A History of Two Stories

Reviews 237 the Relief Society sisters, the opportu- We comprehend the reasons for the nity to perform charitable acts under the great changes in the power and scope guidance of divine inspiration re- of Relief Society concern in recent years, mains—a somewhat ironic interpreta- and might even agree with Emmeline B. tion, perhaps, of the organization's Wells's conclusion at the end of her life "Charity Never Faileth" theme. The that "Nothing has been irretrievably power of compassionate service is no lost." Still, in comparing the magnifi- trifling thing, and Women of Covenant cent past with the present prospects of reviews many inspiring examples of Re- the Relief Society, I am reminded of lief Society women at the general and Robert Frosfs poem about flowers at local level exercising ingenuity, initia- the end of the summer that closes with tive, and often sacrifice as well in the a reference to "what to do with a dimin- exercise of this great gift. ished thing." A History of Two Stories Women of Covenant: The Story of Relief her, Mormon and non-Mormon, Emme- Society. By Jill Mulvay Derr, Janath line Wells realized that despite h e r many Russell Cannon, and Maureen Ursen- accomplishments her history was a pre- bach Beecher (Salt Lake City: Deseret carious one. Whether her life story Book Co., 1992). would be preserved depended on a leap of faith—her faith that women of future Reviewed by Peggy Pascoe, profes- generations could and would remember sor of history, University of Utah. and honor her. The academic field we THERE IS A MOMENT IN WOMEN OF now know as the history of women, a Covenant I find absolutely haunting. It field that burst onto the scene in the comes at the end of chapter 6—or, put 1970s, came into being through many another way, at the beginning of the similar acts of faith, as women of our twentieth century—at a moment when own time set out to honor women of Emmeline B. Wells, perhaps the best- earlier days, some long forgotten, others known of all the Relief Society's long whose life stories had been covered over line of presidents, worried over whether by layer on layer of stereotype and mis- anyone would remember her lifetime of understanding. In Women of Covenant: work as a Mormon, a feminist, and a The Story of Relief Society, Jill Mulvay leader of women's organizations. In this Derr, Janath Russell Cannon, and rather discouraged moment, Wells tried Maureen Ursenbach Beecher honor the her best to turn fear into hope. She legacy of women like Emmeline B. wrote: "History may not have preserved Wells, leaders they see as a part of their it all, there may be no tangible record of tradition of Mormonism. what has been gained, but sometime we I am not Mormon, but I too find shall know that nothing has been irre- something inspiring about Emmeline trievably lost" (223). Wells, because Wells was the leader of Like generations of women before the Relief Society who was most con- 238 Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought cerned with—and most successful at— which to examine this history of conflict building bridges between Mormon and and common cause between Mormon non-Mormon women. In her long and and non-Mormon women. Despite its distinguished career, the highlights claims for uniqueness, the Relief Society were moments when she was able to had a great deal in common with more carry off this delicate balancing act. As mainstream women's organizations of Utah vice president of the National the nineteenth century. The nineteenth- Woman Suffrage Association, Wells century Relief Society not only sup- built coalitions with the best-known ported the central feminist demand of feminists of her day, Elizabeth Cady the period—the fight for votes for Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. As dele- women—it supported suffrage earlier gate to the National and International and more forcefully than many other Councils of Women, she brought news non-Mormon women's clubs. But in the of Mormon life to non-Mormon women twentieth century, the Relief Society most of whom were inclined to dismiss found itself in a much different position: Mormon women as nothing more than in the 1970s and 1980s it was almost deluded practitioners of polygamy. As alone among women's organizations in editor of the famous Utah Woman's Ex- opposing the central feminist demand ponent, she b r o u g h t news of w o m e n out- of that period—the Equal Rights side Utah to her sisters in the state. In Amendment. other words, Wells was what politicians The contrast suggests, I think, that of the 1990s might call a first-class coali- there is a very interesting story to b e told tion builder; she was the kind of person about what happened to the Relief Soci- who always looked for common ety between the nineteenth and twenti- ground. eth centuries. The authors of Women of Common ground is something that Covenant have provided a valuable serv- has been in rather short supply between ice in giving us a way to get started. Mormons and non-Mormons. Nowhere Immersing themselves in the records of is this truer than in the writing of Mor- the Relief Society, they have traced its mon history. Ever since news of Joseph development from its beginnings in Smith began to filter out of his small 1842 to the present. Their account sig- New York community in the 1820s and nificantly expands our knowledge of the 1830s, there have been deep disagree- history of an organization which has ments between Mormon and non-Mor- until now been thought of by most his- mon historians about how to tell the torians (if they think of it at all) as a story of Mormonism. Relations between nineteenth-century phenomenon. In so Mormon and non-Mormon women doing, they have not only honored and have been shaped by these dividing preserved Emmeline Wells's history, lines. But as the history of Emmeline they have given historians of women yet Wells indicates, there have also been another reason to read more Mormon times, such as the first two decades of women's history. (A good starting point the twentieth century, when Mormon is Maureen Ursenbach Beecher and Lav- women leaders emphasized what they ina Fielding Anderson, eds., Sisters in had in common with women in the out- Spirit [Urbana: University of Illinois side society. Press, 1987].) The LDS Relief Society is, I think, a What I want to do is to read Women particularly interesting group through of Covenant, a story presented by church Reviews 239 insiders, from the perspective of an out- lying-in hospitals to homes for reformed sider, paying special attention to two prostitutes, from orphan asylums to ju- themes: first, the rise and fall of common venile reformatories. By 1900, women's ground between Mormon and non- organizations had established nation- Mormon women; second, the long his- wide networks ranging from mission- tory of Mormon women leaders' ary and temperance groups to suffrage conflicts with male church officials. I organizations. will start by putting things in context, One of the contributions the describing how the nineteenth-century authors of Women of Covenant make is to Relief Society fits into the larger pattern show that the LDS Relief Society is part of the history of U.S. women's organiza- of this larger tradition. As they p u t it, the tions, then I will move on to consider Relief Society has often played "the role what I think of as the most intriguing of change agent, recognizing a need and question raised by the book: how to in- demonstrating how it could be met by terpret the situation of Mormon women the Church at large" (108). The list of in the twentieth century. Relief Society innovations is long and Although historians of Mormon- impressive. In addition to providing re- ism tend to treat everything about the lief to individual families, its nineteenth- church as if it were unique, there is, I century members organized stores in think, a good deal about the Relief Soci- which women sold home manufactures ety that echoes the history of other nine- on commission, started a silk industry, teenth-century women's organizations. established and operated their own De- The most obvious parallel between the seret Hospital, and created a grain stor- two is that b o t h had their origins primar- age program that seems to me so ily in charitable activities. In setting out innovative as to be almost unique in to care for the needy, the Relief Society women's organizational annals. Its echoed a pattern of women's organiza- twentieth-century members opened the tions that had come into its own in be- Cottonwood Maternity Hospital; they nevolent and charitable societies started also administered a Department of So- and run by women in the early years of cial Services that offered an employ- the American republic. Sometimes these ment b u r e a u , an adoption service, foster women's charitable organizations were home care, and an Indian child place- local and sometimes regional, some- ment service. times they were denominational and By any standard I can think of, the sometimes interdenominational. Seek- turn-of-the-century Relief Society was ing out the needy in their communities, an organizational success. By 1888, it women's organizations took it upon had financial assets of more than themselves to offer help. Often, their $95,000, a substantial sum for the day; goals were expressed in their names, by 1917, it had assets of more than such as the New York Society for the $750,000.

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