1938, ership.Ho By 1936 Buchman's view, which when Buchman spoke on progressing reflected ideas of discipline becoming through 'Revival' to 'Revolution' and 'Re­ popular in Europe, was that no-one could naissance', a special collection of songs be 'wholly God-controlled who works was published. Some of these songs alone'.s1 A magazine entitled Groups, emphasised the creation of a new Nordic launched in 1933 by a British Methodist spirit which could help to solve world minister, Frank Raynor, voiced anxieties problems.8s New hymnody was to become about the system of checking, however, increasingly popular in many churches suggesting that personal guidance should from the 1960s, to a large extent through be assessed by experienced clergy rather the charismatic movement. than by an 'inner group' operating, as he The Visby house-party was important put it, in Episcopal fashion, from Brown's because Buchman was to insist more and Hotel in London, where Buchman often more that revival was not enough. During stayed. s~ Raynor was determined to the Danish campaign in 1935 Buchman oppose tyranny and compulsion, having clashed with those who he saw as promot­ himself once been told by the inner ing 'over-personal, revivalist-type Chris­ Group: 'You have not checked your tianity' and he was especially annoyed guidance with us. •H:J God-control was that some local groups organised a prayer through guidance checked by the Group. meeting to which they invited the press. This was a symptom of the By the later 1930s he was seeing

182 EuroJTh 9:2 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The Oxford Group and Mission in Europe in the 1930s • traditional revivalism as a kind of 'spiri­ relevant to the social and political envi­ tual deformity'.M9 In some areas ofEurope ronment. Although Buchman became the Group did continue to provide inspira­ wary about ideas of revival, the Group tion for local revivals. The renewal in presaged later movements of renewal. Howard Rose's parish in Penge, London, Buchman's ideas were always changing, for example, attracted attention in Swe­ and the Group's mission emphases, so den. One Swede, Erik Palin, visited Penge clearly evident in the inter-war period, in 1934 and took back to Sweden a vision gave way to a wider moral campaign. But of local parish revivalism. Sweden was to the spiritual changes that had been felt in experience the impact of the Group much the 1930s continued to have an effect. more through these kinds of personal con­ Fredrik Ramm, who had seen his life dra­ tacts and also through literature than matically altered through contact with through large Group rallies of the kind the Group (and who was referred to by found elsewhere in Europe. Buchman's Norway's foreign minister as 'one of Nor­ call at Visby in 1938, however, was of a way's greatest heroes'), as he was dying in different order. He challenged people a prison during the Second from various countries meeting in the World War said: 'All I learned in the cathedral of this old Hanseatic city to look Oxford Group remains true. I would forward, to 'build a Christian philosophy rather be in prison with God than outside that will move Europe' and to discover without Him. '91 the experience of the cross. With this experience, he asserted, 'you would not shrink from anything'. ~o NOTES

Conclusion 1 Evening Standard, 8 December 1933, p. 5. 2 G. Lean, Frank Buchman: A Life (London, 1985), pp. 173, 216; C. Ekman, Experiment This study has sought to examine a with God: Frank Buchman Reconsidered remarkable movement which emphasised (London, 1972), p. 107. the possibility of life-changing experi­ 3 M. Muggeridge, The Thirties (London, ence. The first phase of the Oxford Group, 1940), p. 20. For some other inter-war beginning in the 1920s, owed a great deal evangelical movements see I. M. Randall, to aspects of the evangelical tradition in Evangelical Experiences: A Study in America and Britain. Buchman was, how­ the Spirituality ofEnglish Evangelicalism, ever, dissatisfied with the status quo, and 1918-1939 (Carlisle: Paternoster Publish­ his concern was to promote a message ing, 1999). which would attract people for whom the 4 D. W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Mod­ ern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the traditional evangelical approach was 1980s (London, 1989), pp. 2-17. irrelevant. The Group's informal and 5 David C. Belden, 'The Origins and Devel­ undoctrinal meetings, house-parties and opment of the Oxford Group (Moral Re-Ar­ larger events, centred initially on Oxford, mament)', D Phil were part of a strategy designed to adapt thesis ( 1976), p. 106. I am grateful to Ken evangelical mission to modernity, in par­ Belden, a member of the Group since the ticular to cultural trends in Europe in the 1930s and David Belden's father, for his 1930s. Spiritual experience involved life­ help. changing, forging deeper relationships, 6 T. Spoerri, Dynamic out of Silence (Lon­ don, 1976), pp. 24-5. sharing and guidance. The lack of a theo­ 7 Report of the Social and Industrial Council logical framework was a serious weak­ of the Church Assembly, 1955, cited by T. ness, but some European church leaders Driberg, The M.:vstery of Moral Re-Arma­ saw in the Group a contemporary, non­ ment (London, 1964), chapter 13. This clerical form of Christianity that could book is a severe critique of the Oxford bring together those from different tradi­ Group/Moral Re-Armament. For a reply tions. New evangelical initiatives were seeJ.P. Thornton-Duesbery, TheOpenSe­ being taken. The Group sought to be cret of MRA (London, 1964).

