CENSUS OF INDIA 1971

MONOGRAPH NO.4

SEiuES I LANGUAGE MONOGRAPH (1961 Series)

PREFACE: A. MITRA OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE REGISTRAR GENERAL AND CENSUS SURVEY OF KONKANI COMMISSIONER, INDIA. IN GENERAL SUPERVISION AND GUIDANCE KERALA R. C. NIGAM. LING UIST.

INVESTIGATION AND REPORT KM. J. RA.1ATHI.

LANGUAGE DIVISION, OFFICE OF THE REGISTRAR GENERAL, INDIA

CONTENTS P."-GES Preface-Dr. Asok Mitra Note-Shri R. C. Nigam i-ix

,CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1-18.

2 Phonology. 19-40 3 Morphophonemics 41-43 4 Noun Morphology 44-71

5 Verb Morphology 72-111 6 Negatives 112-114 7 Indeclinables 115-119

8 Derivatives 120-125

9 Syntax 126-142 10 Isogloss Study 143-184

11 Borrowings. :J 185-194

_Apl>ENDlX I Isogloss Material 195-223

_ApPEND IX II (a) Words . 224-264

(b) Unconnected Text 265-304

(c) Connected Text 305-329 A. Cochin Gowd Saraswat Konkani 305-317 B. Trivandrum Kudumbi Konkani 318-329 !MAPS Facing page Map No. I-Distribution of Konkani speaking I Population, 1961 Map No. 2--Major Dialects of Konkani, 1961 . 149 (isogloss differences) Map No. 3-Nortbern Dialect ofKonkani, 1961 149 (isogloss differences) - Map NO.4-Southern Dialect of Konkani, 1961 149 (isogloss differences) Map No. S-Xonkani Dialects, 1961 149 (Gowd Saraswat & Saraswa t VS Kudumbi)

PREFACE I am delighted that Shri R. C. Nigam and Miss J. Rajathi are now pubIi~hing their monograph on Konkani, a study that had been decided upon as far back as 1962. The _study on Kanauri in the Himachal Pradesh region, conceived and undertaken about the same time, has just been published. Miss Rajathi's study on Kerala Konkani was completed as eady as 1969 but the printing took a _great deal of tilIle. Her further studies on Konkani In Karnataka and Goa are nearing completion. A new welcome feature in this volume is the series of maps on isoglosses and the statistical analysis of shared cognates and other characteristics. These have been in­ troduced almost for the first time in Indian language studies, at any rate, on such a scale and will prove very helpful to students of linguistics and regional science. My warm thanks and congratulations once again to Shri R. C. Nigam and his colleagues for having so patiently pursued decisions taken so long ago. There would be few instances of such steadfastness in the face of heavy odds and lack of recognition or even of endorsement. For them the work alone~ and littl~ else, has been its own reward and I feel blessed that I started with such colleagues who are quietly and perseveringly extending one of the proudest and most rigorous of Indian traditions: the study of the structure of languages. \ ASOK MITRA _Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi 110057. 18 June 1976. •

NOTE Following the 1961 language census it was felt imperative to study closely several of the languages which are either widespread in contiguous geograpical areas or which are scattered in various parts of the country,l. It was thought necessary to investigate how such languages fared themselves and reacted on others. Konkani with its spread in four Inajor states and union territories of the country, viz.; Kerala~ Karnataka, Maharashtra and Goa, was one of the first lan­ guages chosen for this purpose by virtue of its interesting history of migration streams, its literature and script. After the publication of the language report of the 1961 census~ it was decided to start work simultaneously in the sub-Hin1alayan region in the north and in the Kerala region in the south. Kerala was selected for the study of Konkani precisely because very little literature on it exits so far. The survey of Konkani was subsequently extended to Maharashtra~ Karnataka (erstwhile Mysore) and Goa. This report on Kerala is the first in the series. Kumari J. Rajathi, senior technical assistant and a resear­ cher of our unit, took up the work on this project and under­ took extensive surveys of the Konkani speaking areas of Kerala in two field trips, one from June to October in 1965 and the otber from F~bruay to June in 1966. A third short trip of a month's duration was made in 1967 when the materials were checked in the light of the findings available after the analytical studies had been completed at headquarters. Further vocabulary material was collected from Gower Sara swat and Saraswat Brahmin conununities of Calicut during this trip. As no earlier material was available on Konkani of this part of the country, the work had to be initially exploratory in character. On the basis of the 1961 census returns of the Konkani-speaking popUlation, a detailed distribution of speakers was procured from the Trivandrum office of the

..l. Censw; of India. 1961. Vol. I-Part-H-C (ii) Language tables (1964) page: CXXV. ( ii )

Superintendent of Census Operatipns, Kerala. Thereafter a programme of visits to al1 the lnain Konkani settlements was planned. Data collection was done through the detailed informant interview method. Kumari Rajathi took upon her­ self the difficult task of interviewing the informants by visiting most of the settleluents, no matter how hazardous the approach to some of them, checking the nlaterial she had already collected and adding further samples to her stock if she fo und something new. This way the researcher had the advantage of knowing more closely the life style of the people and their surroundings, as also making sure that in a new field which was being surveyed by her for the first time she was not missing anything significant. In the introductory chapter of the report the details of the areas visited and the people interviewed by the researcher have been discussed. Brief descriptions of the peopJe, of their migratory traditions, settlements,' life style and other cultural features are also include d in this chapter. "Konkani was returned from Kerala in four mother-tongue names, viz., Konkani, Kudubi, Moopan and Nawait. 'K udubi­ pronounced Kudumbi by the native speakers-and Moopan Ineant the same speech. Nawait were Bhatkal 'Konkani­ speaking Muslin1s from Mangalore. The returns of Nawait being negligible (42 only) work on their speech was deferred to a future survey of Mysore Konkani. 'Konkani and -KHdUlnbi were eventual1y taken up for detailed investigation_ Analysis . of material, however, did not bring out, as KUlnari Rajathi's study will show, significant dialect differer~ces between Konkani (comprising speeches of Gowd Saraswat and Sara swat Brah­ mins) and Kudumbi (non-Brahmins) in the two dialect areas viz., southern and northern 'Konkani, the former comprising the areas between Trivandrum in the south and Trichur in the north, and the latter the area of Cannanore district. Kozhi­ kode district happens to be the border line area for both, viz,,, the northern and southern dialects of Kerala Konkani, How­ ever, Kumari RaJathi has worked out in nlinute detail the dialect variations both on caste and regional scores and has presented an 'isogloss study' of dialect differences. ( iii)

The researcher has provided a detailed descriptive analysIs <'()f the Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect of Cochin. The dialect was considered to be the representative dialect of southern Konkani. The reasons were that it had a major concentration of speakers which included a large number. of economically and culturally influential families which had quite important traditions of migrations and which were affili.ated to temples and Devasthanaln of religious importance. This descriptive study is detailed from chapters II to IX, covering discussions. on phonology, morphonemics, noun and verb morphology, negatives, indeclinables, derivatives and syntax. This descriptive study has been made useful..by incorporat­ ing copious illustrative material from the speech to support the oDservations of the researcher on gramJnatical characteris­ tics. Additionally at the end under appendix II a large amount of field data comprising ] ,685 words, 1,224 small sentences, and five connected text samples on Cochin Gowd Saraswat Konkani and four samples on Kudumbi dialect has been listed as refere:.lce material. After the detailed study of the Cochin Gowd Saraswat dialect and after coming to her conclusio)1. that the Gowd Saraswat Branmin dialect including variations of Cochin as well as Kasargod is the representative dialect of Kerala Konkani, the researcher goes into deeper detail and closer cOlnparison of all the nine varieties of -Kera)a Konkani in chapter X and has succeeded through an isogloss study in mapping the Konkani dialect areas bri nging out the 'focal' and 'relic~ areas of different dialects all of which have been illustrated through a set of four maps which provide distribu­ tions of a nUillber of selected phonological and morphological isoglosses. The researcher has put in additional detailed comparisons of data on. the basis of phonological and Olor­ phological characteristics and shared cognate materials and thereby sought to establish the m'ajor, minor or border-line dialects of the "Konkani of Kerala on a regional or caste matrix. The researcher has also attempted statistical calculations ~on the basis of the cognate count of all the eight dialects from ( iv ) which she was able to make comparisons of 215 items con­ sidered cognates and which would not be confused with items of borrowings. These calculations also tend, more or less, to support the researcher's conclusions drawn earlier on the question of dialect differences. Trivandrurn Kudumbi Kon­ kani, however, registers the lowest figure of shared common cognates. This has led the researcher to leave Trivandrurfi Kudumbi's inclusion in Konkani as an unsettled point for the time being. The situation demands a further probe into other peculiarities, particularly important phonological and morphological features and a number of shared cognates. In the secoJ!d part of this chapter Kumari Rajathi com­ pares her material on the Ratnagiri dialect of Marathi with the other dialects of Konkani of Kerala. Statistical calcula­ tions of shared cognates from the data consisting of 162 words of Ratnagiri rnarathi illustrating the comparative percentages with each of the dial.ects have been worked out. These calculations appear to support the conclusion of the researcher earlier spelled out by her that on the basis of phonological, morphological and sentence comparisons (illustrated in appen­ dix I-C) one finds 'striking differences cetween Konkani and Marathi'. The percentages of shared cognates between Marathi ar.d other eight dialects of Kerala Konkani range between 44'5 and 52'5 while the lowest percentage of shared cognates among the eight Konkani dialects of Kerala worked out to 57'3. In the concluding portion of this chapter, Kurnari Rajathi has taken up the discussion of Konkani as a dialect of Marathi and has examined in detail the observations of Sir George Grierson as given in his Linguistic Survey of India (LSI) vol. VII. The reasearcher has detailed the numerous phonological and morphological divergences between Konkani and Marathi. These were pointed out by the editor of the LSI., the logical conclusion to which should have been for the editor to desist from drawing any categorical conclusion. Instead the LSI observed: The line between dialects and languages is, of course, difficult to draw, but in the case of Marathi and ( v )

Konkani there cannot be any doubt...... The reason for our calling this language Marathi and not Konkani is that the national literature is written in language which is mainly derived from the northern dialects of Poona and Satara, and not from those spoken in the Konkan ..... " (LSI vol. VII p. 164). The pronouncement on tbe question of Konkani~s status as a separate language made by the editor of LSI has been considered by the reasearcher as 'inappropriate~ since she has found in the LSI several cases in which the decisions of the editor appear to have. been made on the basis of changing criteria that lacked consistency. Further on the basis of her own findings the researcher arrives at more or less the same conclusion as of Dr. S. M. Katre1 who, in his pioneering study, relying on his findings that Konkani possessed a number of distinctive grammatical features, 'proved' Konkani as a separate language. It was the lack of written literature in Konkani. as has been quoted above from LSI voL VII p. 164, which appears to have 1ee!. the editor of LSI decide against con~)idering it as a language separate from Marathi. Sir George Grierson's pronouncements on Konkani in 1903 (Census of India ] 901 report), in 1905 (LSI vol. VII p. 1 64) and in 1927 in the concluding volume of LSI (No. I, Part 1, Introductory) make interesting reading. We shall give the relevant extracts. 1903-"Konkani is spoken in the Konkan, south of Goa and through-out the districts of North Kanara and Belgaum~ Goanese itself is a form of it. It differs more widely from standard Marathi than any of the other dialects and local pride sometimes leads to its being given the dignity of a distinct language .... ". 1905-"Konkani is, a Marathi dialect having branched off from the common parent, Fn\krit, at a relatively earlier period. This fact accounts for the, many apparent diver­ gencies between the t\VO forms of speech. Konkani has, in many respect, preserved an older stage of phonetical deve­ lopment and shows a greater variety of verbal forms than

~- -~---~~~~~~~~~------1. KatTe. S. M. - The format:on of Konkan , 2d ed. (1966) - p. 174. ( vi )

-standard Marathi .... _-. ___ ..... _... The missionaries of Goa and Mangalore, to whom we are largely indehted for our knowledge of Konkani, are of a similar opinion ard contend that Konkani is not a dialect of J\1arathi. Their view is, however, based on too narrow a conception of the idea connoted by the word 'dialecC ... _.. ". 1927-"As a dialect of Marathi, it branched off from the common parent, Prakrit, at a relatively early period, so that there are rna ny divergencies from the standard of Poona. Indeed, in some respects, it has preselved an older stage of phonetical development and shows a greater variety of verbal forms. _... _... H. As can be seen from these extracts, it was noticed by the editor in 1903 that Konkani differed 'more widely' from Marathi than any other dialect. In 1905 as also in 1927, he reco£nised that Konkani branched off frem the parent Prakrit at a relatively early period and that many divergen­ cies between Marathi and Konkani were noticeable. In 1903 he seems to be aware of the 'local pride' for considering it as a separate language but in 1905 he liked to demolish this local 'opinion' by considering it a "too narrow a conception of the idea connoted by the word dialect" and has recourse to the finding of Jack of any literature in the language. In 1927, however, the 1 ronouncement ekes not appear to be a summary dismissal of the case of Konkani. Indeed a strong case appears to have been made cy pointing out that in some respects Konkani "has preserved an older stage of phonetical development and shows a greater variety of verbal forms". Language and dialect controversies are often ir:decisive and at times do not even remain confined to the discussions of linguists alone. Since the decisions effect the speech population in as much as certain economic~ educational or socio-political advantages are involved, great caution aLd circumspection are n£eded. A linguist therefore needs to srell out with great care the scope of his research. In case the idea is to comment -<>n the language versus dialect situation, the working definitions (vii) of the terms have in that event to be clearly stated so that work could proceed in terms of those definitions only. In LSI, although the editor stated his criteria at the outset, yet in several cases of 'language versus dialect' his decisions appear to have been taken on extra-linguistic exigencies. In most of the classifications described in LSI, particularly in the Indo­ Aryan sub-family section, the vernaculars, considered as branching off from the parent Prakrit, have been assigned by the editor the status of independent languages. This status, however, was not given 'to Konkani although the distinctive linguistic characteristics of the language were frankly recognised. It, however, appears that the decision of including Konkani under Marathi taken by the Government of India from the 1901 census onwards through the 191 1 and 1921 <"ensuses presumably on the basis of Grierson's LSI classification, was reviewed and again discussed. In the 1931 census the position got changed when Konkani was treated as a separate language in the publication (Census of India 1931, vol. I-Report p. 350). No comments are, however, available in the Gensus report with the exception of a brief observation of H. T. Sorley, the Superintendent, in the Census of India 1931, vol. VIII-Part f, Bombay report, p. 329, viz., "Konkani is properly the language spoken in Goa and in parts of the western littoral. It is considered by scholars to be derived not from Marathi but separately and earlier from another Prakrit". In the 1961 census, we followed the decision of the 1931 census in keeping Konkani figures separate from Marathi but we also idt confident in doing so since the reputed work of Dr. S. M. Katre had already been completed. The total Indian population of Konkani speakers accord­ ing to the 1971 census is 1,522,684 of which the states and areas of major concentration are Karnataka (572,828)~ Goa (556~223), Maharashtra (272,970) and Kerftla (73,245). Popu­ Iationwise Konkani occupied the twentysecond place in 1971 among the mother-tongues of India. Goa is considered by many to be the original home from where the ancestors of the (viii) current Konkani-speaking populations of other states of India are supposed to have migrated. The entire written literature of the language is reported to haVe been destroyed under Portuguese rule while other measures were also said to have been taken to discourage the use of the language, but the language has survived these onslaughts. Even in the different language surroundings, like Malayalam in "Kerala and of Kannada and Tulu in Mysore/Karna taka, the language has continued to be very much alive in homes and in inter-commu­ nity parlance. . Literature has continued to be produced in the language and, of late, it has received recognition from the Sahitya Akademi. This goes to prove the vitality of the living language as well as the sense of active involvement of its speakers towards its development. Insofar as the objectives of these investigations of Konkani-speaking areas were concerned, the reader may find that Kumari Rajathi's efforts in producing a more or less comprehensive report on the dialect situation of Kerala Konkani and in presenting the selected data on the same have been successful. We could have perhaps reduced the bulk of data but as it was the first effort in the area of Konkani investigations in Kerala we considered it useful to present the data in detail. After the completion of this report which was done by 1968-69, Kumari Rajathi extended her investigations to Mysore and Goa also and has been working on the data from those areas. We propose to present her subsequent reports shortly_ We regret very much that it took years to arrange printing of the pUblications of our department. Phonetic types could be secured only in 1974 and printing 01 our reports started then. I heartily congratulate and warmly thank Kumari Rajathi who worked with a great sense of dedication. I am thankful to Dr. Asok Mitra~ the then Registrar General~ India~ who advised us to assign priority to the Konkani survey and this eocouraged us to embark upon a fairly extensive survey programme. I am thankful to Sbri R. B. Chari, the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, who showed his ( ix ) keenness in getting the reports of the department published quickly by arranging to purchase the phonetic types for us. I am also grateful to the officers of the directorate of census operations, Kerala, specially Shri B. T. Pillai and K. V. Joseph, who spared no pains to facilitate the field investigations of Kumari Rajathi. I am happy to put on record my sense of gratefulness to those Konkani-speaking ladies and gentlemen of Kerala who offerred to discuss with me the problems regarding their language, literature, social and religious systems during my brief visits to Kerala in July 1965 and_ April 1966 when I toured the areas and met Kumari Rajathi in the field for discussions with her. The script was typed in the department by Shri Ranjit Kumar Chakraborty and Kumari Dipti Ghosh. Shri Sachindra Nath Mukherjee, a dedicated official, supervised the manuscript through the press as he has done for all other publications of this department. The views expressed in this report ircluding this note are the views of the respective authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Government.

