The Competition Between Al-Jazeera's Arab News
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The Palestinians' Right of Return Point
Human Rights Brief Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 2 2001 Point: The alesP tinians' Right of Return Hussein Ibish Ali Abunimah Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/hrbrief Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Ibish, Hussein, and Ali Abunimah. "Point: The aleP stinians' Right of Return." Human Rights Brief 8, no. 2 (2001): 4, 6-7. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Human Rights Brief by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ibish and Abunimah: Point: The Palestinians' Right of Return point/ The Palestinians’ Right of Return The Controversy Over the by Hussein Ibish and Ali Abunimah* Right of Return alestinians are the largest and In 1947, after a wave of Jewish immigration, the United Nations most long-suffering refugee pop- voted to divide Palestine into Arab and Jewish sectors, with Jerusalem Pulation in the world. There are administered as an international enclave. Despite Arab opposition, more than 3.7 million Palestinians reg- istered as refugees by the United the Jews began to build their own state. On May 14, 1948, Israel Nations Relief and Work Agency declared its independence. Shortly thereafter, the War of Indepen- (UNRWA), the UN agency responsi- dence broke out when Egypt, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon refused to ble for them. -
Resource List for Palestine and Israel Film Series Feb
Resource List for Palestine and Israel Film Series Feb. 12 – March 19, 2018 Series hosted by Montpelier Senior Activity Center Films and Resources Selected by Vermonters for Justice in Palestine BOOKS Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation by Saree Makdisi, 2008. Powerfully written, well documented, and integrates the present with historical context, including the Nakba (known as the War of Independence in 1948). 298 pages. Ten Myths About Israel by Ilan Pappe; published in 2017 explores claims that are repeated over and over, among them that Palestine was an empty land at the time of the Balfour Declaration, , whether Palestinians voluntarily left their homeland in 1948, whether June 1967 was a war of “no choice,” and the myths surrounding the failures of the Camp David Accords. 167 pages. Sleeping on a Wire, Conversations with Palestinians by David Grossman, 1993. Written by Israel’s best known novelist, this is a book of insightful interviews that illuminate the contradictions of Zionism, behind which Grossman remains standing. 346 pages. The Battle for Justice in Palestine, Ali Abunimah, 2014. Well-written, accessible exploration of the fallacy of a neoliberal Palestine, Israel’s fight against BDS, and the potential benefit to Israelis and Palestinians of a one-state solution. 292 pages. The Myths of Liberal Zionism, Yitzhak Laor, 2009. A fascinating exploration of Israel’s writers and Zionism by an Israeli poet and dissident, illustrating the inherent conflict between Zionism and democracy. 160 pages. Goliath, Life and Loathing in Greater Israel, Max Blumenthal, 2013. Beginning with the national elections carried out in 2008-09, during Israel’s war on Gaza, this hard-hitting book by a prominent American-Jewish reporter examines the rise of far-right to power in Israel and its consequences for Jews and Palestinians, both in Israel and in the occupied territory. -
The Ineffectiveness of a Multinational Sanctions Regime Under
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-29-2011 The neffecI tiveness of a Multinational Sanctions Regime Under Globalization: The aC se of Iraq Manuel De Leon Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI11081006 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Recommended Citation De Leon, Manuel, "The neffeI ctiveness of a Multinational Sanctions Regime Under Globalization: The asC e of Iraq" (2011). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 463. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/463 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida THE INEFFECTIVENESS OF MULTILATERAL SANCTIONS REGIMES UNDER GLOBALIZATION: THE CASE OF IRAQ A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Manuel De Leon 2011 To: Dean Kenneth Furton College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Manuel De Leon, and entitled The Ineffectiveness of Multilateral Sanctions Regimes Under Globalization: The Case of Iraq, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Mohiaddin Mesbahi _______________________________________ Dario Moreno _______________________________________ Astrid Arraras _______________________________________ Ronald W. Cox, Major Professor Date of Defense: June 29, 2011 The dissertation of Manuel De Leon is approved. -
The Future of US Relations with the Gulf States
The Approaching Turning Point: The Future of U.S. Relations with the Gulf States By F. Gregory Gause, III Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World Analysis Paper Number Two, May 2003 1 Executive Summary United States policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is in the midst of an important change. Saudi Arabia has served as the linchpin of American military and political influence in the Gulf since Desert Storm. It can no longer play that role. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, an American military presence in the kingdom is no longer sustainable in the political system of either the United States or Saudi Arabia. Washington therefore has to rely on the smaller Gulf monarchies to provide the infrastructure for its military presence in the region. The build-up toward war with Iraq has accelerated that change, with the Saudis unwilling to cooperate openly with Washington on this issue. No matter the outcome of war with Iraq, the political and strategic logic of basing American military power in these smaller Gulf states is compelling. In turn, Saudi-American relations need to be reconstituted on a basis that serves the shared interests of both states, and can be sustained in both countries’ political systems. That requires an end to the basing of American forces in the kingdom. The fall of Saddam Hussein will facilitate this goal, allowing the removal of the American air wing in Saudi Arabia that patrols southern Iraq. The public opinion benefits for the Saudis of the departure of the American forces will permit a return to a more normal, if somewhat more distant, cooperative relationship with the United States. -