EuroJTh 9:2 183 • 1. Randall •

8 A. Jarlert, The Oxford Group, Group Reviv­ 37 K. Makower, Follow my Leader: A Biogra­ alism and the Churches in Northern Eu­ phy of Murray Webb-Peploe (Eastbourne, rope, 1930-1945 (Lund, Sweden, 1995), p. 1984), pp. 59, 62. 22. 38 Belden, 'Oxford Group', pp. 310-17; M. 9 Bel den, 'Oxford Group', p. 317. Guldseth, Streams (Alaska, 1982), pp. 98- 10 Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern 9. Spoerri, Dynamic, pp. 32-40. For Britain, p. 240. Drummond see T. E. Corts, ed., Henry 11 'The Layman with aN otebook', What is the Drummond (Edinburgh, 1999). Oxford Group? (London, 1933), p. 130. 39 BW, 6 July 1933, p. 273. 12 Spoerri, Dynamic, p. 63. 40 Christ Church Parish Notes, August 1933; 13 J. C. Pollock,A Cambridge Movement (Lon­ October 1934. don, 1953),pp.207-9. 41 P. Howard, That Man Frank Buchman 14 W. H. Clark, The Oxford Group: Its History (London, 1946), pp. 19-21. and Significance (New York, 1951), pp. 68, 42 P. Howard, Frank Buchman 's Secret (Lon­ 75. don, 1961), p. 20; F. Buchman to J. Penn­ 15 F. Buchman to Mrs J. F. Shepard, 24 No­ Lewis, 23 September 1920, Box 68, MRA vember 1922, Morris Martin Files, Moral Archives. Re-Armament Archives, Library of Con­ 43 Russell, For Sinners Only, pp. 298, 306. gress, Washington, DC, USA. 44 The Life of Faith, 25 October 1933, pp. 16 The British Weekly (BW), 28 July 1932, p. 1191-2; 1 November 1933, p. 1213. 362 (writing as 'Ilico'). 45 E. Molland, Church Life in Norway, 1800- 17 BW, 31 January 1935, p. 365. 1950 (Minneapolis, 1957), pp. 112-17; 18 BW, 14 July 1932, p. 288. Howard, That Man Frank Buchman, p. 18; 19 A. J. Russell, For Sinners Only (London, Spoerri, Dynamic, p. 88. 1932), p. 45. 46 Lean, Buchman, p. 223. 20 BW, 16 January 1936, p. 332. 4 7 Spoerri, Dynamic, pp. 90-4; 135. 21 Lean, Buchman, p. 157; , 27 Sep­ 48 Buchman, Remaking, p. 20. tember 1933, p. 12. 49 The Times, 27 July 1936, p. 9; Belden, 'Ox­ 22 A. Thornhill, One Fight More (London, ford Group', p. 70; Buchman, Remaking, p. 1943), p. 20; The Record {R), 7 October 37. 1932, p. 601. 50 M. Harrison, Saints Run Mad (London, 23 Introduction, by Alan Thornhill, to F. N. D. 1934), p. 14. Buchman, Remaking the World (London, 51 B. Nichols, All I Could Never Be (London, 1947), p. XX. 1949), p. 249. 24 G. F. Alien, 'The Groups in Oxford', in R. 52 Thornhill, The Significance, p. 20; G. Lean, H. S. Crossman, ed., Oxford and the Good God it Works (London, 1974), p. 63. Groups (Oxford, 1934), p. 15. 53 C. L. Mowat, Britain Between the Wars, 25 Ekman, Experiment with God: Frank 1918-1940(London, 1955),p. 214. Buchman Reconsidered, p. 59. For 54 Alien, 'The Groups in Oxford', in Cross­ Soderblom see Bengt Sundkler, Nathan man, ed., Oxford and the Groups, p. 33; Soderblom: His Life and Work (Uppsala, BW, 28 February 1935, p. 455. 1968). 55 BW, 28 February 1935, pp. 455, 459. 26 G. Williamson, Inside Buchmanism (Lon- 56 The Church ofEngland Newspaper