R. C. NIGAM. Calcutta, 20th May 1976. Assistant Registrar General (L). MYSORE KERALA S TAT E DISTRIBUTION OF KONKANI SPEAKING POPULATION,I961

MILES 20 10 o .0 "'0 '0 ~~~~::::$~~ :a 0 0 20 -40 60 90 IK'LOME TR.£$

5 TAT E BOUN DA RY DISTRICT BOUNDARY-'-'­ TALUK BOUNDARY

LACCADI E MADRAS SEA S TAT E

KONKANI SPEAKERS

ABOVE 5,000

1.000-5,000

BE LOW 1,000

.CS4:d '11'_ SoUIn') o. 1","itS -If!- •• '1. ... \he ~ ...... , ....." ... 1,.,01' ft_ .." "0" ...... ,._ COit_ frll'W .....--. ~ 1'''' .. t.-r,iotori.1 ..... ter. _f ' ••'Q t":l'l"'1'odI ;"'t-.tII6 .... __ -..-c...... tiC;QI .a•• ...~r.4 rr .. ,ItI ••,p~".u ,...... ri ..... CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Konkani Language in the Southern group of the Indo-Aryan Sub-family is spread throughout the Western Coast of India from Goa to Kerala,. together with small pockets reaching Madras. As far as our information regarding the language goes it has long been a: non-literary language. It is the sister language of Marathi, the literary language belonging to the Southern group of the Indo-Aryan Sub-family, is spoken in Goa, (Daman,. Diu), Maharashtra, South and North Canara districts of Mysore and Kerala with a total of 1,352,363 speakers. Of these 77,594 speakers are to be found in the various districts of Kerala as follows : tCannanore 14,795 Calicut 1,779 Palghat 252 Trichur 7,237 Ernakulam 36,829 Kottayam 1,752 Alleppey 12,707 Quilon 1,870 Trivandrum 373 There are sixteen mother tongue returns recorded in the 1961 Census out of which Konkani, Kudubi, Moopan and Nawait are returns from Kerala. As this writer was deputed to undertake field investigations on Konkani in Kerala, in the following pages, the linguistic situation of Konkani in Kerala only.. will be dealt with, Earlier W6rks It can be said that prior to the present attempt of the Language Division,. no work has been done on Kerala Konkani. Linguistic Survey of India* and Dr. A. M. Ghatage** treat Konkani as a dialect of Marathi, while Dr. S. M. Katre ***claims it as an independent language. From 1901 onwards Census tradition had been to treat Konkani as a dialect of Marathi. In 1931 Census, however, the situation was reviewed and Konkani was treated separately. In 1961 Census report again Konkani figures are shown sepa­ rately. Whatever be the claims put forth by the previous scholars, our main concern has only been to investigate thoroughly about the Konkani tCensus of India 1961 figures. *Linguistic Surve.y of India, Vol. VII, p. 164. **Ghatage, AM.-A Survey of Marathi dialects Konkani of South Canara-Intro_ duction, pp. iii·iv. ** *Katre, Dr. S. M.-FormatioD of Konkani-Chapter IV, ConclUsion pp. 170-183~ language as also know something about its· speakers in KeraIa. During investigations this writer had an occasion to collect material from a Ratna­ giri Marat;hi speaker settled in Cochin. A comparison of the Konkani :forms with those of Marathi has been done (vide Chapter X of this work) and it has been found that the influence of Marathi is negligible. Of all the dialects of Konkani, Chitrapur Saraswat dialect shows closest affinity to Marathi. But even this is not above 53 per cent., while the interdialectal affinity is minimum 63 per cent. '" This leads one to believe that as far as Kerala Konkani is concerned, it cannot be treated as a dialect of Marathi.

People Nothing more significant or authentic appears to have been added to our information than what Dr. S. M. Katre discussed about the Konkani . population prior to their immigration to Goa and from Goa to various states.** After they settled in various parts of Kerala, their history can be obtained in bits from various sources. Mainly, the informants gave some information regarding the particular settlements. The Cochin Thirumala Dev~swom authorities were kind enough to show some records, where it was found that due to a dispute between the Cochin Konkanis and the Maharaja of Co chin in the last years of 19th century and in the beginning of 20th century, the Cochinites fled to Alleppey where they lived for over :80 years and then came back to Cochin. According to Puracad and Ambalapuzha temple authorities, there was a settlement in Puracad con­ sisting of some 10 to 15 families who gradually moved towards Ambala­ puzha and Alleppey, due to the forward marching of the sea. The canna­ nore settlement is said to have been from the time of arakkal raja of Cali cut 200 years back. Ten to twelve households from South Canara are said to have settled there first. Beyond Ca1ieut all settlers are either from South or North Canara districts of Mysore State. Konkanis settled in the southern parts of Kerala are found in Trivandrum, Quilon, Kayangulam, AUeppey. Shertalai, Thuravoor, Ernakulam, Cochin, N. Parur, Vaipeen Island, Cran­ ganore and Calicut. In the northern parts they are found in Cannan ore, Tellichery, Kasargod, Kumbla and Manjeshwar. In the southern parts of Kerala the Gowd Saraswath Konkani Brahmins and KUQumbis (the Kon­ Kan~ non-Brahmins) are found. In the northern parts KUQunibis are not to be found in Kasargod. In Calicut and Kasargod in addition to the Gowd Saraswat Brahmins, a few families of Chitrapur Saraswats are also found.

Settlements The settlements of KUQumbis and Gowd Saraswats may be described separately.

*cf. chap x. **Katre; Dr. S. M.-Formation ofKonkani. pp. 174-180. 2 Iu4umbi settlements The KUQumbi settlements are in (1) Trivandrum (2) Quilon (3) Kayan­ gulam to Alleppey (4) Shertalai, Thuravoor and Suburbs (5) Cochin­ Ernakulam (6) Vaipeen island, N. Parur and Varapuzha (7) Calicut and Tellichery. I. Trivandrum.-This settlement consists of about 400 people living in Oruvatil k6Ha, a village 10 km. from Trivandrum. They are living in small huts in close proximity in a coconut grove of about three acres. Their profession is the preparation of beaten rice. According to the old people -of the settlement, they came from Goa in the later part of 18th century, in the time of one Martal)Qa Varma Maharaja, (M.E. 903 [1728]) who gave them this plot of land free, and asked them to provide beaten rice for the pujas in the palace. Until now the main profession of men and women.is only, the beating of rice for the preparation of beaten rice. They sell it in the market and live by it. The surrounding Malayalis call them as iQ.iya­ mmar

3 kogakara. tirukkur. vallasara. trissur. eQatiriiiju. kakkattirutti. vaUivaHam,. velliankallur,' kalliir~ naraya1)amangalam and puUiirra. 7. Calicut and Tellicheri.-According to information from the local people 100 to 200 families were settled in Calicut and Tellicheri. Economic Condition.-Except in certain places like the AUeppey Muni­ cipal Town, Cochin, Ernakulam area and Vaipeen island. the KUQumbis have their own settlements having no active contact with the Gowd Sara­ swats. They are illiterate and live in seclusion from the surrounding people. ,Wherever the well-to-do Konkani temples (Gowd Saraswat) are found, in tliose places, the KUQumbis are living. near about the Gowd Saraswats and are­ economically better when compared to their brethren living in independent settlements~ whose economic, sanitary. and living conditions are deplorable. They do not own a profession of their own. In some places like Varapula.: and N. Paror they are husbandsmen. In Calicut and Northwards they are­ papad sellers, and men are shop keepers. Their settlements are as a rule inl villages not easily accessible to an investigator. They are low lying suburbs and one has to wade through waist deep water to reach them. A central pond which is half dried up in summer is the source of water for drinking purposes as weU. Being shy in nature communication with them is quite­ an ordeal. There are only a handful of educated men in the entire KUQumbi conununity of Kerala. Culture.-Women belonging to the older generation do not wear blouses,. instead they wear the saree and cover the upper portion of the body by putt­ ing a knot (gosH) below the neck thus covering the rest of the body also. The new generation of course is graduaIJy drifting towards the general trend of culture of the surrounding people. Mostly they ignore their language­ wherever they are in the proximity of Malayalis. In karivatta, a village. in between AUeppey and Kayangulam, the people, including the people­ surviving oldest have altogether forgotten their .language and speak only Malayalam. within the community. Sometimes they are ashamed of talking their tongue before others . .' Bu t these people do not intermarry or interdine with the Malayalis. Unhealthy and naked children is a common sight in the locality. Although they seem to merge with the others, in customs~ manners and speech they give the impression that in their heart of hearts they are KUQumbis, and are averse to be called otherwise. In the southern parts of Kerala. among MalayaHs they are known as:. muppan 'KuQumbi maie' muppatti 'KuQumbi female' and mflppammar­ ·KuQumbis~. In N. Parur and suburbs they are caIIed as bay ce1;ti. Within themselves, they are called kuQumbis. They are non-brahmins in the fold of the Konkani people. The kUQumbis use the title either miirti or muppan viz. Cellappa murti, CeI1appa ml1ppan etc. North of Calicut, they are re­ ferred to as pappaqacceHi 'pappad seller or maker' and they use a title maharaj.

4 _. ·Profession.-None of them is a skilled workman. They take up any . profession which is prevalent in the area in which they live. In and around ... Cochin, Ernakulam, AUeppey, and Vaipeen island, the women work as house-hold servants and men are either clerks or peons or if illiterate, manual labourers. They are agriculturists in Varapula. They are well-diggers and fishermen, in and around N. Parur. They are papad sellers, cooks and fried rice sellers in and around Cali cut. There are a few teachers, lectu:au:s and one advocate. Marriage.-This writer was told by the Kuc:jumbis in the Southern part -of Kerala that in earlier times they used to have the marriage ceremony for two to three days and during the marriage the whole marriage is narrated in the form of songs by the wo~en belonging to both the parties of bride , and bridegroom. A few such songs were recorded in VayaHi.r West village near Thuravoor. Otherwise no other folk songs are available except a few hymns. The marriage custom prevalent in olden times in the areas in and around Cannanore seems to be very simple, according to the informa­ tion given by a Ku(lumbi cook Mr. G. Ananta. According to him, the girl as soon as she attains puberty will have a special type of chain laid in her neck, in order to show othe rs that she is eligible for marriage. Anyone belonging to their community may offer to marry her. After a short cere­ mony, they live as man and wife. The married ladies wear the ta :li 'marriase badge' and chain with black beads 'pirQu :k~·. Child marriage is sti11 prevalent. Widow remarriage is widely prevalent. But the man who marries the widow is not given the name go :vu 'husband' but rabbilo :10 'one who lived with.'

At present they folIow the surrounding Malayalis III their marriage customs . . Temples.-They do not have prohits of their own. Their temples have the goddess bo :ganti, 'Bhagavati' worshipped in Kerala. The ceremonies and festivals are short, very few and simple. No daily pujas are performed in the temple. A small dome with a small stone idol, of about 6'" to 9" height in the suburbs of the village, serves the purpose of a temple. Caste.-Within KUQumbis, there is a sub-caste by name baqki. They are said to be inferior to the KUQumbis. There are 16 such families in Varapula. The Ku(lumbis have ostracised them. They are not allowed to mix with the ·KuQumbis. They are said to be people of hal ja :ti, 'inferior caste', as their ancestors had interdined or intermarried with people outside the fold. Associatlons.-They are having a few associ'ations in the name of KUQ­ umbi K,arayogarn. They are not functioning due to various well known reasons. Language.-They call their language as Ku(lumhi.

5 Gowd Saraswat Brahmin (GSB) setthments.-GSBs are to 'te found in varying numbers throughout Kerala. 'They are found in large numbers in and around the following places. Quilon, Kayangulam. Alleppey. Shertalai, Thuravoor, Ernakulam, Cochin, N. Parur, Cranganore, Calicut Tellicheri and Kasargod. Their, concentration is reported to te rrore than 25,((0 in Ccchin and Ernakulam of Earnakulam District, and rrore than lO,CCO in A11eppey and Kasargod of Alleppey and Cannanore Districts respectively. In the dis­ tricts of Calicut, Trichur, Kottayam and Quilon, there are more than I,COO Konkani people in each district. Ihey are referred to as kCiJgaJ,;lirnar by Malayalis. The Konkanis with the exception of a few found in Northern Kerala are fair complexioned. Economic Conditions.-GSBs are comparatively well-off middle class ·people. In case there are poor ones they are taken care of by their temples, rich men, and various funds made avanable for the ccrr ILl.!nity reople. Except in Vaikom of Kottayam district, they are not very poor elsewhere. In Vaikom, the poorer section of the GSBs are found to live in buts. Most of the people are educated and are employed. Many are busi­ ness men. 7here are many land owners too. General.-Most of them are Tri-linguals, who can ~rea k Fr g1j~h -£r d -Malayalam in addition to Konkani.

Culture.-These GSBs are Vaishnavites, and are follo" ers" of M ~dhva- charya. 'They corne under the fold of Kasi lJ1ath Samsfhan aud their present Religious Guru is Sri Sudbindra Tirt1:a S\\ami, the 22t:d S" ami in the order of succession. 7hey have a feeling of belonging to Gea, their contended original home. 7heir folk songs reveal it. In one of the songs, a crow is addressed by the mother and is asked ",hether he had gone to Goa, seen the child's father and V\hether the father said that he "culd ccn:e ,today or to-morrow. In another-falk song the appearance of Portu~ue~.e is ~l"iticjsed. These GSBs have certain 'surnan:es' pGyka added to their nan:es such as mhallo, 'Malla)'ya', MalIan' kZrrmQtl, 'K~rrlJ1a1h', na:)'ku 'Naik'_ ~eIJey 'Shenoy', kiIJi • Kini', ba:Jgo 'Baliga', p:)J~:bu ~pral;hu', IG)')'Q 'pai', -- - . he.gc::J~ 'Hegde', bhoqu 'Dbat', p~Qjya:Ju' padi:yar' and Kuquva:- '.Kuduva'. Of these 12 titles, he.gqo and KUQuva: are not found in the southern parts of Kerala. Naiks are very few. Mostly we come across ~en.ey, mhallo, poro :bu, PQYyQ, and bhoHu. On enquiry tbis writer was told that in ancient times, these titles were according to their profession ~en.ey' account­ ant', rnhallo 'warior', p~ro:bu 'Zamindar', karr,IJ1Qti 'Agriculturists', bhoHu ·priest'. But at present there are no such distinctions except l::boqu ",ho are still fcuDd to 1:e priests. 'These titles na'\e no significar,.ce of any intra­ caste structure within Brahmins. There is a sub-caste in Southern ar.d Northern parts of KeraJa of G~ Es. They are called as appo:1 uka :ri in South by the G SE s and their title is 6 bhagar. GSBs do not intermarry or interdine with these people. These people were formerly GSBs themselves. In olden times, girls were to be married before they attained puberty. Those families in which the girls could not be married before they attained puberty were not married by the other people of the community. Gradually they were ostracised by the GSBs and from then onwards those families began to have marital relations within themselves. At present there are 15 to 20 such families in Co chin, 1 in Trivandrum and 15 to 25 families in Kasargod. However, these differ­ ences are fast disappearing, and the Religious Guru has admitted them into the fold of G SBs. The married women wear the saree (18 cubits) keeping folds ka:s~ in the back. Men wear -dhotis either like Bengalis or like Malayalis. The orthodox brahmins always wear the dhotj like the Bengalis. GSBs are addressed as m:Jda]a :li's 'master' by MaJaya]is and others. Food Habits.-GSBs except in Southern part of Kerala are non­ vegetarians. Their preparations are unique and are not to be got outside their community. Marriage and other customs.-GSBs do not interdine or intermarry with the other Brahmins in Kerala. They belong to 9 tb 10 gotrams namely vacch~, ka: syapa, k~msi, kavl)Qany~, bha :ratva :j~, g~vtam, atd and so on. Sagotram (people belonging to the E~n~e gotla) h:arriages are probibited. Crm:E-ccusin rrarria!,e is evidently rnvah:nt. 'lie Madhvacharya. The people who stick to saivism after the advent of Madhvacharya, are the present Saraswats. The saraswats· are the fel10wers of Kaivalya Math and of Chit­ rapuT math while the GSBs are of the Kashi Math. As ~uch, 1he saivaites and the Vaishnavaites viz. the S'araswats ar:d GSEs co 1:ot intornarry nor interdine. Thue two can te sajd 10 celcng to tv. 0 watfItjght compartrrnlts. Culturally ;:!rd socially there are ll'any rotable differen­ ces between the Saraf,wats and GSBs.· ,The Saraswats call thfmselve as 'Sar~swat • while the G SBs refer to them ~s J?e.t;la :paiicl. The meaning is not clear. The GSBs feel that they are superior to the Saraswats and vice versa. The following points may be brought out to indicate the cul­ tural differences between GSBs and Saraswat Brahmins. 7 1. The GSBs are fish eaters, though those settled in Southern parts of Kerala except in KayanguJarn are vegetarians. The GSEs beyond Calicut are non-vegetarians. The Saraswat Brahmins on the other hand aver to be vegetarians. 2. The former are Vaishnavites, fo11owers of Kashi Math and their swamiji or the Religious Guru is termed as Tntha. While the latter are Sai­ vites, followers of Chitrapur Math and their religious Guru is termed as Ashrama. 3. These two sects have their own temples and the pujas are conducted in different rnaimers.

4. While the GSBs have 'title' p~yk~ such as MalIan, Naik, Shenoi, pai, Kamath, prabhu.· Kini, Baliga. Dhat added to their names, the Sara­ swats on the other hand have no titles but only have 'aQdi:vo 'surname'. This surname is the name of the place to which the forefat)1ers of these families belonged. They some6mes take Rao as an additional title. The GSBs also take Rao as an honorary or sophisticated title. There are certain cemmon f(atures in betw(t:n GSBs ard Saraswat Brahmins. Both the sects wear the sacred thread, observe :ro)]ution during the time of birth_ and death and do not :reJrnit ~a£ct1a (telcrgirg to the same gotra) marriages. There are certain cultural differences due to the regional culture preva­ lent in the places of settlement also. (iv) Caste Structure.-The Saraswats do not have any sub-castes nor low castes in their fold. The GSBs only, consider the KuQ'umbis as the non..;brahmins. There is no untouchable .caste among the Kcnkani people. The KuQ'umbis are considered to be Sudras aud they do not per­ form any elaborate reHgious rites and do not wear the sacred thread. 7 heir festivals are few and simple unlike those of the brahmins. The KuQ'umbis follow a culture of their own. There are Konkani speaking Muslims and they are called bhatka!i because their forefathers settled in Bhatkal in North Canara, and became Muslims during the rule of Tippu Sultan. There are a few bhatka!is settled in CaJicut. They are mostly traders. The Christians are of course there. They are found in plenty in Mangalore and Northwards. "Jne curious thing to be noticed is that in spite of the conversion to Chris­ ~ ianity, the caste system is rigidly followed by them and they still use the p~yko with their names. There are a few vaisyas and Sonnars in the Southern Konkani areas. Mostly they are found in and beyond Mangalore N orth­ wards. In Kasargod there are carpenters who are called cep!akaro. They sell the fried rice and do also carpentry. They do not mix with the Konkani Brahmins and live in the outskirts of the town. They have the title Naick . but this is not the same as the GSB title Naik. These people wear the sacred threads, but are not brahmins. Near Kumbla, a tribe called ara man'i!hi are living, their language is ca11ed ka:Q~ koIikal)i. They

8 are fish sellers. For the present no linguistic data could be collected from these people. (v) TempJes.~Temples are a must for the GSBs and the Saraswat Brahmins as well. There are hundreds of these GSB temples, which func­ tion as socio-educational and religious centres. In most . of the temples the presiding deity is Venkata pathi with the exeption of a few temples ..where Krishna is the presiding deity. In Chuai the presiding deity is Varaha. These temples have close contact with the people and the maths .and the bhats are the priests who perform the religious rites for the other ·GSBs. But these priests are meant only for the GSBs. Some of these temples have schools and colleges under their jurisdiction. Sanskrit pathasalas are. opened by these temples for the advancement 'of Sanskrit knowledge.