February 2001 Newsletter
Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq Newsletter February 2001 The Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq (CASI) is a registered [email protected] society at the University of Cambridge. Its members are all www.casi.org.uk volunteers; its committee members are students. CASI is fax: 0870 063 5022 exclusively concerned with the humanitarian consequences Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq (CASI), of sanctions on Iraq. It does not support Saddam Husseins c/o Seb Wills, Clare College, regime and is not opposed to military sanctions on Iraq. Cambridge CB2 1TL, UK. INTRODUCTION CASI TO HOLD ALTERNATIVE POLICIES CONFERENCE Welcome to CASIs first newsletter of 2001. The period be- tween this publication and its predecessor has seen a change One of the most common responses anti-sanctions campaign- of focus in the international relations surrounding the eco- ers face, both from the public and from government, is sanc- nomic sanctions and their presentation to the public. As do- tions arent ideal, but theres no coherent alternative. For- mestic and international pressure grows for their removal, we mulating a realistic alternative policy which addresses all the have witnessed a series of measures taken to improve the issues is indeed a difficult task. To meet this challenge, CASI economic sanctions. Whilst these processes do alleviate some is hosting its second international conference on 10th and of the suffering of the Iraqi people, unfortunately they are 11th March 2001 in Cambridge. The conference, which all also used to deflect attention from the fundamental prob- are welcome to attend, will be addressed by policy experts lems at hand. -
The Necessity of Including Hamas in Any Future Peace Process and the Viability of Doing So: an Argument for Reassessment and Engagement
THE NECESSITY OF INCLUDING HAMAS IN ANY FUTURE PEACE PROCESS AND THE VIABILITY OF DOING SO: AN ARGUMENT FOR REASSESSMENT AND ENGAGEMENT by Peter Worthington Bachelor of Arts, University of British Columbia, 2007 MAJOR PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES In the School of International Studies © Peter Worthington 2011 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2011 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for Fair Dealing. Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. APPROVAL Name: Peter Worthington Degree: Master of Arts in International Studies Title of Thesis: The necessity of including Hamas in any future peace process and the viability of doing so: an argument for reassessment and engagement. Examining Committee: Chair: Dr John Harriss Professor of International Studies ______________________________________ Dr Tamir Moustafa Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Stephen Jarislowsky Chair School for International Studies ______________________________________ Dr. John Harriss Supervisor Professor of International Studies ______________________________________ Date Approved: April 26, 2011 ii Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. -
Non-Indigenous Citizens and “Stateless” Residents in the Gulf
Andrzej Kapiszewski NON-INDIGENOUS CITIZENS AND "STATELESS" RESIDENTS IN THE GULF MONARCHIES. THE KUWAITI BIDUN Since the discovery of oil, the political entities of the Persian Gulf have transformed themselves from desert sheikhdoms into modern states. The process was accompanied by rapid population growth. During the last 50 years, the population of the current Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman1, grew from 4 million in 1950 to 33.4 million in 2004, thus recording one of the highest rates of population growth in the world2. The primary cause of this increase has not been the growth of the indigenous population, large in itself, but the influx of foreign workers. The employment of large numbers of foreigners was a structural imperative for growth in the GCC countries, as oil-related development depended upon the importation of foreign technologies, and reąuired knowledge and skills unfamiliar to the local Arab population. Towards the end of 2004, there were 12.5 million foreigners, 37 percent of the total population, in the GCC states. In Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait, foreigners constituted a majority. In the United Arab Emirates foreigners accounted for over 80 percent of population. Only Oman and Saudi Arabia managed to maintain a relatively Iow proportion of foreign population: about 20 and 27 percent, respectively. This development has created security, economic, social and cultural threats to the local population. Therefore, to maintain the highly privileged position of the indigenous population and make integration of foreigners with local communities difficult, numerous restrictions were imposed: the sponsorship system, limits on the duration of every foreigner’s stay, curbs on naturalization and on the citizenship rights of those who are naturalized, etc. -
Helping to Shape the Policy Discourse on Palestine
Helping to Shape the Policy Discourse on Palestine Al-Shabaka in 2016 and into 2017 Al-Shabaka, The Palestinian Policy Network, is an independent, non- partisan, and non-profit organization whose mission is to educate and foster public debate on Palestinian human rights and self- determination within the framework of international law. Contents Letter from the Executive Director 1 1. Policy Insights and Options 2 2. Fielding the Policy Team in Strategic Locations 5 3. Expanding the Global Palestinian Think Tank 9 4. Outreach & Engagement 11 5. Financial Report and List of Donors 13 6. List of Publications 2010 - 2016 15 7. List of Al-Shabaka Analysts 22 Letter from the Executive Director With key anniversaries for Palestine and The network has grown by 30% since the Palestinians on the calendar in 2017 2015, with new policy members reinforcing and 2018, Israel’s aim to consolidate its existing areas of expertise as well as occupation went into overdrive. Over the providing coverage in additional geographic past year this has included a ramped- areas (see Section 3). Al-Shabaka’s reach up effort to erase the use of the term has also expanded through well-placed op- “occupation” from the public discourse eds in both the Arabic and English media, while multiplying settlement activity; the increased use of English and Arabic social drive to occupy key positions on United media, speaking engagements in many Nations committees while violating different locales, and translation of policy international law; and cracking down on free content into French and Italian, among speech and non-violent activism. -