184 EuroJTh 9:2 • 'We All Need Constant Change': The Oxford Graup and Mission in Eurape in the 1930s •

64 CEN, 24 July 1936, p. 9; 31 July 1936, p. 9; 76 Lean, Buchman, pp. 210-11. Jarlert, Group Revivalism, pp. 114-20. 77 Jarlert, Group Revivalism, pp. 158, 163, 65 Lean, Buchman, p. 240. 194. 66 Driberg, Mystery ofMoral Re-Armament, p. 78 Spoerri, Dynamic, p. 87. 79. 79 Jarlert, Group Revivalism, p. 225f.; Buch- 67 Buchman, Remaking, p. 59. man, Remahing, pp. 16-17. 68 Bebbington, Evangelicalism, p. 240. 80 Belden, 'Oxford Group', p. 375. 69 E. Brunner, The Church and the Oxford 81 Buchman, Remahing, p. 44. Group (London, 1937), p. 97. 82 Groups, November 1933, p. 279. 70 The Methodist Recorder, 4 February 1937, 83 Groups, March 1934, p. 534; F. C. Raynor, p. 22; cf. The London Quarterly and Hol­ The Finger of God (London, 1934), pp. born Review, January 1937, p. 10. 108-11, 170-1; Belden, 'Oxford Group', 71 Bebbington, Evangelicalism, p. 240. p. 384. 72 J. Tyndale-Biscoe, For God Alone: The Life 84 BW, 2 November 1933, p. 102. of George West, Bishop of Rangoon 85 Jarlert, Group Revivalism, p. 106. (Oxford, 1984), chapters 7 and 25. 86 The Times, 27 July 1936, p. 9; CEN, 31 July 73 J. Tyndale-Biscoe to the author, 19 August 1936, p. 9; BW, 1 April1937, p. 16. 1995; J. Tyndale-Biscoe, Behind the Rec­ 87 BW, 3 September 1936, p. 440. tory Door (London, 1995). 88 Jarlert, Group Revivalism, pp. 129-30. 74 Lean, Buchman, p. 177. 89 Spoerri, Dynamic, pp. 86-7. 75 The Times, 9 October 1933, p. 19; CEN, 13 90 Buchman, Remahing, pp. 54-8. October 1933, p. 9. 91 Spoerri, Dynamic, p. 88.

Renewing Biblical Interpretation Scripture & Hermeneutics Series -Volume 1 General Editor: Craig Bartholomew Consultant Editor: Colin Greene Editor: Karl Muller

'Without the voice of the Living God addressing us through Scripture, Christianity collapses into so much empty rhetoric, and the world is left without the redemptive, recreative Word of God.' Craig Bartholomew 'Lying at the heart of a genuine renewal of biblical interpretation must be the will and the open­ ness to learn from debate and from the competing experiences of others.' Brevard Childs Renewing Biblical Interpretation is the first of eight volumes from the Scripture and Herme­ neutics Seminar. This annual gathering of Christian scholars from various disciplines was established in 1998 and aims to re-assess the discipline of biblical studies from the foundation up and forge creative new ways for re-opening the Bible in our cultures. Including a retrospective on the consultation by Waiter Brueggemann, the contributors to Renewing Biblical Interpretation consider three key elements in approaching the Bible - the historical, the literary and the theological- and the underlying philosophical issues that shape the way we think about literature and history. 0-85364-034-31234 x 150mm I clb 1432pp I £19.99

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