A peculiarity in the case of the GSB temples in Cochin and South­ wards is that women and people belonging to other classes are not allowed to enter tne innermost corridor near the sanctum sanctorum. Only GSB men with wet dhotis and without shirts have the previlege of .entering this corridor. The women do not take part in any of the socio­ logical functions except in going to temples and standing outside the 'Sacred corridor. The temples in the North, however, are not so strict and allow women to enter the inner corridor. In a way, the history of the GSBs is the history of their temples. In very few places in Kerala, the GSBs live without a temple of their own. They consider it a disgrace if they do not have a temple. In kozhencheri and PaHipuram where there is not a temple, the family deity belonging to anyone of the families attains the importance of a temple. From the situation and history of the temples, the history of Konkani . Brahmins -can be reconstructed. Associations.-There are plenty of associations of GSBs doing great . service to the community and people in all walks of life. Generous and docile, unobtrusive by nature, their community spirit is found to be vigo­ rously enthusiastic. They have many schools, colleges, and other tj'pes of . charitable institutions meant mainly for the community people. Recently they have been publishing souvenirs in which facts about Konkani and :stories and plays have appeared. In South, they make use of Mala­ yalam'script and in North beyond Cannal~re they make use of Kannada script.. ,The christian konkanis settled in Mangalore are publishing regular magazines such as arnci ma:yi 'Our mother' rak1)o ·protection' etc. About the Language in general.~GSBs call their language as Koitko :1).i. Under KonKani there are 16 mother tongue returns in the 1961 Census, of which Konkani, Kudubi, Moopan and Nawait are returns from Kerala. In the Southern parts of Kerala, the writer came across three mother tongues, Konkani, Kudubi and Moopan. Kudubi and Moopan are none 9 other than the KUQumbi dialect ofKonkani. Moopan is the name given to­ KU9umbis by the Malayalis and hence the mother tongue return in 1961 Census. The muslim konkanis bha tkaJi are otheIwise referred to as Naw­ ait by the people from and around Mangalore and that explains the pre- sence of the mother tongue Nawait in the 1961 Census. . The Field Investigations on Konkani in Kerala.-The preliminary investi­ gations on Konkani in Kerala were conducted during June-October 1956... Concentration was laid upon the regional variation in the speech of the GSBs in Kerala. Accordingly three piaces were visited and information was gathered. Data was collected III Cochin Taluk of Ernakulam district, Kasargod· taluk of Cannan ore and in Trivandrum. GSBs are very few in Trivandum and so the sample collected from Trivandrum was from a native of AUeppey, working in the Census Office, Trivandrum~ A visit to Cannanore town revealed the fact that the dialect spoken there , was nearer to that spoken in Kasargod, than to the Cochin sample_ It was inferred that there should' be a Dialect Boundary somewhere between Cochin and Cannanore. Naturally, Calicut was found to be the isogloss area. . Further due to the paucity of time no sample was collected on the Ku<;lumbi dialect of Konkani, during the preliminary investigations, though a ViSIt to the KUQumbi settlement in Parur taluk of Ernakulam district revealed a notable difference between the KUQumbi and GSB dialects of Konkani. A second trip to Kerala was undertaken in February-June 1966. The· main aim this time was to delimit the bou ndary of the dialect spoken i~ and around Cochin (Southern Dialect), and to record the Ku<;lumbi speech. An area survey was attempt ed. The KL<;lumbi speech in Trivandru;rn (40 Ku<;lumbi families are settled in a packe t surroundfd by Malayalis), and! Alleppey and GSB sample in Quilon were conccted in the Southern Dialect,. Depending upon the Census figures of 1961, all the GSB and KUQumbi settlements were visited. The camps were in Trivandrum, Alleppey, Shertalai, Thuravoor, Viyattara, Tiruvalla, N. Parur, Varapula~ Cranganore, Cannanore, Kasargod, Manjeshwar, and Quilon. Calicut was visited. By camping in the abo ve places nearby places were visited. Speech samples were collected from places where it was found necessary. As such eight samples were collected. The linguistic material was analysed. It was found out that an isogloss study would be more suitable for Konkani than a mere descriptive study or a particular dialect. So in addition to· the descriptive study of Cocbin GSB dialect, the frame for an isogloss study was drafted. A third trip was paid to Kerala in June 1967 during wbich trip, the material already collected was checked up and 200 words were collected from Calicut in the GSB and Saraswat Brahmin dialects of Konkani in Calicut. 10 Konkani as a language gives much scope for an investigator. Earlier history of the language and the people as well is not available further. The migration of the people causes further difficulty for a language analyst~ as the language seems to have been influenced by various other languages from time to time. Comparative study, with the other Indo-Aryan lan­ guages, providing a lexicon and dictionary of the language will perhaps. be of far-reaching consequence and of value.

Dialects of Konkani in Kerala.-The dialects of Konkani in Kerala have been dealt with in detail in Chapter-X of the report. A few points in brief regarding the dialects may, however, be made here. While samples of speech from GS community of Cochin (CGS) were being organised a visit was paid to the Ku4umbi settlement in Vanlpula where the speech utterences of the local people were noticed to be different in pronun­ ciation though morphological patterns and sentence constructions were the same as in Cochin Sample. The following were noted as some of the characteristic examples. CGS udda:k~ 'water' KUQumbi dialect udd:.:l 'water', kha: 'eat', ha: "eat'.

It was therefore felt that KuQ.umbi samples would be necessary. In the latter phase of the tour, in Kasargod a GSB sample was further collected. The differences between CGS and the present sample were found to be much more than were noticed in the case of the Kuqumbi dialect of Varapula and CGS. Though the construction of sentences did not differ, the suffixes used in morphological constructions in Kasargod sample were different from those of the CGS samples. A few typical instances may be given here viz.

CGS Kas

coming e:vQ:p~ evcE. eating kha:vQ:PQ khavce come (hon.Sg.) eyya:y eyya:ci go ( " ) Vdcca:y v~cca:ci first a:dyaccE. surve:ce key ca:vi biga:tu

Tl;le differences were therefore considered to be relevant enough to conclude that the two samples should be of two different Dialects. Further a sample from Cannanore revealed that the speech resembled Kasargod . dialect.· So- it was decided that th~Dialect Boundary should be somewhere between Cochin and Cannanore. During 2nd stage of investigations visit was paid to Cranganore and suburbs and all the places in and around Cochin~ thoughout the Southern parts of Kerala. A KUQumbi sample from Trivandrum was also collected. Even places such as Tiruvalla~ 11 Kozhencheri, Changal}.acheri, Vaikom, Kottayam, mOva.rruppula where :the Konkani population was sparse, were visited and samples taken. All these in tum showed that the dialect spoken by GSBs from Quilon to Cranganore could be termed as Cochin dialect with negligible modifications. As regards Kuqumbi dialect the modifications were linguistically relevant. A further trip to Calicut was paid. A few utterances such as

CGS Calicut GS Kas GS

South te. =k;;) te.:nk;;) d;;)kl}il}.~ father bappa: bappa: a:nu eating kha:va:pa khavcE. khavcE.

revealed that Calicut should be the border line of the Cochin dialect and the -dialect of Cannanore and Northwards up to Mangalore. Meanwhile a publication on "Konkani of South Canara' by A.M. -Ghatage presented materials from Chitrapur Saraswat dialect of South Canara which when compared with the materials collected by this writer in Kasargod (the GSBs are from Southand North Canara) again showed similar differences as there had been between the Kuqumbi dialect of South and the Cochin dialect of the GSBs. Most notable of them were as follows.

SB (Kas.) GSB (Kas.) girl tsalli [tsalli] celli [celli] remembrance ugQa:su uQga:su what k~lle k~sle eating khavce. khavcE. come (Pres. pI.) eyya:ti eyya:ci

From the above factors, I came to the following conclusions and with these dialectal differences of various dimensions being in view the following .aspects of Konkani Survey in Kerala were therefore tentatively considered. -~

1. A mere descriptive study- of one of the dialects may not be enough.

2. The Cochin dialect or the Southem Dialect is different from the Kas. dialect or the Northern Dialect.

3. There are sub-dialects within the Major Dialects. Isogloss Stildy.-In addition to the detailed descriptive study of one Major Dialect with comparative statement on other dialects the isogloss study of dialects was therefore considered to be very much desirable. It may not be 12 irrelevant to spell out here in very brief some of the basic assumptions and procedures in au isogloss study. The natural linguistic boundaries fall in a place depending upon the speech habits of a group of people speaking the same language settled in various regions of a place. When we come across two different speech varieties of the same language then, for each speech variety there is a focal area and relic areas. When the relic areas. of the two speech varieties meet at a point, we find that there lies the border line between the speech varieties. The speech habits of the border line area. is a compound of the two speech varieties and is also a· bit different from both the varieties. When the Cochin dialect meets the Kas. dialect. the border line falls in Calicut. A set of items or a questionnaire or list of glosses is prepared and the sample is collected from the different speech varieties: which reveal the exact position of each speech variety with respect to the other. The glosses thus available for the items of the questionnaire are­ isoglosses. The isoglosses are of two types. The isoglosses may be of two speecb varieties spoken in the same region. The speech variation may be due to­ caste. In such a case, the difference can be said to be of a vertical nature e.g. Ku4umbi dialect Vs OS dialect; Saraswat dialect vs Oowd Saraswat dialect. In other words the region taken for study is the same; and such isoglosses are said to be topo-isoglosses. Those dialects in which the topo­ isoglosses are the same with slight modifications, then we group those dialects as sub- or minor dialects of a Major Dialect. The Ku4umbi dialect and the GSB dialect of South are minor dialects. of the one Major Southern Dialect. Likewise the Saraswat and Gowd Saraswat dialects are the sub­ dialects of the Major Northern Dialect. In such cases we find that the structure is the same, only phonological differences are found viz.

CGS Trivandrum Kuif,umbi (TK) eat kha: ha: eating kha:v~:~ ha:vo:po

The other type of isogloss is found from the speech varieties of two different regions, irrespective of the presence or absence of minor dialects. Such isoglosses are said to be chrono-isoglosses. These isoglosses are of a horizontal nature and are more important. The chrono-isoglosses are primary isoglosses while the topo-isoglosses are secondary ones, in the sense that from the collection and analysis of the former, we are able to find out the Major Dialect Areas while in the case of the latter, minor dialect areas ~re determined. In the isogloss study presentedJn Chap. X, both the types of isoglosses . are collected and analysed. In addition a topo-isogloss study of the region of Kerala as a whole is done which reveals the difference between theKu

Topo-]sogloss Study: Kerala Konkani I \ I KUQumbi Dialect Brahmin Dialect In the ensuing chapters the descriptive analysis of Cochin Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (CGS), the representative dialect of the Southern Dialect of Kerala Konkani is presented. Chapter X deals with the Dialect Study or the Isogloss study of Kerala Konkani.... There are two Appendices; Appendix-I : containing materials for the Isogloss study and Appendix-II: consists of materials mainly from CGS and the connected text from Trivandrum KUQumbi Konkani. Further available material in the other dialects/sub-dialects discussed in Chapter X is not given since considerable amount of data already found place by way of illustrations in the compa­ rative studies in that chapter. The places of work from South to North of Kerala were as follows . Trivandrum District Trivandrum Taluk Quilon District Quilon Town proper Alleppey District Alleppey Town proper and Suburbs Ernakulam District Cochin Taluk and Suburbs and Parur Taluk Trichur District Cranganore Taluk Cali cut District Calicut Town proper Cannanore District Cannanore Town proper and Kasargod Taluk *The last chapter deals with Borrowings in CGS, the main source being Malayalam. 14 Informants were selected from Trivandrm.~ Quilon, AUeppey, Cochin, Calicut, Cannanore and Kasargod. In Cochin and in Alleppey the number of informants were three, in Kasargod and Calicut two and in other places, one each. List of Informants 1 Mr. N. Chellappan (Trivandrum KUQumbi dialect) 2. Miss. R. Padmini Bai (Quilon GSB dialect) 3. Miss. Radha Bai (AUeppey GSB dialect) (N 0 data is provided as it is very close to Cochin dialect) 4. Mr. K. Chellappan (Alleppey KUQumbi dialect) 5. Mrs. Yamuna Krishnan -do- 6 Mr. M. Lakshminaraya Bhat (eochin GSB dialect). 7 Mrs. R. Mohana Kumari -do- 8 Miss. Kanaka Bai -do- 9 Mr. M.P. Bhat -do- 10 Mrs. K.N. Krishna Bai (Calicut Gowd Saraswat dia.) 11 Mrs. Dhareshwar Sita Bai (Calicut Saraswat dialect) 12 Miss. Swarna Rani Kammath (Cannanore Gowd Saraswat dialect) ] 3 Mrs. Nalini Ramdas Shenoi (Kasargod Gowd Saraswat dialect) 14 Miss. Vijayalaxmi Shenoi -do- 15 Mrs. B. Mukta Bai (Kasargod Saraswat dialect) 16 Sr. M. Nunciata (Kasargod Chiristian dialect) (Data not given in the report) 17 Smt. Sumati Deo, Cochin (Ratnagiri dialect of Marathi)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Being quite a stranger to the area and language and culture of the people the intitial stages of investigations were bound to be beset with apparent insurmountable difficulties for the investigator. But it is a matter of happiness for me to state that all through the investigations I got active co-operation from not only individuals but also from the authorities of maths, trusts and temples. It is only with great sense of gratitude that I am going to name some of the institutions and individuals for whose help, co­ operation and friendly attitude I am only too thankful. There are yet many others whose names are not listed here but all the same I am thankful to all of them for whatever assistance received. Trivandrum Smt. Swarnalatha Shenoi, Shri K. Venkatesll Pai, Shri M.N. Bhattar Qui/on Shri A. Srinivasa Pai, Shri Gopala Moopan

15 Kayangulam Shri K. Venkateswara Pai Alleppey Shri R. lanardana Pai, Shri Purushottam Naik Shertalai (Alleppey) Shri N. Narayana Mallan (since deceased) Thuravoor (Alleppey) Shri K. Ananta Prabhu, Shri K. Narayana Moopan Changanacheri (Kottayam) Shri S.V. Pai Kolencheri (Kottayam) Shri S. Gopala Pai Kottayam Shri P.N. Narayana Pai, Thalattangadi Vaikom (Kottayam) Shri N arasinha N aik Ernakulam Shri K.V. Rajagopala Sheonoi, Dr. N.V. Mallayya, Maharaja's College,. Shri R.K. Rao, St. Albert's College N. Parur (Ernakulam) Shri C.N. Narayana Pai, Shri N. Renga Prabhu, Shri Raman, Shri A.K. Prasad Cherai (Ernakulam) Shri D. Minna Prabhu, Shri D.K. Srinivasan, Shri K.K. Raman Chendamangalam (Ernakulam) Shri C.S. Hari Prabhu Pallipuram (Ernakulam) Shri R. Raghavendra Kammat Varapula (Ernakulam) Shri D. Kesava Pai, Shri N. Madhu Cochin Shri N. Purushottam Mallayya, Shri Taranath Seth, Shri T.C. Krishnan,. St. Mary's High School, Kannamali, Shri S.R. Sivaraman, Shri V. Krishna Kammath, Shri G. Gopala Krishna Pai of Y ogya Pai. Narayana Pai Trust Cranganore (Trichur) Shri S.G. Narayana Prabhu, Shri K. Gopalan Calicut Shri K.N. Sridhara Shenoi Cannanore Shri D. Madhava Baliga, Shri D.D. Kamath, Shri K.V.M. Shenoi Tellicheri Smt. Lalita R. Prabhu 16 Kasargod (Cannanore) Shri K. Vaman Shenoi, Shri M. Venkatesa Shenoi, Shri K. P. Madhava Rao, Shri G. Gopalakirshna Pai M anjeshwar (Cannanore) Shri Subbaraya Bhat, Shri Dinker K. Manjeshwar Temples, and Maths etc. Ambalapula and Puracad temple authorities, Thirumala Devaswom Temple authorities, Cochin, Yogya Pai Narayana Pai Trust, Cochin, N. Parur Shri Venkatachalapati Devaswom, Shrirnath Sudhindra Tirtha of Kasimath, ·Prabhu Stores, Tiruvalla, Das Brothers~ Muvattupuzha My special thanks and heartfelt gratitude go to the following persons, who had always been there when help was needed. Shri R. lanardana Pai, Ravi Niketan. Palace Ward, Alleppey, who gave me a list of references to people through out the length and breadth of Kerala, arranged for conveyance, men and materials in places of difficult accessibility, contacted people in person, by phone and by letter and made my stay a very pleasant and pleasurable experience. I am grateful to him beyond words. Shri N. Purushottam Mal1ayya, Cochin and his family members who went out of the way to make me feel at home. Shri N.P. Mallayya was all cooperation in getting around people, informants and information. His extensive knowledge of Konkani history, culture and t:eligious set-up etc. which he ungrudgingly let me take advantage of through the perusal of his published articles and papers etc. was of invaluable help to me and I am indeed too grateful to him. Shri M. Lakshmi Narayana Bhat, Temple Chief Priest, Cochin extended his never waning cooperation as an informant and I am very thankful to him. Shri N. Chellappan of Trivandrum and Shri M.P. Bhat of Cochin, were all the time very eager to give me the required material as informants. Shri Yogya Pai Narayana Pai Trust authorities were very helpful I am specially thankful to Trustee Shri G. Gopala Krishna Pai of Cochin. Shri K. Vaman Shenoi of Shantinagar (Kasargod) took me round the town, giving me letters of introductions for contacts in and around Kasargod. helping me to get information and informants. His help was so valuable that I cannot but express my sincere gratitude to him. During the initial stage of field investigations Prof. V.l. Subramanyam, Head of the Department of Linguistics, Kerala University, Trivandrum was kind enough to show interest in the Konkani Project and provided me with some useful guide lines for field work. fIe also offered some very valuable sugge&tions on the question of sorting out'~nd listing the field data. I am deeply grateful to him: To Prof. T.P. Meenakshisundaram currently Vice Chancellor of the University of Madurai who was my former teacher in Linguistics, I am deeply beholden for his guidance which was readily 17 2 RGI/75 2 available to me during my field work through personal discussion with him during his visit to Trivandrum or through correspondence in which he is always quite prompt. But for the initiative, encouragement, guidance and active co-operation of the authorities of the Registrar General's Organization to which I happen to belong, my investigations and studies on Konkani, however, would not be there in the present shape. I am grateful to the Ex. Registrar General Sbrl A. Mitra for initiating the Project while I am extemely thankful to the Registrar General Shri A. Chandrasekhar for taking genuine interest in the studies and for persona1Jy discussing with me the subject during his visit to our Language Division O:fT.ce. I am happy to express my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to Shri R.C. Nigam, Linguist, for his constant vigil and help, suggestions and discussions. He has been very kind to go througb each and every line of my report and was always ready with suggestions. I thank my colleague Dr. M.R. Ranganatha, of Language Division for those hours he spent in discussions on the details of analysis in general and on problems of Syntax in particular. Help received from the Authorities and Staff of the O:ffice of the Superi­ tendent of Census Operations of Kerala at Trivandrum is inestimable. Shri K.V. Joseph and Shri B.T. Pillai, Deputy Superintendents of Census Operations kindly took upon themselves, as it were, Konkani investigations work as their own and spared no resources, staff help as well as personal attention and care, for the entire routine of my work and movements in Kera}a. I do not have sufficient words to express my gratitude to them. Among the Census Staff Km. Radha Bai and S/Shri M. Peetambara Menon and Arvindan deserve special mention for their ungrudging assistance.