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation Jeffrey Martini, Becca Wasser, Dalia Dassa Kaye, Daniel Egel, Cordaye Ogletree C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1429 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9307-3 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: Mideast Saudi Arabia GCC summit, 2015 (photo by Saudi Arabian Press Agency via AP). Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report explores the factors that bind and divide the six Gulf Coop- eration Council (GCC) states and considers the implications of GCC cohesion for the region over the next ten years. -
Palestinian Nonviolent Resistance to Occupation Since 1967
FACES OF HOPE A Campaign Supporting Nonviolent Resistance and Refusal in Israel and Palestine AFSC Middle East Resource series Middle East Task Force | Fall 2005 Palestinian Nonviolent Resistance to Occupation Since 1967 alestinian nonviolent resistance to policies of occupa- tion and injustice dates back to the Ottoman (1600s- P1917) and British Mandate (1917-1948) periods. While the story of armed Palestinian resistance is known, the equally important history of nonviolent resistance is largely untold. Perhaps the best-known example of nonviolent resistance during the mandate period, when the British exercised colo- nial control over historic Palestine, is the General Strike of 1936. Called to protest against British colonial policies and the exclusion of local peoples from the governing process, the strike lasted six months, making it the longest general strike in modern history. Maintaining the strike for so many months required great cooperation and planning at the local Residents of Abu Ghosh, a village west of Jerusalem, taking the oath level. It also involved the setting up of alternative institu- of allegiance to the Arab Higher Committee, April 1936. Photo: Before tions by Palestinians to provide for economic and municipal Their Diaspora, Institute for Palestine Studies, 1984. Available at http://www. passia.org/. needs. The strike, and the actions surrounding it, ultimately encountered the dilemma that has subsequently been faced again and to invent new strategies of resistance. by many Palestinian nonviolent resistance movements: it was brutally suppressed by the British authorities, and many of The 1967 War the leaders of the strike were ultimately killed, imprisoned, During the 1967 War, Israel occupied the West Bank, or exiled. -
Arab-American Media Bringing News to a Diverse Community
November 28, 2012 Arab-American Media Bringing News to a Diverse Community FOR FURTHER INFORMATION: Tom Rosenstiel, Director Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism Amy Mitchell, Deputy Director, Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (202) 419-3650 1615 L St, N.W., Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20036 www.journalism.org Arab-American Media: Bringing News to a Diverse Community Overview If it were just a matter of population growth, the story of the Arab-American media would be a simple tale of opportunity. Over the last decade, Arab Americans have become one of the fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States. But the story of the media trying to serve that audience is more complicated than that: The Arab-American population across the United States is ethnically diverse. Arab-American media are being buffeted by the same technology and economic trends as the news media generally, as well as a more challenging advertising market. And, advancements in technology have brought new competition from Arab outlets located in the Middle East and North Africa. Overall, the current Arab-American news media are relatively young. Newspapers and news websites are currently the most prominent sector, with much of the coverage focused on community news and events. There is also coverage at the national level, though, and recently, the Arab uprisings have given rise to more international coverage of news from “back home.” A number of papers are seeing rising circulation. Some new publications have even launched. However, most papers are still struggling to recover financially from the economic recession of 2007 and at the same time keep up with the trends in digital technology and social media. -
Contents Issue 95 Autumn 2013
Contents Issue 95 Autumn 2013 POLITICS AND PRESS FREEDOM Articles The replacement of Maria Miller with Sajid Javid as Culture Judicial titles and dress in the Supreme Court Secretary was initially met with approval by the newspaper and below 2 industry, drawing the comment “At last, a minister who Of Cubist paintings and legal story telling: values press freedom” in the Daily Mail, no less, on April 29. historicising criminal responsibility 6 Journalism’s own publication, the online PressGazette, ran a Eco threats as security threats and the protection front page article which reiterated the previous assertion by Mr of the environment during hostilities 10 Javid that the press industry must now decide how to proceed with regulation. Institute News 14 However, hostilities in the post-Leveson press regulation Articles (cont’d) debate were soon resumed when the latest attempt by the Press The coalition and constitutional reform revisited 16 Standards Board of Finance (“PressBoF”) to appeal against The intersection of commercial corruption and the Privy Council’s rejection of its charter was dismissed by money laundering: a look at international responses the Court of Appeal. Giving judgment on May 1, Lord Justice and the adequacy of regulations 19 Maurice Kay described the arguments put forward by PressBoF when seeking permission to appeal against the dismissal of their Over the last few years newspapers have voiced their concerns previous judicial review application as “fanciful.” This would over what they have perceived to be the culture of secrecy appear to mark the end of PressBoF’s attempts to contest the which surrounds the Court of Protection.