IS CHAPTER 2

COCHIN KONKANI Phonology By Cochin Konkani is meant the Gowd Saraswat Brahmin,' dialect of Konkani spoken from Trivandrum to Calicut. This can be said to cover the KucJumbi dialect spoken in the same area but for a few modifications. Cochin konkani consists of 52 phoneme of which 50 are segmental and 2 suprasegmental. Of the 50 segmental phonemes 7 are vowel phonemes and 43 consonants. The suprasegmental phonemes occur with the vowel phonemes. Phonemes Vowels Front Central back High i u Higher-mid e Mean-mid ~ Lower-mid e. Low a Suprasegmental

f -/ Nasalization / : / length Consonants Lab. Lab.den. den. AN. Ret. pal. vel.

Stops VI. Unasp. p t *t ~ c kl VI. asp. ph th t;h tch kh Vd. Unasp. b d Q j g Vd. asp. bhl dh Qh jh gh Nasals Unasp. m V n 1). fit Ii asp. mh nh Fricatives t*f s ~ S h Liquids Unasp. c,l },*1 ,asp. Ih Semi- 'Unasp. v y Vowels , as:p. vh yh * phonemes borrowed from Malayalam. \ t OC,currence very rare (of nearly 1500 words only one word. vacch~ 'name of a gotra' , is found with/chI). :f; influence of Malayalam. *t borrowed, occurence rare. 19 Vowels: There are 7 vowel phonemes. Vowels contrast in terms or tongue-height and position. There are five degrees of tongue-height: viz. High, Higher-Mid, Mean-Mid, Lower-Mid and Low; and three degrees of position: viz. Front, Central, Back. Of the 7 vowels, 3 are front vowels, 2 central and 2 back. Central vowels and one of the front vowels I e I higher-mid do not have a position contt;"ast in their respective tongue­ heights, in the sense, they don't have corresponding members in other positions of the same tongue-height. The high and lower-mid vowels have a two way contrast of position front: back. The back vowels are rounded while the non-back ones are unrounded; All vowels occur with length as well as nasalisation. So we have long and short vowels and nasalised and oral vowels. All long vowels excepting. the low central are slightly higher than the corresponding short vowels. Distribution of Vowels: Occurrence of short vowels is freer and more frequent compared to that of long vowels. Short vowels rarely occur before single consonants and the same is the case with the long vowels before consonant clusters. Except I a: I no other nasalised vowel, occurs initially. In general final occurrence of long vowels is limited to monosyllabic words, though we find a few instances of I a: I occurring finally in di-syllabic words. Initial I:>: I and / e: I are rare. On the basis. of distribution (initial, medial and final) in words, vowels can be grouped as follows :-

Group I Occurrence-initial, medial and final ex I i, e:, e, e:~ a:, 0, 0;, u, u:, :>, :>: / Group II Occurrence-initial and medial ex. / e, a, a: I Group III Occurrence-medial and final / i, i:, i; ii; I Group IV Occurrence-medial I 3;, ~_I Group V Occurrence-final ie, e:, ii, ~I As 'regards frequency of occurrence / Q / is the most frequent vowel; nasalised vowels except Ii. e, ~ r are the least frequent. Description of Vowels.-The examples are given phonemically. Except when those phonemes which have more than one allophone are described~ phonetic expressions of the phonemic representation are not given. I i I high, front, unrounded, short, vowel (occurrence initial, medial and final) / iriga :1:) I • charcoal' I tiksa :t;li I "'pungence • J i: j high, front, unrounded, long vowel (occurrence-medial and final) I pi ;};) / ' • young one' ! hi; ! · seed • 20 J e / higher-mid, front, unrounded, short, vowel (occurrence-initial and medial) /ekvi :s/ • 21 ~ / celli / • girl • Je:/ higher-mid, front, unrounded, long, vowel (occun::ence-initiaI, medial and final) /e:k::J1 ' one' Jke :ri, ' street • ,ghe:, 'take' l£1 lower-mid. front, unrounded, short, vowel (occurrence-initial, medial and final) f€.ka:J:).~:vi/ '91' /p£tt-:J/ ' male dog' lamb£/ ' mangoes' /£:/ lower-mid, front, unrounded' long vowel (occurrence-initial, medial and final) /£ :ka:d::J :siJ ' name of a tithi .. /jaly£ :ri, . ' if; but' i p€. :j~ I ' soft cooked rice ' It€. :1 ' They

mostly /e, e:/ occur before high vowels and /£., e.:/ before non-high~vowels. But there are a few instances, exceptional to the general rule, which make the occurrence of Ie, e:1 and /£., €.:I unpredicatable, and hence, leI, le:/, I€./ / e:/ are treated as separate phonemes. In certain positions (initially; medially in certain instances, and finally in monosyllabic words) they contrast and in certain other positions (finally, medially) they are in comple­ mentary distribution leI does not occur finally only /£.I occurs.

/e:k::J/ 'one • I€. :ka :d::J :sij 'eleventh phase of the moon' I celli! • girl ' /jalye. :ri/ , if' /ghe :/ • take' It£. :1 • they' fge1b/ 'went (m)' jgelli/ • went (f)'

fa! 10"*, central, unrounded, short, vowel (Occurrence-initial and medial) (phonetically "lower-mid, un~~unded, back vowel) jamb-:Jj • mango' Jpallol • leaf' 2L, -_- ~. /a:/ low. central, unrounded. long vowel (occurrence-initial, medial and final) /a:bu/ • grand father • /pa :k:;)j • wing' /a:f}a:/ ' 18 ' /su:rya:/ • sun'

/01 lower-mid. back, rounded, short, vowel (occurrence-initial, medial and final) This has two allophones [0] and (0]. [0] occurs initially or medially, before high vowels and [0] elsewhere. /oppu :rba:yI • affection' [oppu :rba:y] /oTJo:ku/ • a measure' [ot;lo:ku] /kobbu/ • sugarcane' [kobbu]

/kholli/ • jack leaf' [kholli] l Ikoli:;,! • fox' (kolb] Ivokk~:d~1 • medicine ' [vokk:;) :da]

/0:1 lower-mid, back, rounded, long vowel This has two allopbone$ [0.] and [0:] [0=] occurs initially or medially, before bigh vowels "and [o:j elsewhere /o.4i/" • rice wafer' (0:4i] Ilr.o.pul • anger' (ko:pu] Ibo.4~/ • skull' [ba :QO)] /toJ • b¢' [h.] /O.P:JI • presentations [o.p:;)] given in a marriage' luI high, back. rounded, short, vowel (occurrence-initial. medial and final) /uvva :ru/ • flood ' /bukko! • male cat' Ijho :c}.ul • storm • lu: I high. back. rounded, long. vow~l (occurrena:-injtial. medial anQ nnal) lu:~/ ' steam • Ibhu:k~1 • hunger' lu:1 'louse' 22 /~I mean-mid, central, unrounded, short;vowe~ (occurrence-initial, medial and final)

IQ4g~ :y/ 4 pickles'

/phappa :!a! 4 arecanut '

IlXlUil 4 church'

Ihu :maj 4 sweat •

I a: / mean-mid, central, unrounded, long. vowel (occurrence-initial, medial and final) /a :!i/ • screen of wooden bars' /kamba:lif ' woolen shawl • jsa:/ • six'

Contrasting pairs: short '!.s long Ii/ -:- Ii :/singQ/ horns / si :nga I horn I e /-:- / e: / I eka:va:nQ / 51 I e :ka I One

I €. I -:- 1 €.: f / E.ka:sta :ri / 71 I &:ka:da:si I . eleventh-phase of the moon I a / -:- ! a: / . /phanti / plait I pha:nti / row'

/ ~ / -:- / ~: / / ~lJ~ :ku / a measure / t~ :4:) :vu I delay / u I -:- / u: / I khUlJti / the small central piece used in a:::rgrinding stone / khu :l].ti / to cut . / a I -+- 1 a: / I ghassi I an eatable I ghQ :~ti I to rub Oral vs Nasalised /i/+/i/ I matti I mud / matt! I heads

Ii: 1-:-1 i: l / bi: I . seed / bi: I sowing seed \ le:/~!-e:1 J paQ,e :ku :tQ I a kind of _snake / ed~:ci I a few '23 , jE-/-7-/e/ I gUQQE- I short (m.Pl) I gUQQe / short (N. Sg) /e:/--=--/e:/ f tE-: J They (m) I te: I That

/a:/+/a.:/ I ma:v~ I scar I ma.:vii / father-in-law /0/-"7-/5/ / gel b I went (he) / gE-l15 / went ·1' (mas.)

/0:/--=--/5:/ / b::> :t~ / finger / c5 :ci I beak /U-"7-/u/ I k::>:pu / anger I ma.:vii / father-in-law /u:/-7-/ii:/ I u: / louse I tii: I you (Sg.)

Consonants-There are 43 consonants. 1 the alveolar stop and 1 are borrow­ ings from Malayalam ; f is a borrowing from English. In the nasal series, dentals have uniformly swept off the alveolar series. In a few places we hear *[n], the alveolar nasal. As there is no contrast between *[n] and [n] and the occurrence of *[n] is rare, *[n] is given phonemic status. This is due to the influence of Malayalam. Stops except 1 are voiced as well as aspi­ rated. The aspirated phonemes are treated as unit phonemes for distribu­ tional reasons. There is one instance of mh a cluster with h as the second member e.g. simhu 'Lion'. This cluster Imh/ is distinguished from the unit phoneme*'" /mh/,mh;:) :t).;:)/:say' (though not overtly shown in the given exam- ples). In the former case, syllabic cut is between /m/and/h/while in the latter case, syllabic cut is either before Imh/ or after that. Long consonants are treated as gemination of single consonants.

- Distribution of Consonants-All phonemes except/ch, th, ii, Ii, t?, I, t and 11 occur initially. The occurrence of aspirated consonants is very limited. They are fewer in number and are restricted in distribution. They occur initially and medially:): as tbe second member of the cluster where the first member is a homorganic unaspirated consonant. Consonants do not generally occur in the final position. A few words with m, s, 1, v, and yas final consonants are of course to be found in the material. As/ch/is found only in one word, its treatment is not elaborate, though it is given phonemic status. Clusters are discussed separately. -. [n] alveolar nasal. .'" Unit phoneme/ roh/occurs- only initially. _ _ t Except'ons : in a borrowed word! mithuna m/'na me of a morith'jznd in the word /ti:thi/'phase of the moon'/where/thjaspirated dental stop occurs intervocally. 24 On the basis of distribution, consonants are grouped as follows group I : Occurrence-initial, medial and final! m, s, y. v ! group II : Occurrence-initial and medial. All consonants except those of group I and I bb, dh, jh, th, 4h, mh, nh. I? lh, 1. vb yh and 1, 11 group III Occurrence-medial and final f 1 I group IV Occurrence-initial / bh, dh, jh, 4h, mh, nh, f lh, vh and yh I group V Occurrence-medial I th, V, ~, t, 1. chI

Description of Consonants; -Expressions are phonemic. Unless un­ avoidable, corresponding phonetic expressions are not given.

/ p / bilabial, voiceless unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) I pa:ri 1 mango seed f ma:p::ll I measure I ph I bilabial, voiceless, aspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) I phu:!::lI ! flower ! tapph::ll: t::ll / blow I b J bilabial, voiced unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) J ba :ri I lath I ra :b::ll I to stand I bh I bilabial, voiced aspirated stop (occurrence-initial) I bhu:k~ I hunger j t I dental, voiceless, unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) { ta:k~ I butter-milk I ga:tQ I hoof

J th I dental, voiceless~ ~!"pirated- stop (occurrence-initial and medial) I th€.m~ / drop I ti :thi I phase of the moon Idl dental, voiced unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) f di :ru I seedling l du:d~ I milk 25 I db / dental, voiced aspirated stop (occurrence-initial) / dhii :pi I to. shut I t I alveolar, ·voiceless unaspirated stop (occurrence-medial) J tett~ I wrong I ~tt.ekkQ { alone / t I retroflex, voiceless unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) / l u kJi/ fisti cuff J b;:,: tQ I finger I th I retroflex, voiceless aspirated stop (occurrence-medial) / aHha :vi:8 J 28 I <;1 I retroflex, voiced, unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial)

/ Q /has two:allophones [r and «J). [r) occurs intervocally and [4] elsewhere. / Qukkg:rQ I . . pig [c;lukkQ :l"Q] / ha :<;1Q / bone [ha:fQ] I ph~ :1).gu I pit [pho :1).Q.u] / gacJcJQ :VQ / ass [gA<;1Q~:Vg] I 4h / retroflex, voiced aspirate.d stop (occurrence-initial) I <;lh~ :nk~ J stork I c I palatal, voiceless un aspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) / ca :ri ! four / co:ci / beak J cb I palatal, voiceless, aspirated stop (occurrence-medial) / vacch~ I name of a gotra I j / palatal voiced, unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) I j::>rl~ I cockroach / kbo:£O :ju I itch I jh I palatal voiced, aspirated stop (occurrence-jntial) / jho :4u I storm I k I - velar, voiceless,· :unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) l kaylo I crow I pa :kg I wing 26 I kh I velar, voiceless, aspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) I kha: ki I sneeze I ikkh:l :ra: / 11 I g I velar, voiced, unaspirated stop (occurrence-initial. medial) I gu:l:l I cowry I va:gu I tiger / gh / . velar, voiced, aspirated stop (occurrence-initial and medial) / gh~:su / bunch ! m~ggh€. / name of a star

/ m / bilabial, unaspirated nasal (occurrence-initial, medial and final) I ma:mu / maternal uncle ! gurth:lm / blessing / mh / bilabial, aspirated nasal (occurrence-initial) I mh:l :l}.:l I to say I v I labio-dental unaspirated nasal (occurrence-medial) I vavt~lb / porter I davQa:y I to chase / n J dental, unaspirated nasal (occurrence-initial and medial) / na :ilk:l / nose I pa :n:l / leaf

I nh I dental, aspirated nasal (occurrence-initial) / nha: ! to bathe / l}. / retroflex, unaspirated nasal (occurrence-initial and medial) I J)~ :vi / 90 I kha :l}.:) / eatable, fodder

I Ii I palatal, unaspirated. nasal (occurrence-medial) I k~iij~:li I handful / mullaiifii I radish

[fi] is given phonemic status, though it is in complementary distribution with*(nl in certain environments. Medially in gemination it contrasts with aU the other nasals. *In] alveolar nasal. 27 In} velar, unaspirated nasal ( occurrence-medial) / maiik:;) :,,~ / monkey / aini.:;) :l}Q I courtyard [6] is in complementary distribution with In] in certain environments. This is given phonemic status as It con­ trasts with all the other nasals, medially in gemination. IfI labio-dental, voiceless fricative ( occurrence-initial) Iflu :1 influenza Is/ Alveolar, voiceless fricative (occurrence-initial, medial and final) /s:;):/ • /sa:su/ 1,000 {vi :s/ 20 . retrotlex, voiceless fricative '~I (occurrence-medial) {vi :f}~1 poison /SI palatal, voiceless fricative (occurrence-initial and medial) Is£. :I::> :vul co~lness Ika :8&1 bronze fhl velar, voiceless fricative. (occurrence-initial and medial) (phonetically glottal) /ha:rul a kind of chain lah:;)/ IS III Alveolar, unaspirated lateral (occurrence-initial and medial) lIe :sul handkerchief Ika :lil yesterday

flh! Alveolar, aspirated lateral ,_ \ _. occurrence initial) !lha:yi/ parched paddy Ir/ alveolar trill (occurreiic.e-initial and medial) .... /ra:n:;)l forest . -. Iva :r&1 air 28 I!I Retroflex, unaspirated lateral (occurrence-medial and final) Ita :!:l! throat lus~:11 get out (imp.) IV heavy retroflex, unaspirated lateral fricative (occurrence-medial) la:lca:1 week Iv! labio-dental, unaspirated semivowel (occurrence-idtial, medial and final) Iva :ci/ to read /mha :v:;,/ mother's elder sister /ghaI.ltre:v! crow's nest /vh/ labio-dental aspirated semivowel ( occurrence-initial) /vh:l :I.ltij udder /y{ palatal unaspirated semivowel (occurrence-initial, medial and final) /Y::J :1 come /va:yu/ plaintain fibre /t~ :y/ third phase of the moon /yh! palatal aspirated semivowel (occurrence-ini tial) /yh::J:{ he (prox.)

Contrasting Pairs: /pJ ---:-/ph/---:- ;b/---:-/bhj {pi ---:- /ph/ pa:yu leg pha:y to-morrow Ip! ---:- fbI pet;t,:l male dog bett;::J marble (playing) fbf ---:-/bhl b::J:r::J line bh::J:r:l bundle

/t!---:-/th/---;- /d/---:- !dh/ It/ ---:- Ith! tamb€: copper themb::J \ drop It/---:- {dl throat eye 29 Id/7/dh/ do:ri rope dh~:ri to catch

/ t/7 /th/7/4/7/4h/ 1t/7/th! taHe roof at!-ha:vi:s 28 It/7{4/7/4h/ t-ukli fisticuff Qukk~:r~ pig Qh;,:iJ.k~ stork /C/7/ch/7/j/ -:-/jbl Ic/ 7 /j/7 /jh/ ~:Q~ to climb j;, :Q.u pair jh;,:4u storm /C/7/cb/ bhacci niece vacch~ name of a gotram /k/-7-/kh/-7-/g/7/gh kU:Q~ room kro:Q;, a particle of salt !P:~ jaggery gh;':Q;' horse Im/-7"-/mb! m;,:vu soft mh;,:vu honey

In/7/nb/ na: no nha: to bathe

/m/7/v/7fn/7/Q/ 7/ii/7/itf /mf-7-/n/ matti mud nattu grand son /m!-7-/vf umti gha:li to keep straight vavblb porter

/m/-7-/n/ -7"-/Q/-7- /n! amge:18 our mank~:!~ wrist ka::t;I.ge- bring maIik~:Q;;)- monkey 30 /m/+/£)./ amro mango kul).ro kudumbi male

In/-:- (f)./ navv~ 9 l).~ :vi 90 Jr)./-:-/n/ P=>l).j=> great grandfather k::'iij~:li handful (measure)

Jmm/--:-/nn/ -:-/ T)f)/ -:-/fifi/-;-/nil/ bammu:f).u husband dhanni owner b~r).r).u colour mullaiifii radish ariti~ :JJ~ - courtyard sa:su 1,000 a:~a: 18 JsJ-:-Jsj s~ssi 600 sisse lead (metal) J~/"-7-/S! vi:~~ poison ka:se bronze /l/-:-!lh/ lu:yi to harvest lha:yi parched paddy /l/"-7-/r/ la:n~ smooth ra:n~ forest II/-;-ft! ka:li yesterday ka:ti black (f) ItI-:- III kh£.lc~ playing (m) a:lca: week

Iv/-:-/vh/ va:n~ mortar vha:1)~ slipper /y/-:-/yh/ /yo:1 come /yh~:1 he (prox.) Clusters-There are no vowel clusters in the language. Consonant dusters-Clusters found within the word boundary are taken here for consideration. Clusters occurring acrOSS the word boundary are dealt with under the morhophonemic rules. Consonant ~lusters occur initially and 'inedially and finallyt in words. Initial consonant cluster consists of 2 consonants while in the medial cluster t in one borrowed word, te :bl 'table'. 31 the number of consonants may go up to 3. Only non-identical clausters occur initially. Initial Clusters-These are very few in number compared to the medial clusters. pr- pra:yu old age by- bya:ru business tr- tr~yo :d~ :si the 13th phase of the moon ty- tya :IJ.~ :vi 93 dv- dva:d~ :si the 12th phase of the moon jv- jva:la: flame jy- jye:l?~u name of a month kr- kr~tti:ke name of a star k!1- k::;avr~ shaving mr- mr~:g~ animal st- stiraiij a sill E:. permanent sth- sth~:l~ land sn- sne:hu love sv- sva:ti name of a star sl- slaYQ~ hair pin sr- sr~ :v~ :IJ.~ name of a star sy- sy~t~bil?e name of a star vr- vr~ :IJ.~ sore n flu: influenza

Medial Clusters : (two members) /pl pp bappa: father pph tapph~:t~ a kind of vessel pt s~pt~:mi 7th phase of the moon pt tip!€- nickname for Tamil Brahmin pI kapla:bo:ro fate pr upra:nte next fbi bb gobbo:ru ash bd cobda: 14 It/ tt mattE:. head tk kh~tk~ta:y to boil (liquid) tm a:tma: soul tr n~k!?~ :tr~ star ty itya:k~ why ts satSi 87 tv hatva:ti a kind of small lamp tl ra:tl~ a measure 32 Idj dd daddu:b man dg gudg~ tender jack fruit dm padma:k~ lotus dn -dJ). ke..dna:y - ke..dQ-a:y always dr s:;)mudru sea dy madya:n~ noon /dh/ dhv budhva:ru wednesday ltd H tatt€. roof o Hh at!;ha:vi:s 28 ~g g~~g~!Ji: on om expr. of- drinking fast tm ba1;ma:rG Tamil Brahmin: ts mitsa:l]i saltishness ts a!Jsi 800 tv phatv;) :Q.;) trick It:h/ thp at;hpayya :iico spider /4/ qb i4be:!;) Thunder 4t ma4ta :1;) hammer 9<1 a4cJ;) :li sickle (for cutting vege- table) q.k lncJki widow (with a shaven head) cJg pOQgO frying pan c;ls aqs;) :-5ti 68 c;lv khacJva :J).€. reins Icl ccJ khic<;li an eatable i::C viccu scorpion cch vacch;) name of a gotra ck mack;) :!;) a cake cv ucva:su breath Ijl jj ujjo fire jr gujra:ti gujarati /k/ kt dhakti second wife kk bkk;) :Q.<;I;) iron kkb ikkh;):ra: 11 kn sokni lizard ks tiksa :IJi pungency 33 2 RGI/75 b.I pokf?u fortnight kr sukra:ru firday kl !Ukli fisticuff kv mukvaiic~ fisherman I.! gt sogtQ:Y all g4- thogQE. a little gg kuggu:mg owl U h mogghe name of a star gl maglaya:uQ behind gr gagro skirt gv c~g¥aiico Eelava male BY a:r~:gyg health 1m/ mp ko~:ru elbow mb tam'bE. copper md ramdg:y curry mk Camk~:tu ·mole mm ammi we ms amsa::Q.i SO\lrness ms~mlil rna :ms~ - rna :~~ flesh ms amsE. sour mb simhu lion Iv! (it vavtOlllc porter vd r..avde:y curry v! 80v!0 'Deck vej. dav"a:y to cllase vc va-vro .porter vg av~:le: clothes In/ • up 'denpa:rQ noon nt manta :ro old man nd mandu:ri mat nk maukg:fg wrist nn punnQ:va full moon ns bi:nsQ beans DV Qnva:t;lE. walihed clothes touched . only after bathins. ny dba:nyg grain I f1. I QP sa:Q.pu:k~ blow ,pipe Qb· kUQ.bo kudumbi male 1}t POlJ.tu great grandson IJ.t vO:lJ.tu lip 1}4 t~::Q.4~ mouth 34 .Qc n:lI}.ce- pickles .Qj p~I}j:l great grandfather 1}-g ka:I}ge bring Q.Q mh~I}.Qi proverb .Qs bhaQ.si:re cloth (used to lift vessels from the oven) Q.y na::Q.Y~ coin I fi I fic pa:iic~ five iij sa:fij~ evening fiii mulIaiiiii radish I D I bJc nanku:!~ nail l\g ja:D~;;} thigh nit vaynn;;} :.Q;) brinjal I s I sp a:spatri hospital sb resba:le a v:ariety of plfl,ntain :st h;;}sti elephant sc vr;;}scikam name of a month sk peska:ti knife sm r;;}smi ray S5 Si5S~ :ri crocodile 51 a:sle:~e name of a star sr nisra:y to loosen sv nesva:l}.;;} dress sy ka:syap;;} name of a gotra I s f 5S t,is$u :r name of a place ar misr;) inter~~te sy k;a :syapa n.an;le of a &otra

I ~ I ~! k~~!~ trouble ~n pa~na phatt:l :ru granite stone ~v vi~va:su I;lelief. fD-ith ~y pu~yu n~me of a month II I , )p kalpf)iiji \ a kind of lamp lb malba"ri Malayalam lk ~aJ1~a.ri coal Ig galguQ.!:.:J mumps 35 1m a1m:t :ri almirah 1s u]s~:vu festival 11 celli girl I r / rp sirpu :!~ twig rb k~rbe:vu a kind of leaf rt ka:rti:gu 8th calender month rth ~rthu meaning rd h~rde heart rdh ~rdh~ half r! k~qE. outer shell of coconut rq. cerQu child rj kh~rju kha: to itch rk c~rku:l~ a small vessel rg rna :rgasi :r~u name of a month rm s~rma:!a: a string of lamps (used in the temples) rn sa:rni broom rI;1 v~rlJ-u colour rs ars~lsi 1/8 of a measure rs cars! 400 r~ v~r~~ years rl k~ppu:rb big earthen pot

rv parv~ pigeon ry su:rya: sun .Ill kilbile: to chirp valti white ant h~ldu:ve yellow nalk~ pipe g~lg~!i : onom~ expr. k~lsu:b a vessel cuHi stick vhulvu!mu :yi big black! ant, III week JV I vp c~vp~:n~ 54 vt c~vti:s 34 vd ~vde:ta:pu malaria vc cavc~k~ :ri to chew. to bite vk c~vkalJ-Q~ square vg ba:vg~ to bend vlJ- clVlJ-E. sparrow

36 vs pa:vsu rain va n~vSI 900 vI pa:vl~ foot vr bh;)Vri eye brow vl savb eagle vv uvva:ru flood vy avy;):vd limb

I y I

yp ca:yp~ pial yt nayb muslim yd maydd:rd backside of the house YQ slaYQd hair pin yj dayji cognate yk a:yk~ to hear YlJ­ bh~Yl)i sister ys pa:ysu an eatable ys paySi 500 yl ba:yl~ woman

yr s~yn relative (f) yl kaYb crow yy piyya:vu onion

three members: V1H, vile, vog are in free variation with v~, vc, vg (P:34) qst aQst;):ri 78 k~m 19k~mj na :ra :yg :1). u a proper name ntp rantpi cook (m) ntr mantri minister ndr cendre:mu moon l}tr ghat} tre:v crow's nest ftkr s~ilkr~ pebble ngr ailgre :ji English ftgi iogii :s English sog m~sIiga: sa :Iig~ a vegetable rmb karmb~:l~ a fruit

rmm carmmu:r~ parched rice rt}Q. k~rt}4~ name of a vessel rilg s~rilg~ kite (playing) vky sdvky:;) health Vl).! g:>vl)!:>- neck me vaviic~ porter vftg avIigd :ie clothes \ ytr c.:)ytru name of a month ynd p;;,ynda:rd sugar

yny sdyny~ army

37 Y1}Q g:lYI)Q:> buttock yIiil vayilli~ :1). ~ brinjal

Syllabic Structure.-Words in Konkani can be divided according to the number of syllables they contain. The number of syllables is the same as the number of vowels present in a word, for, the presence of vowel(s) is a must in a Konkani word. There are mono-syllabic, di-syllabic and tri-syllabic words~ of which di-syUabic are the most frequent.

Mono-syllabic words: (.:-.) (i) (C) V: ex. u: louse kha: eat pi: drink gu: excrement y:>: come te: They (m) te: that

(ii) CtV:C. where C a is y or 8 ex: C::l:y see vi:s 20

Di-syllabic words :

(i) (Ct) V l : e. v. ex: a:nu elder brother ka:nu ear va:r£. wind ha:v~ 1

(-)

(ii) (Cl ) VI (:) C 2 CalC,. Ca (C,)Va

ex: ass~ is tussu bran ba:yl~ woman t:>:l)4~ mouth g:>yI)Q:l buttock taB€: roof aqq€: plank for preparfng pao~J pa :rli big lizard parv:> pigeon 38 (iii) C I VI C 2 C 3 C" V 2 ; CII (only one word) ghaJ}tre;v crow's nest

(iv) VI C I V 2 ; C 2 (only one word) us~:1 get out

Tri-syllabic words : ( - )

(i) C 1 VI : C 2 V 2 : C a V 3 ex : ka :so :vt'J tortoise ka:!u :ku darkness ta:ra:v~ duck; ka:ra:te bitter gourd

ex: niqq~ :l~ forehead rann~:J}i oven koylu:v~ tile udda:k~ water naIiku:ta nail

Syllable Type.-Syllable system of Konkani is of peak type. and the pealt is always a vowel. In addition to pea~ type. there are onset-peak type .and onset-peak-coda type. When there are more than one syllable in a word, interludes are present and they vary from one to three.

ex: peak type u: louse onset-peak type gu; excrement - tii : you ti: she onset-peak-coda type vi:s 20

Onsets.-Onsets are consonants. Onsets are simple or complex. Simple onset contains a single consonant and complex two.

ex: Simple onset yo; come pi: drink ha:di way complex onset pra :yu old age ~~:g~ animal \ Peak.-Peak is a vowel. It is always simple. The vowel may be short or long, oral or nasal. 39 Coda.-Codas are rare. rarer still are complex codas. There is only one instance of a Complex Coda. A complex coda contains two consonants ••

ex: Simple Coda vi:s 20 c:):y see us:;;,:! get out Complex Coda te:bl table.~ Interludes.-Interludes vary from one to three ex: single interlude: a:nu elder brother a:bu grandfather two interludes: ajjo grandfather bhitti wall 1 to ::qqa mouth ba:yb woman three interludes : solikro pebble c~ytru name of a month

40 CHAPTER 3

MORPHOPHONEMICS In the preceding chapter we dealt with words occurring in isolation. These words were conected as such in isolation from the informants. They were slowly uttered, in the sense no stylistic variants of the same word in fast speech or in utterances, were to be noticed. Such slowly uttered forms 9 are to be taken as the basic f.o rms, when we come across variant forms of a particular word in utterances. These variations can be explained to a certain extent when they cim be fitted in the frame of Morphophonemic rules. Morphophonemic rules are divided into two types: General and Specific. The specific rules are applicable to specific category of words, in specified morphological environments, viz. Nouns before the plural or case suffixes; verb roots before tense suffixes, etc. These specific rules have been stated in the appropriate places. In this chapter a few rules of the general type are intended to be discussed. It cannot be said that the treatment is ela­ borate or exhaustive, for the reason that many of the changes are optional,. depending mainly upon the mood of the speaker, nature of the conversation etc. So, only a few rules which are ordinarily applicable to words when they occur in a sentence are discussed here. For such a purpose by a word is meant a minimum free form i.e., freedom of occurrence in isolation is the main criterion for determining a word. Most of the morphophonemic alternations of the general type are op­ tional and irregulart too. There are a few regu1art alternations which are non-automatict· Regular Alternation.-When the polysyllabic words ending in long v.owels occur in the sentence initial or medial position the length of the final vowel is lost. Examples: makka tii: dittaVe ~do_ you give me?~ ma,kka: \ 'when will you see me? ' takka vaccu:k:;} k:;};lna: tisse :rpavti :kk~mbi or tisse:r pavti:k k~mbi (b) the penultimate consonants, if geminated, are degeminated. maktu: dittay€. 'do you give me ']' (c) no change may occur makka tii: dittave 'do you give me?' But if the word consists of only of short vowels or if it is a monosyllabic word no change occurs whatever be the initial phoneme of the succeeding word. Examples:

t3: att~ ett:) :b 'he will come now' tummi kedda:Q makka c:)ytg:le 'when will you see me?' putta:li k?mbi ayJi 'son's telegram came' (iii) Loss of final vowel or the final syllable of any word occurring finally in the non-final position of a sentence is a most frequent but sporadic phenomenon. It is quite optional too. tak vaccu :k k~ :lna: 'he doesn't know to read' slow utterance takka vaccu :k~ k~ :lna: te k~mbiye: ka :g~:1. ghe :vnu g€.lb 'he having taking the telegram, went'

ka :g~ :t~ 'paper' thaiiga :ce _dadlya :n lea :g~:t vaccu :n dakk~ :yle.. 'The neighbour read him the telegram' 42 Basic forms dadlya:n~ 'by the man' ka:g~:t~ 'paper~ vaccu:nu 'having read' te rukka: p;-,nda: b;;)l1€'. ghall€'. '(he) spread a net below the tree' basic form p;;)nda :k~ 'below' tagge:l pu :tu sikku: gdb:b 'his son had gone to study' basic form : sikku:k~ 'to learn' ts: s~gg~ t:;) v:;)r:;): vu khamca: khalla: emca :ni :k: te b:.')lya: p~ne 'when they came down to eat the rice they fell into the neC basic forms khamca :k;} 'to eat' khalla:k~ ~down> emca :ni :k~ 'while came' no elision may occur t::>: sara :ri e :vnu te vindra :k~:y gbe :vnu gelb 4ihe~ having come very fast~ took the rat too.'

43 CHAPTER 4

NOUN MORPHOLOGY Nouns Konkani Nouns denoting animate or inanimate beings belong to one of the three genders masculine, feminine and neuter. The criterion. for the classification is not the one based upon sex of the being, though we find some consistency,. such as the nouns denoting males are always masculine (daddu :b 'man', r:)qq:J 'bullock' etc.) and those denoting females feminine (ba:yl;;> 'woman', celli 'girl' etc.). Young ones belong to neuter gender (cerc;lii 'child). As regards inanimate things no such consistency is to be expected, though in general, it can be said that big and rough things such as mountain, sea, tree belong to mas. gender, small and tender ones such as plant, tender mango etc. feminine. Most of the nouns of this category belong to neuter gender. Further, certain categories of the inanimate things belong to a particular gender, unpredicatably. The gender of these words is inferred syntactically e.g. names of the months, days of the week etc. are masculine; names of tithis are feminine and numerals are neuter .. . , Most of the nouns end in vowels, generally short vowels. The final vowel gives a clue to the gender of a particular nOUD. It is the distribution of a specific plural allomorph after these singular nouns, which <:J.etermines the gender, in cases where the same final vowel occurs in two genders viz. I~/ ending words, may be either neuter or feminine ba :yb 'woman' (f) gh~ :r~ 'house' (n). These together are taken as criteria for the classi~ fication of nouns into different genders. (i) final vowel of the singular noun (ij) distribution of the plural allomorph gender final vowel of the singular noun Plural allomorph

masculine (i) u ;:) (ii) :J €. feminine (i) 1 Y:J (ii) ~/ a: / y ~ neuter (i) 3 5 (ii) e i This, however, does not exhaust all nouns. Cases of exceptions viz. nouns· which end in consonants other than y; nouns which do not have the above vowel ending ; nouns which do not take plural; singular form used in plurar etc. are found in the data. However, there are only about fifty such nouns in the data. 44 For the sake of conv€?nience, the treatment of noun is as follows :- _Masculine Nouns Class I (i) ending in u Class I (1) Oi) ending in ::> Class I (2) Feminine Nouns Class II (i) ending in i Class II (1) (ii) ending in d/a:Jy Class II (2) .Neuter Nouns Class III (i) ending in d Class III (1) (ii) ending in €. Class III (2) All the other nouns Class IV Masculine Class IV (1) Feminine Class IV (2) Neuter Class IV (3) Class IV nouns are the remainder of the nouns which do not conform to anyone of the above classes. These are cases of exceptions. Their gender is decided syntactically. if there is no indication morphologically.

Number There are two riumbers: singular and plural: the former denoting one, and the latter more than one.

Exemples: -Class-I(l) Singular Plural ha:tu hand ha:td di:su day di :s;) ke:su hair ke:sd uvva:ru flood uvva:rd ka:nu ear ka:nd da:ntu tooth da:nt;) ru:ku tyee ru:k;) muttu knee mUn;) vh::> :1).tu lips vh;:) :1).~;) Class I (2)

d::>:l::> eye d::>:le \ celb boy cdle kay\::> crow kaYle g::>V1).t::> neck g::>v~!e 45 Class I (2)-.:vntd.

Singular Plura] knand;) branch khande amb;) mango ambe iilga:1 ;) charcoal iJiga :1E. k.:>lb fox k;)lle Class II (1)

manta:ri old woman manta:ry~ mi:si moustache IDl :sy.:> mu:~t-i fist mw;;!y.:> ra:ti night raty~ sa:li skin salyo:> mu:yi ant muyy::> heui female dog heHi:y::> paQQi female calf pa44i:y.:> muddi £lng muddi:yo:> hatti cubit hatti :yo:> celli girl celli :y.:> Class II (2) ba:yb woman bayb khu:!~ heal khu:!o:> ja:1ig~ thigh jang.:> li:k~ nit likk.:> va:t~ way vaH" k.:>ylu:v;a tile k~ylu:v::>

su:v~ needle suvv::> ma:!a: garland rna:!::> kriya: rite kriy::> ~v~sta: stage ~V;;)st~ jva :la: flame jva:b ~Qug~:y pickle ~4ug~:y~ ma:J)a:y plank ma:l}a :y::> ramd;):y cooked vegetables ramd;) :y.:> Class III (1) t::> :p~ garden topp~ p::> :t') belly p:)tt~ de:h~ body de:h~ to:> :t;lQ~ face b1}.c;l5 pa:vl~ foot pavl~ niQQ;) :!;a forehead nic;lc;l~:15 bhu:j~ shoulder bhujj5 m;) :4~ cloud m::> :c;l5

ra:n~ forest rann~ pa:l~ wave pa:15 46 Class III (l)--contd.

Singular Plural vha:IJ.~ slipper VhaI]IJQ ba:l~ tail ball~ ku:k~ potato kukkQ ga:t~ hoof gattQ mra:ga animal mra:gQ gha:r;) house gha:rQ Class III (2) ke:le .plantain ke:\i h~rde. heart hardl mattE: head matd va:re. wind va:rI tamoe. copper tamb! vaggu :le. bat (animal) vaggu:ll Class .IV (1) Masculine

jo:lika:ri field worker jo :lika :r;;) d~nde:li man servant dande:li bya:ri merchant bya;ri ve:le tiJne(s) ve:}e a:l~ person (male) a:~ duddi pumpkin duddi u~te saliva su:rya; sun ga:vu village ga:VQ ja.:vQ:yi son-in-law lia :VQ :yi bappa: father 'bappa: Class IV (2) Feminine to,,:.') :pu widow's saree t~4'P:) dande:li woman servant d~nde:li matti pearl DlQ'tti:yo amma: mother amma: avva :lab:.') :y dried .a.mla r£.:v~ sand khoro:ju itch ba:yi well .biiyy5 baHi:kO) small pox Class IV (3) Neuter dUI}.qu a sweet meat dU:Q.qu aram a tool \ arem ciiuian a variety of banana kadaJi a variety of banana flu: influenza 47 Class IV (3) Ne!'ter-contd. Singular Plural cerqu child cerqu :VQ b :1}.i butter mela :y~ curd c::>:Jam maize carka: spinning wheel carka: vi :1}.a: veena vi ::Qa: lla:VQ name naVVQ b~:ri , side b~:ri vi :s twenty Formation of Plural All the three classes of nouns ending in vowels, lose the final vowel before the plural suffix (with the exception of nouns of the form C 1 V 1 C a

C 2 i final vowel is lengthened instead of being dropped before the plural suffix). In addition to the loss of final vowel, the noun bases undergo morphophonemic alterations before the plural suffix. The following are the morphophonemic statements regarding nouns before plural suffix.

1. Nouns of the form C 1 V l : C2-~ become C 1 V 1 C ZC 2-where (i) C 2 is one of the eleven consonants / p, b, t, t, j, k, m, n, 1)., 1, v /, (ii) if C 2 is not one among the 11 consonants then no change takes place. Examples :- (i) / p / b :p;::) garden bpp-a

ma:p~ measure mapp-5 I b / ji:b;} tongue jibb-::> / t / 'ga:t;::) hoof gatt-~ v::>:t~ sunshine v::>tt-~ bha:t~ paddy bhatt-~ su:t~ thread sutt-~ / t / p::>:t~ stomach p;.)H-~ va:t~ way vatt-::> r::>:t;} road r;.)H-~ / j I -bhu:j~ shoulder bhujj-~ . / k / ,ku:k;;} potato kukk-a li:k;::) nit likk-::> pa:k;;} wing pakk-5 / m / r.::l:m~ hair (of the body) r::>mm-::> I n / ra:n~ forest rann-5 pa:n~ leaf· pann-5 va:n., mortar vann-a / lJ ! vha::Q~ slipper vha1}.l).-a s::> :1);} coco fibrous rind so1)1)-5 /1/ te :1., oil ' tel1-5 48 ba:l~ tail baU-~ phu:l;;) flower phull-~ I v I dhu:v;) daughter dhuvv-:> ja:v;) co-sister javv-:> su:V;) needle suvv-~

Exceptions! / j I me:j;) table me:j-~ I n / v;) :n;) forest (puranic) v~:n-a su:n;) daughter-in-law su:n-:>

I 1). / kha:t).~ tiffin kha:t).-~ t~:IP grass t~:t).-~

I v / ma:v~ the central portion ma:v-~ of jack fruit /11 gu:l;) cowri gu:ly-:> be:l~ strength b~ :l-~

(ii) When C II is not one among the said 11 consonants then no change takes place

ku :cJ;) room ku:cJ-~ m;) :q~ cloud rn~ :cJ-~ pa :1;) wave pa:l-~ rnu:l~ root mu:l-~ de:h~ body de:h-~ dha:r~ edge of any dha:r-~ instrument Exception: ha:q~ bone haqq-~

2. Nouns of the form Cl_V]_ :C2C3-~/i become C 1 V 1 C.Ca-where C.Cs is either a consonant cluster or a nasal plus homorganic stop.

ba :yi;) woman bayl-;) pa:vlg foot pavl-~

V~ :r{>~ year v~r{>-~ ra:tl~ 42 tolas ratl-a ti :nt;) ink tint-g t~:.QQ;;l face b.QQ-~ ci :fic;) tamarind cific-a sa :iij;) evening safij-~ , na:iLk~ nose \ naIik-a ja :ilg;) thigh jailg-~ sa:rni broom sarny-:>

49 2 RGI/7S 4· bha:n4i cart bha:Q.4-y~ mu:{>~i fist mu~t-yo sii:J}ti dried ginger sU:Q.t-yo kha:iici gap khafic-yo

however, if C 2 C a is nasal plus any other consonant, no change takes place.

dha:nya grain dha:ny-~ na:t;lya coin na::QY-~

3. Nouns of the form C I VI: C 2 -'i become C I V 1 C 2 -where C 2 is t, y, I.

If C 2 is not either t, y, 1 nor d, s, v, then VI retains its length. ra:ti night rat-yo va:ti wick vat~yo da:yi ladle day-yo rnu:yi ant muy-yo sa:li skin sal-y~ va:li creeper val-yo pa:4i bank (of the river) pa:4-y~ ki:4i worm ki:Q-y~ u:li chisel u:l-yo C~ :li blouse c::> :l-yo ti :thi tithi ti :th-y~ rna :{>i ink ma:{>-y::> ti :ri tendril ti :r-yo ci :ri bag ci :r-yo kha:t;li ditch kha:l).-Y~ gh~::Qi eagle gh~ ::Q.-y~

Exceptions:

pu:li ulcer pul-y~ gha:ri a preparation ghar-y~

vO:Qi lane v::>QY-~ where C z is d, v, s, only two examples in each case are available in the mate­ rial. Of which one retains length while the other doesn't.

/ v I ca:VI key cav-y~ ga:vi pulley ga:v-y::> I d / ha:di way had-Y::l na:di river na:d-yo / s I ml:SI moustache mi:s-yo ra:si heap ras-yo 50 4. Nouns of the form Ct V l :C:II V:II :Ca-i/~ and ~ V].C:IICa'v:II. :Ca i/o become C:t VIC: C s - ha:h :di turmeric h;;)!d-yo p;;) :ra :ba festival p;;)rb-o V::) :lJU :V;;) chin vO:Q.v-o thapp;;):!;;) blow thapt-a

5. In the nouns of the forms CIVl:CsVa:Ca-u and (~).Vl (Cs) ,Cae. V z :C5-u/o where VI is not 1 0 J and VB is 1 0 I then Va becomes 1;;)/ before the plural suffix. pimpo:!u banyan tree pimp;;):!-a kajjo :10 collyruim kajj;;) :l-a mailko:qu male monkey manka:<;1-;;) divvo :q.u snake divv;;) :<;1-;;) ka:s::J :vu tortoise ka:s;;) :v-a uls:> :vu festival uls;;) :v-a gaY1)c;b :! u earth-worm gaY1)Q;;) :!-;;)

when V l is I 0 / two types of changes are to be found. 0) VI as well.as VII become / a / pormo:!u sweet smell p;;)rm;;):!-a m:"l<;1vo:lu washerman m~Q.v:;) :!-:;) (ii) no change occurs porvo :tu mountain porvo :t-:;) pOI}O :su jack pOI}. 0 :s-a khorvo :tu saw khorv::) :t-o soro :pu serpent s:"lro:p-a Exceptions : mo:do:ku a sweet meat mo :d;;):k-;;) komp:"l:ru elbow komp;;):r-~

6. Nouns of the form. C 1 V 1 C zC 2 i become C 1 V 1 C 2-Cz i: before the plural -suffix. celli girl celli:-yo hatti cubit hatti:-yo paQQi female calf paQQi:-y::> heHi female dog heHi:-yo Obliqne Forms, The nouns when inflected for case, d~ not occur in their root from t before the case suffixes. The bases accrue s6me suffix before the case suffixes. The bases together with the new suffixes are the oblique bases and the suffix is the oblique suffix. The case suffixes occur after the oblique suffix. t The form used in Singular is taken as the root form. 51 _ Oblique sumx - , These are of two types (i) Singular Oi) Plural. These are added after singular root forms devoid of the final vowel. The following are the oblique: suffixes.

Gender of the Final Singular Oblique Plural Oblique- Noun vowel Suffix Suffix

Masculine u a:rouva: -va: a:rouva: aya:-ya: Masculine ~ a: -aya: -ya: Feminine i ! i:ooye:-e: iya: a: Feminine ~ e: ii.: Neuter ~ a: Neuter €. ya: -aya: iya:

Allomorphic Distribution of Oblique Suffix It is suffice to discuss the allomorphic variation of the singular oblique suffix, as, in the plural suffix, only nasalisation is added to the corresponding singular suffix and the conditions given to the singular allomorph applies to the corresponding plural allomorph too.

I u f ending nouns I a:rouva:-va: I I uva: I occurs after one root dh~.Q..Q.u 'bow' dh~I}.-uva:- I va: I occurs after the following roots tussu 'bran' tus-va:- viccu 'scorpion' vic-va:-

j a: I occurs elsewhere pu :tu 'son" putt-a:- bu :ku 'book' bukk-a:­ accu 'mould' acc-a: v~yddu 'doctor' v:lydd-a:-

j ;:) ; ending nouns /aya: I occurs after roots which have a retroflex consonant as the penultimate phoneme kaYI~ 'crow' kayl-aya: p~ :l~ 'a rice cake' p:l :l-aya: gh~ :ct::') 'horse" gh~ :q-aya: .

I a: I occurs after one root ujj~ 'fire" ujj-a:- 52 I ya: / occurs elsewhere amb~ ~mango· amb-ya: sulk~ 'spear' sulk-ya:­ s~pp~ 'pial' s~p-ya: - S~P-yE. :­ p~4g~ ~a frying pan' p~qg-ya:­ katt~ 'mango seed' kat-ya: k~lb 'fox' k~l-ya: c~gg~ 'shirt'

c~g-ya:-

Exception app~ 'a cake' app-aya:- I ye: /-/ e: / occurs before the accusative Cas~ Suffix. I ye: I occurs after one root celli 'girl' celi-ye :-n;) Ie: / occurs with other roots ga :yi 'cow' gayy-e :-n;) peska :ti 'knife' peska :t-e :-n;) rou :yi 'ant' muyy-e :-n;) J 1: / occurs after other case suffixes. ra :ti 'night' ratt-i :-ri n;) :di 'river' n.,d-i :-ntii peska :ti ';knife' peska :t-i :-ri matti 'mud' matt-i :-ntii -sometimes / i: - ye: / occur in free variation before case suffixes other than accusative. J e / ending nouns . / ya: -aya: / I aya: / occurs after roots which have retroflex consonants as the penultimate phoneme and after roots of the form Cl.V:Ca & t;) :le 'tank' t;) :l-aya: pa:le 'bucket' pa:t-aya: su :Qe ~dog' SU:Q -aya: tage 'roof' tag-aya: aq.4e 'obstruction' aq4-aya: va :re 'air' va :r-aya: ., :re 'granery' ., :r-aya:­ k.,':le: 'scar' k;) :l-aya :

In fast speech I aya:-ya: / becomes I e:,z te:l-aya: - t;):l-E. : b~l-ya:­ b~llE.:- J ya: J occurs elsewhere b~lle ~nee b~l- ya :-ntiih.,rde: 'heart' hQrd-ya: ematte' head' mat-ya: --ma -ye Formation of' Qblique Forms As already stated, oblique forms are obtained by adding the oblique suffix to the singular noun root devoid of the final vowel. The form 01 noun used before the oblique suffix can be called the base. In addition to the morphophonemic alterations of the base before the plural suffix, the bases undergo further alterations before the oblique suffix. Those bases which did not have any change before the plural suffix undergo changes before the oblique suffixes.

Morphophonemic Alterations of the ~ases before the Oblique Suffixes As the same base is used before the singular as well as plural oblique suffixes the following statements hold good .for plural oblique suffixes too.

1. Nouns of the .form ~ VI : Cs-u/i become C I V 1 C 2 C lI-if C lI is not one among the consonants q, g, t. v. s, d, r, ka:nu ear kann-a:- ha:tu hand hatt-a:- a:bu grand fathers abb-a:- ra:ti night ratt-i :- ra:mu a proper name ramm-a:- ja:ti caste jatt-i :-

where C II is Q, g, I, v, 5, d, r then no change occurs. be :4u hunter be:q-a:­ bha:gu part bha:g-a:­ pu:! u wooden peg pu:!-a:­ bha :vu brother bha:v-a:­ ke:su hair ke:s-a:­ ma:su month ma:s-a:­ pa:du wind from the anus pa:d-a:­ ;mha:ru harijan mha:r-a:­ bha:ru weight bha:r-a:­ kha:ri christian kha:r-i :- Exception di:su day dis-a:

2. Nouns of the form (C\) VI C z (C.)/C. C. VI!: : C 4 -u / ~ / i become

(C1 ) VI C. CrlCI VIC. C 3 C 4 - pimp~:lu banyan tree pimp!-a: vindu:ru rat vindr-a:

P~n.o:su jack ~Q.s-a: majja:r:> cat majr-a: udda:k~ water udk-a: phatt~:ru stone phatr-a: S4 bammu:Qu husband bamQ.-a: j~gge :li verandah j~gl-e :ri * rakku:q~ firewood rakq-a: divvo :qu snake divq-a: soro :pu serpent sorp-a: daddu:b man dadl-ya: ph~pp~:l~ aricanut phgp!-a: phidd~:r~ front side of the house phidr-a: kel~:k~ east kelk-a: v.)ro :vu rice vorv-a: lugg~ :t~ cloth lugt-a: bhanga :r~ gold bhangr-a: Exceptions citt~:l~ . deer citt~ -al-a:­ ma:Ii.k~:q~ monkey ma:Ii.k~-a4-a:­ nira:so disappointment nira:s-e:­ p~Qji :r~ west p~lJ..iir-a ;­ peska:ti knife peska :t-e:­

~ms~:r~ hurry ~msg - ar-a:­ mayd~:r~ back portion mayd~ - ar-a:­ ayd~:n~ vessel aydg -an-a:­ uls~:vu festival ulsav-a.:­ kUHu:ko piece kutik-a:-

3. Nouns of the form (CI ) VI C;o Ca-o/e become CCI) V 1 C 2-before the oblique suffix. matte head mat-ye:­ bolle net bol-ya :ntil katt~ mango seed kat-ya:­

c:>gg~ shirt cog-ya:-

s:>pp~ pial sop-ye:- - s:>p-ya:­ tussu bran tus-va:- viccu scorpion vic-va:- dh:>I)1}u bow dhoQ-uva :. accu mould acc-a :- kb:>lb glass kh:>l-ya:- cell:::> boy cel-ya:- app~ a cake app-aya:-

4. Nouns of the form CCI) VI :C2 CC3)-ui~/i become e l VICa (Cs)before the oblique. suffix where ell is not }, s.

gu:h~ cave guh-a: nha ::Qi bathroom \ nhaIJi-ya :­ b::Qi butter b1).i-ya:-

----'I' j~glE.:ri "in the verandah' 55 a:ru river ar-a ;­ v~:r~ hours v;}r-a :­

ca:yp~ pial cayp-a; va:ylu the attached portion in a vayl-a:- oven vh:) ;yri a small room vh::lyr-i:- Exception de ;h;} body de:h-a:-

5. Nouns of the form C].V1 C 2 C 2 i bec~me C 1V :1C2 i before the oblique suffix if C 2 is not a vl.stop. celli girl celi-'-ye :­ b;}44i stick b;}4i-ye:­ paQQi :female calf paqi-ye:­ muddi ring mudi-ye:- if V 2 is a vI. stop then no change takes place. het ti :female dog hen-i:­ -patti row patt-i :­ hatti cubit hatt-i:-

There are in the data, about ten nouns o:f the Canonical form ~ V 1: C s Vs : CaVa of which each :form behaves after a fashion of its own~ and hence no condition is plausible. ka:s::l:vu tortoise kasav-a:­ pa:r::l :du mercury pa:r:) :d-a:­ g:::> :pa:!u a proper name g::lp!- :a­ bha:s:::>:tu granery bhast-:a­ ta:ra:v~ goose ta :ra :v-a :­ pa:s~:t~ granery past-a:- ku:ra:Qi axe ku :ra :4-i:- Numerals All numerals belong to Noun Adjective class. Excepting "one', "half', and~ 'one-and-half' which show gender distinction when used either as nouns or as adjectives, other numerals belong to neuter gender. Following are the basic Fractions 1/4 ka:l 1.1/2 de:4u m. 1/2 ~rdh~ n • de:qi f. ~rdhi .f. de:4~ n. ;}rdhu m. 2.1/2 'd4qe:c~ 3/4 mukka:l 3.1/2 :::>vvu:t~ 1 e:ku m. 4.1(2 c~vv~:Q~ e:ki f. 5.1 !2 p~iic~;4~ e:k;} n. 6.1/2 8a:4i :8~ 56 1.1/4 s;}va:y 7.]/2 satt;} :,,~ 2.1/4 s;}va:y d~ :ni 8.1/2 an;} :,,;} 3.1/4 s;}va:y ti :ni 9.1/2 navy;} :q;} 1.3/4 pavuJ;1 d~: ni 10.1/2 dassa:q;} 2.3/4 pavuJ;1 ti :ni 11.1/2 ikhra: sa :rda 3.3/4 puvUJ;1 ca :ri 12.1/2 ba:ra: sa :rd;}

Formation of Fractions: 'half' has many allomorphs ~rdh~, sa :qi : -a:qa and; '1 :rd~ Except with;i x where the morpheme for 1/2 is pre-posed, in other cases the order of the morphemes is numeral+half.

The formation of numerals from eleven to ninety-nine resembles the formation in other IA languages. So only cardinal numbers and their formation of ordinals from 1 to i 1 are given below. Cardinal Numbers Ordinals

e:k;} 'one' *a :dyacc-e 'first' d~:ni 'two' dusse:r-e •second' ti :ni 'three' tisse:r-e 'third' ca:ri 'four' c~vt-e 'fourth' pa:ncu 'five' panc;} :-ve 'fifth' s;}: 'six' saB-e 'sixth' sa:t;} 'seven' satt~- :v€- 'seventh' a:!a 'eight' ana :-v€- 'eighth' navy;} 'nine' navva:-vE. 'ninth' dha: 'ten' dha:-v€- 'tenth' ikkh;}:ra: 'eleven' ikhra:-"e 'eleventh'

Formation ofOrdinals : From one to four altogether different allomorphs .of suppletive nature of the cardinal numbers are used before the ordinaJ suffix. From five onwards the form used before the ordinal suffix., resembles the cardinal numbers with slight modifications. The ordinal number for "first' is a borrowing from Malayalam.

tOrdinal Suffix: T-!Jis suffix has two allomorphs ! e ~ v €- /./ €- / occurs after consonants and / vel occurs after vowels. Again, the ordinal numbers show gender distinction when they occur as adjectives.

I ~~v~ I masculine '/ i-vi / feminine I e -v€- / neuter- \ .only the neuter Torm is the ordinal number suffix. * borrowinP-:'. t cf. P: 113. 57 Case Suffix Suffix I Accusative or Agentive Case n;;)-ni 2 Instrumental n;;) 3 Dative k~

4 Genetive1 l-~ -1-i -1-£ -I-£_ - l-y::J -1-i Genetivez c-~ - c-i - c-£ - c-£ - c-y::J - c-j

5 Locative1 ri-ce:ri 'upon, in, on' Locatives /- f. - (tu! -/ntu/ 'among, in, within" 6 Vocative ~-d~-nu

Accusative or Agentive Case ; /n~-ni/un}jke other cases, where the­ same case suffix is used after the singular as well as plural oblique suffixes; in accusative case/n;;)/ is used after singular oblique stem and/ni/ is used after plural oblique. e.g. Noun Sg. Obi. Pl. ObI. Aeou. Case_

p~k~i p~k~i:- p;;)k~i:n~ 'bird' p~k~iya: p~k~iya:ni ba:yl:;} 'woman' bayle:- bayle:n~ bayla:- bayla:ni pu:tu putta:- putta:n:;} 'son' putta:- putta:ni kayt~ kaylaya:-- _ kay!aya:n~ kaYlaya:- kayla ya:ni

Genetive Case :-gen'l/l-~ -1-i -l-e -1-£ -l-y;:, -I-i/gen.s!c-::J - c-i - c-e~· c-£_ "'7 c-y~ - c-i/

Gen' 1 is used with human nouns (nouns denoting human beings) and

gen'2 with non-human things. In these suffixes of gen' l and gen.s./I/in

gen'l denotes human beings.

leI in gen'2 denotes non-human things • I~ - i - ~ - e - y~ - i/ in both the suffixes denote gender and number. 1,,/ masculine singular; /i/ feminine singular; leI neuter singular; /&/ masculine plural ; /y~ !feminine plural /i/ neuter plural.

In fast speech, /1/ in gen'1 is retained and the gender number part is dropped; in gen.!! suffix., whole of the suffix is dropped thereby only. the oblique form gives the genetive meaning. • Locative Case : There are two different sets of Locative Suffixes with

meaning difference. loc'l gives the meaning 'in, upon, on' while loc' 2 gives the meaning 'among, in, within'. 58 loc'1 /ri -ce:ri/ Iri - ce :ri/occur in free variation with human nouns. celli 'girl' celiye :ri 'in the girl'

celiye : ce : ri Iri/occurs with non-human beings: ha :di 'way' haddi :ri 'on the way' ru:ku 'tree' rukka:ri 'on the tree' me:j;} 'table' me:ja:ri 'on the table' gh;} :rg 'house' gh;}ra :ri 'in the house' loc. 2 /-1 -/tu/-ntii! jtii! occurs after nasalised vowels. ga :vii 'village' ga:va:-tii 'in the village' celb 'boy' celya:-tii 'among the boys~ /ntii/occurs elsewhere. ha :tu 'hand~ hatta:-ntii 'in the hand' b::.lle 'neC bolya:-ntii 'within the net' I ~ / used in fast speech replacing the suffixes/tii -ntii/by nasalization upon the final vowel of the oblique form. ga:va:tii 'in the village' ga.:va: 'in the village' (- ) Vocative I¢J -e: -i: -0: -a:/ _:do-nu/ Vocative Case suffix is to be found only with the human nouns viz. kinship terms and proper nouns. In addition to the vocative suffix, separate­ words are 'm.sg:: ago 'f.sg.'; aga: 'm.pI:. 'm.sg. hon.· and ag£. 'f.pI., f.sg_ hon.' are pre-posed to the oblique form. These words are also indepen­ dently used for addressing any one.--(cf. P : 101) (-) f¢J-e: -i: -0: -a:/-do-nu/ (-) f¢J-e: -i: -0: -a:/ Occurs after Sg. human nouns. fifJl occurs after (i) kinship terms ending in a: (ii) after a few proper names ending in -a: Examples .­ (i) amma; 'mother' amma :-¢J 'Oh ! mother' bappa: 'father' bappa :-9) 'Oh ! father' akka: 'elder sister' akka :-¢ 'Oh ! elder sister' (ii) sa:nta: sa:nta:_2:"._¢ ganga: ganga:-¢ fe :/ occurs after Ci) kinship terms ending in -ali (ii) after a few proper names ending in -a:

S9 Examples: (i) dhu:va 'daughter' duvv-e: 'Oh daughter' a:yi 'grand mother' ayy-e: 'Oh grandmother' ma:yi 'maternal uncle's may-e: wife' ma:va 'father's elder mav-e: brother's wife' mavsi 'mother's younger mavs-e: sister'

vh~nni 'elder brother's vh~nn-e: wife' (ii) These are feminine nouns denoting women. gi :ta : gi :t-e : si :ta: si :t-e: Exception: ra:dha: radh-e: -ra:dha:- .fa: I occurs after (i) kinship terms ending in -u (ii) proper names ending III -u/-a! Examples: (i) kinship terms ending in -u a :nu 'elder brother' ann-a: 'Oh elder brother'" ma:mu 'maternal uncle' mamm-a: ma:ntu 'father's elder mant-a: brother' Exception: pu:tu 'son' putt-~: - putt-a: a :bu 'grand father' .abb-::>: In these case only !:J:/-:J: -a:/occurs. (ii) proper names ending in -u/-*C/-a/ Most of the Masculine nouns referring to men end in -u some end in-c, :and a few others end in -i. The feminine nouns referring to women end in -3. Examples: ra:mQ. ramm-:'!: damd:J :rl!­ damdar-~: upe:ndrg_ upe:ndr-::!-: vaste:vu vaste.:v-::!o : kana:ka kank-::!o: ratta:na ratn-::!-: sa:rada­ sard-~: emmti:n., emn-@.: * C-Sonsonant. 60 Ii:! occurs after proper names ending in -i Those nouns ending in -i are mostly feminine nouns. Examples: Masculine Nouns ha:ri har-i: r~vi rav-i: Feminine Nouns jayanti jayant-i; Iak;;i :mi Iak:;;im-i: rukmi:Qi rukmit;t-i: k.,stu:ri kastu:r-i: ka:ve:ri ka:ve:r-i: {d:l - nul Occur in free variation with plural human nouns. In addition,... separate words are duvvo 'son's daughter· putta:li kagt~ 'son's letters'

(2) Ic~-ci-ce-ce-cy~-cil rukka:(c::» khand~ 'branch of the tree' bokqi:(ci) lel}.qi 'excrement of the goat' gh3:ra:(ce) kaVV.,:q3 'door of the house' gh3:ra:(ce) daddu:le 'male members of the house' gh3:ra:(cy~) bayb 'female members of the house' gha :ra :(ci) cerqu:va 'children members of the house' (5) Locative (1)/ri -ce:ri/ 'in, upon, on' Singular Plural rukka:ri rukka::ri ru:ku celiye:ri celiya :ce :ri celli celiye :ce :ri

va~te:ri va:t~ 'way' bhuiice:ri bhii:yi 'land, earth' hatta:ri hatta.:ri ha:tu 'hand' dh::>:Quva :ri dh::>:Quva.:ri dh::>:Q1J.u 'bow' me:ja:ri upon the table me:j3 'table' m::>:qaya:ri m::> :cj.iya:ri m::>:qe 'corpse" udka:ce:ri on the water udda:k~ 'water'

udka:ri (2) I-I-ntii - tiil • within, among, in, inside~ hatti!: - hatta ;ntii 'jnside the hand' ha :tu hand ga:va.: -ga:va:tii 'in the village' ga.:vii ranna.: - ranna :ntii 'in the forest' ra:n~ khanci :ntu 'in the gap' kha:fici dikka :ri dikka. :ri 'in" the direction' di:ku gh~ :ra :ntii - gh~ra :tii 'in the house' gh~:r~ b::>lya: 'in the neC h::>l1e me :ja :ntii - me :ja. :tii 'inside the table' me:j~ tusva:ntii 'in the husk' tussu celya.:tii 'among the boys' celIe 'boys' udka:ntii 'in the water' udda:k~ 62 (6) vocative I¢' - d., - nul

arE. celya :nu - celya :d:) 'Hey 1 boys~ ag:): celiya :nu ~ celiya :d:) 'Hey! girls' putb: putta: 'Oh ! son !' duve: 'Oh ! daughter!' aga: mamma: 'Oh uncle!' age: amma: 'Oh ! mother!'

The distribution of Suffixes

Obi. Root Nominal form

-Qukra :- 'pig' Q.ukk.,:r:;) Qukra:n3 acc'1

Qukra:ni acc' 2 peska :te :­ 'knife' peska:ti peska:te:n;) Ins. rukka:­ 'tree' ru:ku rukka:k., dat.

.gh;;,:ra:­ 'house' gh;;, :r;:) gh;;,:ra:ce. gen' 2 m;;,m~a:­ 'man' m;}nl:~u m;}ni~a :le gen.). ~elya:­ 'boy' celb celya :ce :ri loc.). udka;­ 'water' udda:k;) udka:ntu loc.! ~elya:- 'boys' celle (are) ce1ya :n;) voc.

Post-Positions upra:nte 'after' b;;-ge:k;} 'for gUt;li 'for' thakun 'from' Jaggi 'near, p~nda:k;} 'under' uftca:ri 'upon, above' mukka:ri 'in front of' maglaya :n;} 'behind' bhitt;} :ri 'inside' bha:yr;} 'outside~ p:;;>si 'than' pelta:ntu 'beside' ;}lta:ntu 'beside' mat!;} 'like' p;}rE. :ne - v:;)re :n., 'up (tor

Distribution of Post-positions All the post-positions except b~ge:k:;)'fo~ and 'thakuu' 'from' are used After the oblique form. bege:k;} is used after genetive s:fx. and thakun after the Sociative Suffixjlya:j

63 Person Singular Pronouns Plural I 'ha.:va I ammi ·we' II tii: you tummi you (pI.) (Sometimes h- of ha.:va is dropped in speech) III Remote- M b: he te: they (m.) F ti: she ty;) : they (f.) N tE.-: that ti: those (n.) Proximate­ yh;) : he yhe: they (m.) yhi: she yh;): they (f.) yhe: this yhi: these (n.) (in fast speech yh is de-aspirated). Third person pronouns are also used as demonstrative adjectives while­ they are so used, the pronouns lose the length of the final vowel.

Demonstrative adjectives These are of two types, nominal and oblique. Nominal Demonstrative­ Adjectives are used before nouns in their nominative case and the oblique ones are used before oblique nouns. Oblique Demonstrative adjectives. have no gender number distinction. There is only one form used before all oblique nouns, singular as well as plura1. Singular Plural Oblique M t;) te F ti ty;) te N te ti Ex. t;) m;:)ni:~u "that man' te ceUe. "those boys' ti celli "that girl' ty~ bayb "those women' te cerqii 'that child' ti cerqii:v~ "those children' ObI. te celiye:na

64 Interrogati!'c pro/iolllis :-'who' 'what' 'which' are th.:: interrogative pronouns.

k;) :I)U 'who (mf.? (infrequent Llse) kj :I);} 'who' ? itt£.. 'what' ?

(itti when used in constructions VIZ. ittin,: 'what' ? (voc.) ittig, 'what' ? (voc.) kh::>nc,) "\vhich' (m.sg.) k..,ilcs m.pl. kIL)nci 'which' (f) ., khgncy.) f.pt. kh:)ncc 'which' (n) ? kh ,nci n.p!. Of the above pronouns "who' takes all case suffixes, while others take one or two caSe suffixes.

PronOllll Oblique Case

kJ:nu k::>:rya:- k::>:n~ Agentive or kJ :D~ } k:J:t).:i)a:-kg Dative'

KJ:l)a :1- Genitive1

kJ: I)a :ce : ri Locativel

Decll:'J1siOIl OJ Pronollils

ProllOUllS Cases

I ha:v~ Nominative ha :Vf: AccLlsative mijja:n=d lnstnunental mijlya - ':'Sociative mijje laggi makka: Dative

migge:l­ ':":'Gen' l

mij_ie :ri loc' l we 3lTlll"li an"lmi an"lca:ng amcclya: - amcelaggi alnka: amge: 1- anlce:ri

. ---~--_------. --_----_ * The SOCi·.Hive C he occur,; only with d\e hUll'\an nouns Cind pronouns.. It gives the meaning 'alongwith. Wt,h' e'(. Llnlm:l:hggi-rCimm

65 2 RGIj75 5 You sg. tii: tii:vt tujja :n~ tujlya: - tujje laggi tukka: tugge :l- tujje:ri

you pl. tummi tummi tumca :n~ - tuiica:n~ tumce)ya: tumce laggi tunka: - tumka : tunge :l-~· tumge: 1- tumce :ri - tunce :ri

he/it (Remote) t;): Ite : ta:1J£ tajja :n~ tajlya: c- tajje laggi takka: tagge:l- tajje :ri

tantu (only for tt:) loc' 2

she (Remote) ti: ti :1).£ tijja :n~ tijlya :-tijje laggi tikka: tigge :1- tijje :ri

they t£ : jty;) :/ti : tanni taiica:na tance laggi tanka: tange:l­ tance :ri The proximate pronoun /yh;):jetc. have similar paradign1s, as the remote ones!!::> :/etc. We get the paradigm by deleting t- in the above forms, starung torm acc. case. Except in the nominative same form is used for m./n.sg. in other cases. In the case of 3rd person plural, gender distinction is found only in nomI­ native case. 66 Pronoun /lo/nillatlve oblique form I ha:v~ a:v- mijje - mij­ ma- mi- we ammi am- amce- you (sg.) tii: tu:v- tujje- - tuj­ tu- you (pI.) tUlnmi tumce- tuil- - tum- - tufi­ she (rem.) ti: ti : 1)- tijje- - tij ti- he/it (rem.) tJ :/1£: ta:l)- tajje- - taj­ ta- they (r~m.) tE- :/tYJ :/t1 : tan­ taiice­ tail- - tan- she (prox.) yhi: i :lJ- ijje- - ij- 1- he/thj s (prox.) a:lJ- ajje- - aj­ a- they (prox.) yhE- :/yh::> :/yh j: an- afice- - afici­ an- - ai'\-

Distribution of allomorphs :-Excepting the I person pronouns .1' and ·we' and II per. pI. ·you' all the other pronouns have three allomorphs in their oblique form. ''1' has four allomorphs while ·we' has two. In pronouns, for the sake of convenience we do not separate the oblique suffix from the oblique forms. Of the four allomorphs ,Iii :v- co/n.ijje- mij/oo ma- comi! of the oblique form of ha ::v~ .1' /a :v-/ is used before the accu£ative or agentive case suffix' 1£/ ex: 'u :v-e. /mijje - roij- I occur in free variation before the Sociative Case Suffix and /mijje/occurs before post-positions. \ ex: mijjelya: - ll'lijlya: 'with lue' mijje laggi - mij laggi 'with me' 67 Ima-/ is used before the dative case sfx. ex: ma-kka:, 'to Ine' and/mi-/occurs elsewhere. rni-j-ja :n;;} 'by me' mi-g-ge :1-£ 'my' In the case of ammi 'we' there are two allomorphs/am-co amce-/. arllce­ is used before the sociative case suffix and,'am-/is used elsewhere. tummi 'you (pl.)' has two allornorphs. tumce occurs before the sociative case suffix and before post-position. /tum- - tun- - tUiljoccurs elsewhere, quality of the nasal depending upon the following consonant. All the other pronouns, viz. til: you (sg.); 1;) :/t€.-: 'he/it'; ti: 'she"; tE :!ty;") :/ti: 'they' have three allomorphs each. viz. tu: 'you (sg)' iTu :v-cx>/tujje - tuj/cotu-I. The first allomorphs/tu :v-/ etc~ are used before the agentive case suffix. tu:v-£ 'you' ti :1].-£ 'she' ta :J)-i':- 'he, it' tan-ni 'they' The second allomorphs/tujje- - tuj-/ etc. occur before the sociative case suffix and before post-position except bclge :kd 'for' and thakun 'from'. tujje laggi - tujjelya: 'with you' tajje gUI].i 'for him' tijje mukka :ri 'in front of her'

The third allomorphs/tu-·/ etc. OCCLlr elsewhere. In the case of Sg.

pronouns this allomorph which is of the form (C)V- becomes (C1 )V1 C 2 -

where C 2 is the same as the initial consonant of the following suffix. This is also applicable to the allomorph/mi-/ of hii :v~ '1' ex: mi-j-ja :n;;) 'by n1e' tu-g-ge :l-€.• 'your' ta-k-ka: 'to hin"}' In the case of plural pronouns the third allomorph is of the fOrIn (C)VN­ where the quality of N- the nasal depends upon the following consonant. tuit-ge:l­ 'your' tuii-ce :ri 'upon]you' afi-ca :n;) 'by them' Case Suffixes :- 1. Acclisatire or Agentive Case :­ /£00 ni CO ¢/ /€.-I occurs after sg. pronouns e.g. ta:l}-€. 'he' a:v-f:_ '1' Inil occurs after III person _ plural e.g. tan-ni they I¢/ occurs with I and II person plural ammi -¢ 'we' tummi-¢ 'you (pl.)' 68 2. InstrUI11el1 tal /ca:n;} CD ja-:na/ /ca :n;;/ occurs after plural pronouns e.g. amn1i 'we' a111-ca :n;;, 'by us' tummi 'you (pl.)' tU111-ca:n;;, 'by you' (ja :n;;l! occurs after sg. pronouns e.g. a :Vg "1' mij-ja :n;;, 'by Ine' ti: 'she' til: 'you (sg.)' tuj-ja :I1;} 'by you' tij-ja :n;;, 'by hee

3. Sociatire Case : ,la: - lya: - laggif These occur in free variation ; occurrence of:1ya:, is 1110st frequent. e.g. til: 'you (sg.)' tuj-lya: 'along with you' 1;): "he' taj-lya: 'along with him'

4. Datil'c ; kka: CD ka:/ 'kka:/ OCCllrs after sg. prOnOtlnS ka :,/ occurs arter pI. pronouns c.g. tu: 'you (sg)' tu-kka: "to you' a :Vg '1' ma-kka: 'to lne' an'I11i 'we' aln-ka: 'to us' tunlmi 'you (pl.)' tum-ka: 'to you' 5. Gcncli),l? ge :1-/ tll: 'you (sg.) tu-g-ge :1- 'your (sg.) tummi 'you (pl.)' tum-ge :1- 'your (pI.)

6. Tocatil'c / ce :ri CD je :ri' je: i'i} occurs after sg. pronouns c.g. a :Vg -j' mij-je :ri 'on me' til: 'you esg.)' tuj-je :ri "on you' ice: ri/ occurs after p1. pronouns c.g. anlI11i "we' anl-ce :ri 'all us tummi 'you (pl,)' tum-ce :ri 'on you (pl.)'

There are two forms tan-til 'in that' and an-tu 'in this' where /tujloc' 2 suft'1x is used after ,tL :,'and/yhE :/.

Occurrence and Distribution (~fpost-p(}sirions Whatever' has been stated for nouns applies to the pronouns also.

Adjectives Adjectives are divided into t'.vo categories : Declinables and Indecli­ nables. Declinables are those which are declined for gender and number. The gender and number of the adjective is in concordance with that of the following noun. \ Declinables.-The dec1inables are distinguished for three genders mascu- line, faminine and neuter and for two numbers singular and plural, thus giving rise to a six way differentiation. Sometimes they may not have 69 a plural form at all, in which case there is only gender distinction. These adjectives can be said to contain two parts: Adjective Root + gender (number) suffix. e.g. (1) Adjective Root + gender - number SIx. s::>ggu 'all (m.sg.)' s:Jgga 'all (m.pl.)' saggi 'f.sg: sagy::> 'f. pI.' segga On. sg: S;}gg~ 'no pl.' th;)gq;) 'a little (m.sg.)' th;)gq€. 'm. pl.' th;)gqi 'f. sg: th;)gqy::> 'f. pl.' th;)gqE. 'n. sg.' th::>gqI on. pI.'

(2) Adjective Root + gender suffix e.g. se:lu 'cool (m.sg.)' se:F 'f. sg.' se :1a on. sg.' e:ku 'one (m.sg.)' e:ki 'f. sg.' e:k:;) on. sg:

The gender number suffixes

gender singular plural

masculine -u -a -::> -€. feminine· i y;)/i (sometimes i is used instead of y~) neuter -~ -i

There is a correspondence between these suffixes viz. if m.sg. is u/;) the neuter sg. is ale consistently. It is easy to find out the other two forms given one of the two forms, masculine or neuter. Indeclinables.-Gender number distinction is not to be found in these adjec­ tives. The same form is used for all genders and all numbers.

e.g. k~: qu 'bitter' s:;)I~ 'a little'

70 Examples : Declinahlcs

Those which show a six way differentiation of gender and num!: er (on]y n.sg. form is given).

purt-£. "all, whole' sdgg-a "all' th;:,gq-£. "a few' jhayt-E'_ 'much, many ed- e 'a little' ca :ng-a 'good' bal1a :v-a 'bad' h;:,!du :v-e 'yellow' paccu:v-e 'green' ni:t-a . 'blue' ka :!-£. 'black' vh;:,!!-£. 'big'

Those which show three way distinction of gender only.

de :q-a ~ 1t' ,1" ardh-a 2 se:t-a 'cool' vhu :n-a 'hot'

Indeclinables k;:, :qu 'bitter' g;:, :q u 'sweet' salpd 'a little' Ja :nd 'smooth' m::J:vu 'soft'

Indeclinables are very few when compared to the dec1inables. In the declinables also adjectives showing six way differentiation are numerous.

\

71 CHAPTER 5

VERB l'vIORPHOLOGY

Of the 230 verb roots available in the data, 200 are simple roots and the remaining are compound ones. Sinlple verbs are fanned fro111 sin1ple roots and compo lind verbs are formed from compound roots,

Sifnple roofs,~A simple root is one which contains a Ir;ononc orph(111ic root with Ot' without <.:ll added sumx. . A J1 1 0nOlrorphcmic rcot w ilholl t any suffix is called a basic root. DCf!vati\e rcct~ are fC1TIt:d ty ll.c ,'c:dilicn of a derivativ

Basic roo/s.-These arc mono111crphenl ie. The). n,ay be t ransiti\ c, intransitive 0;' lransitjve-in:ran~ili\e. l\lorpLcicg,cr·j':,. t1

Transith'e roots

ma:n 'beat' dhii :pj 'shut' gha:li 'put' d;;)vv.;: ri 'put' ka:qi 't2.ke' C;):y "see' ba:ra:y Intrallsitil'e roots ra :qa \\cep' ha :s;} -Jau..gh ' dha:v~ -run' p5:v~ 'S\Vinl' nidde 'sleep' bE. :S;) 'sit' y;,: 'C0I11C' va: c') 'go" 72 Tralls it fl'c-ill I rails it he roots

la :si "burn' (tr.) "burn' (intr.) hhc:ti "break' (tr.) 'break' (intr.) bha :_ji 'fry' (i11tr. tr.) llla :<;Ia 'break' (intr. tr.)

Dcril'afil'c raoL<;.~-There ell-e two types (1) tl'ansitive, (2) Causative. Transitive root is formed by the addition of transitive suffix and so on. Tral1sitil'e root.---This is formed by the addition of a transitive suffix to a basic intransitive root. The ditTerencc between the basic transitive root, and a derivative transitive root is that. the fornler takes a steEl fOrlna­ tive suffix before tense suffix while the latter does not: furhter, a basic transtive root undergoes lllL'ch lllorpho-phonCll1ic changes. Syntactically, there is no difference between a b,lSic and a derivative transitiYe root.

There are two typ~s ct' t;'Clnsitive '-oufllxe:'" {i: }and{,J :Y}-{ i:}iS added

\Vlt11 a transitive-intra nsitive basic ront. whi le{ ~- :Y} is added with an inlran::;itive basic root. fl i ',)'-'>i.s treated under ~;telll l'or111ation (P:78),. as the n::sultant fornl is a stenL

i .....J i) •·v~ _ ( 'd• L'l '.l·\.'-u ·vCDc>• _, <,._,' ·v \_ _j "qa:y/added ",jth the j'ol!o\'v'ing two roots.

elha :v~ dhav-c_la:y 'chase' ghu :v:5 'turn' (inti'.) g h L! \ -(j a : y ·turn' (tr.) "a :y/, added with tv. a roots. g;JcJg~i

1 n addition, roots of the form C j \'1 C~C2 'J:y aro.: also treated <.1S derivative roots, b~cause of their pattern of behaviour though corr esponding intr. basic roots are not available in the data. r;)kk-:-> :y 'pour kall -d:Y 'nlix' -;;>:y 'drive' maqq. \. tU1Jt-d:y 'cut' sijj-;:;; :y 'boil" 'dakk-d :y 'show'

73 Causitil'e ro,ot.-This is formed by the addition of causative suffix to any basic root. In some cases, a derivative root formed of a basic intran­ sitive root may either be a transitive or a causative root. Morphologically it is not possible to ascertain in such cases, as to whether the resultant root is causative or transitive, as the transitive as well as the causative suffix are homophonous morphemes. They are ascertained syntactically. Example

ra:b::l 'stand' rabbd :y 'cause to stand' (causative) 'stop' (transitive). Causative Suffixes are of two types (1) Causative; (2) Double Causative.

Causative { g:y }'cause to .... , .. , .. ,.

This has two allomorphs. jg: y-Vg: y/ /V;J :y/ occurs after stems ending in vowels. Examples kha: 'eat' kha:-v.J:y 'feed' (cause to eat) pi : ~drink' pi ;-v~ ;y 'drink' (cause to drink) /~ :y/ occurs elsewhere. Examples ha:sg 'laugh' hass-g:y 'cause to laugh' cgmmg:k;) 'walk' cgvk-g :y 'cause to walk' la:si 'burn' lass-g :y 'cause to burn' gha:1i 'put' ghall-g :y 'cause to put'

Double C

ha :s,) 'laugh' hass-g :V;) :y ·es. to laugh' (thro'a third person) kha: 'eat' kha:v-;) :Vg:y 'cs. to eat' " Ja :si 'burn' lass-g :V;) :y 'cs. to burn' Formation of Verbs.-Having the verb root as base, two types of forma­ tions are found in the language: viz (1) Finite verb (ii) Mood. Finite Verb.-A finite verb is a compiete verb and shows the complete action done, in which process, it indicates tense and person-gender-number. Syntactically, it is in concordance in gender-person and number with the subject in all tenses except in past. In past tense, the intransitive verb is in concordance in gender-number-person with the subject while al1 the other

74 verbs are in concordance in gender-number with the object direct or indirect while only one object is present, and with the direct object if both the objects are present. If no object is overtly present, then the verb is in neuter­ singular. A finite verb contians three components : Verb stem + tense suffix + PT (pronominal termination) i.e. (person­ gender-number suffix) in that order.

Verb stern.-This consists of one or two constituents. verb root (+) stern formative suffix depending upon the nature of the root as to whether it is a basic root or a derivative one. The first constituent is a must whatever the nature of the root, while the stem formative suffix is found only with the basic roots, excluding the tr. intr. roots. The stem formative suffix described belo)V is found only with the finite verb stem. The phonemic shape of this suffix depends upon the syllabic pattern, final vowel and the penultimate consonant of the verb root. In the case of a transitive-intransitive root, the stem formative suffix is the transitive/or the intransitive suffix.

Finite verb Stem Formative Suffix.-This has three allomorphs before the past, present and future tense suffixes respectively, as follows :-.

Syllabic pattern. penultimate C. final V. past. _ pres. definite. fut.

(I) disyllabic root Consonants i -i: -i: other than d, 4, I}., t r, l

(2) di_syllabic root Cons. other a -i: ~: than d, 4, k,l)., I, r, 1

(3) disyllabic 4,1}.,I,r,1 i/a ~ ~ ¢

(4) disyllabic d 1 -i: -i: i ------(5) di. or trio ~yllabic k ~ i: ~: a

(6) trio of the form i i: i: i CV( :)(C)CV :(C)CV ------.:.,------\ (7) mono. of the form 1 t t CV:(C)(except yo:)

75 1. Disyllabic roots whose final vowel is i and penultimate consonant is not among d; <;1,1), I, r, t. Examples: past pres. future

-1 : Il)

va:Cl 'read' vacc-i: - vacc-i:- vac- vi :ki 'sell' vikk-i :-- vikk-i :- vik- me:ji 'measure' mejj-i :- mejj-i-:- mej- phu:ilki 'stear phunk-i :- phuiik-i :- phuilk- ve:nci 'select' vefic-i :- venc-i:- venc- khu:1). ~j 'cut' khulJ ~-i:- khul}. ~-i :- khul) !- *khal)c;li 'POUl}.Q' kha1)c;l-i :- khal)<.f-i :- khat:tej-

2. disyllabic root whose final vowel is-d and the penultimate consonant is other than d, q, k, I), I, r, I. ExmnpJes: Past. Pres. Future

-1 : - ~: ¢ kJ:Pd 'to be angry' kJpp-i :- k,pp-a:- k::.p-

ra:b;:) 'stand' rabb-i :- rabb-d :- rab- ha:sd 'laugh' hass-i :- hass-d :- has- ma:g", 'beg' 111agg-i :- magg-a :- nlag- na:iicd 'dance' nanc-i:- nafic-d :- nanc-

3. disyllabic root whose final vowel is-i(-d and whose penulti~[ate conso­ nant is anyone of Q, 1), 1, T, 1. Examples:

* the homorganic nasal preceding <;l corditions if. 76 4. disyllabic root whose final vowel is -i and those penultimate conso­ nant is d. Examples: past pres. future -I: -i: -i

**vi:ndi 'throw' vind-i :- virid-i :- vind-i- S:J : di 'search' s;:>dd-i :- s:Jdd-i :- s:Jd-i

5. Di or tri-syllabic root whose final vowel is -~ and whose penultimate consonant is k. Examples: past pres. future -i: -~; -~OJ~

a;yk~ ~hear' ayk-i :- ayk-~ ;- ayk-~- si:k~ 'learn' sikk-i ;- sikk-~ ;- sik- - 1 • c;;\mm.J :k;) 'walk' Cgv 1(-1;- C;)V k-;) :- c~vk-;)-

Tri-syllabic TO'ot of the form CV(:)(C)CV:(C)CV whose final vowel is -i. Examples

past pres. future -i: -i: -1

kh;) :r;) ;pi 'scratch' kh;)rp-i :- kh;)rp-i> kh~rp-i- kh;) :r;;. :Qi 'scratch' kh;)rq-i :- kh;)rq-i :- kh;;,rq-i- nimma :ilgi 'ask' nimg-i :- nimg-i ;- nimg-i- mono-syllabic root of the form CV:(C) Examples

past pres. future -1- -t- -t-

nha: '. 'bathe' nha-I- nha-t- nha-t- kha: "eat' khe-l- kha-t- kha-t- pi: 'drink' pi-I- \ pi-t- pi-t- '\ di,: '. 'give' di-I- di-t- di-t- dhu:y 'wash' dhu-l- dhu-t- dhu-t- ghe: "take' * ghe-t- ghe-t- ja:y "to happen' ja-l- ja-t- ja-t- .. Form not available in data. ** the homorgan:c na~al is in effective. cf. p :_7t\. 77 Transitive and Intransitive suffixes after tr.-intr.-roots :

These suffixes have three allomorphs before the past, present and future suffixes respectively. past pres. future transitive suffix -1 : -i: i :ooi

intransitive suffix -;} : - J : e.g. transitive stem; intransitive stem.

past pres. future

bha:ji 'fry' (tr.) bhajj-i :- bhajj-i: bhajj-i :- bha:ji 'fry' (iutr.) bhajj-d:- - bhajj-:;;, :- bhaj- bhajj-:'l :- khu:IHi 'cut' (tr.) khulJt-i :- khulJt-i :- khuIH-i :- khu :lJti 'cut' (intr.) khulJ t-;') :- - khulJt-;') :- khulJ t- khulJt-J :- bhe:ti 'break' (tr.) bhett-i :- bhett-i :- bhet-i-- bhett-i:- bhe:ti 'break'(intr.) bhett-d:- - bhett-;:> :- bhet-d- bhett-J :- dha :pi 'shut' (tr.) dhamp-i:- ahamp-i:- dhamp-i -- dhamp-i:- dha:pi 'shut' (intr.) dhamp-:;;, ;- - dhamp-;') :- dhamp- dhamp-::> :- va:ti 'split' (tr.) vat t-i :- vaq-i :- vaq-i:- va:!i 'split' (intr.) vaq-;'):-- van-;:>:- va!-;::,- va! !-::):- a:ra:mbi 'start' (tr.) a :ra :mb-i:- a :ra :mb-i;- a:ra:mb-i- a:ra:mtli 'start' (intr.) a :ra :mb-:;):- ~ a :ra :mb-:;):- a:ra:ulb- -::> :- la :81 'burn' (tT.) Jass-i :- Jass-i :- Jass-i:- la:si 'bur~' (intr.) lass-;}:- - lass-;') :- las- -::) :- Pd :r::> :ti 'change' (tr.) p::>rt-i :- p;:>rt-i :- p:;)rt-i-

Pd :r;} :ti 'change' (intr.) p;;Jrt-;:J:- - p;}rt-;) :- pdrt-d- -::) ;- gupsi 'change' (tr.) gups-i: - gups-i :- gups-i-

gupsi _ 'ch'lnge' (intr.) gup3-.}:- _, g:l.rH-~ :- gcl,)3·:)- -::):-

78 ;;>PP)' :rti 'turn over' .;;>pp~rt-i :- :;)pp.}rt-i :- :;)pp;)rt-i- (tr.) ;;>pp.) :rti -turn over' :;)pp.)rt-d:- - ;;>PPdrt-d> ::>ppart-d - (inti.) -;;> :- ci :r;} :qi 'squeeze' cirq-i :- cirQ.-i :- cirQ-i- (tr.) ci:r;) :qi "squeeze' cirq-;}-:- ~ cirq-;:) :- cirQ- (intr.) -:;) :-

exception

ill;) :Q.;) 'break' (tLintr.) no difference is found in tr., inte. forms. -

Ailomorphic distriubtion of the transitive and intransitive suffixes

Transitive Suffix has two allomorphs before future SUffilX viz. Ii: mi/. They do not seem to be phonologically conditioned and a statement as to their respective occurrence is not plausible. They are morphologically conditioned and hence the roots are listed.

/ i: - i / occur in free variation with the following roots. bhe:ti 'break' dha:pi 'shut' Ii: / occur with two roots. la_:si 'burn' and a :ra :mbi 'start'. I i I occurs with the remaining roots. . Intransitive Suffix has two allomorphs each in past tense and in future. Those allomorphs in past are phonologically conditioned. I::>: / occurs before the mas. sg. PT. and /g: I occurs elsewhere before the other PTs. As regards the allomorphs I a co¢ / in future, they are morphologically conditioned.

I ~ I occurs with the following roots. bha:ji -fry', khu:IHi 'cut', dha:pi 'shut' a:ra:mbi 'start' ; and la:si 'burn'

/ ;) / occurs with other remaining roots. As stated earlier, n'Qt all roots take formative suffix (stem formative or tr.inte suffix) for the formation of finite verb stC:!D. Those roots which do not take any stern formative suffix undergo only cer~in morpho-phonemic alterations before 'the tense suffix in forming the finite verb stem. Those roots which take the stern formative suffix, of course, undergo morpho­ phonemic alterations before the stem formative suffix.

79 Morphophonemic alte.·ations in a Finite verb stem:

1. Roots of the form C 1VI : C 2 V 2 where C 2 is not one among the Conso­

nants t, d, ~, q, 1), I, r, \, become C 1 VI C 2 C 2 -before long vowels and

C 1 VI C 2 before Consonants. vi :ki 'sell' vikk-i :- vik-tg :1- va:ci 'read' vacc-i :- vac-tg :1- me:Jl 'nl.easure' mejj-i :- mej- ni:pg , hide' l1ipP-d :- nip-tg :1-

ra:bd 'stand' rabb- d :- rab-td:l- ha:s~ ·laugh' hass-i :- has-td :1- ma:gg 'beg' magg-i :- mag-t:> :1-

ifC2 is t, d, or t then C~VI C 2 V 2 becomes ClV l C~C2-before lorg ,o\\cls

and C 1 VI C 2-before short vowels.

s~:di 'search' s2idd-i :- s;-,d-i- bhe:ti 'break' bhett-i :- bhet-i- mu:ti 'to pass urine' ml:ltt-i :- mut-i- va:~i 'split' va q-i:- va!-;:)-

if C 2 is o'ne among the consonants q, 1), I, r, L then C1Vr:C,;Vc ecce .. es.

C l VI C:;-

f;:):<;Id 'weep' r~l- !- f;:)q-t- m;:):qa 'break' mdl-!- illdq-t- ka:qi 'take' kal-~': kaq-t- mh;:):t);:) 'say' mhd!-~- mh~1)A- gha:li ·pour' ghal-1- ghal-t- 80 c~:r~ "move' c~r-l­ c~r~t- gi :li giJ-!~ giJ-t-

2. Roots of the form (C1)V1 C 2 C aV 2 become (C:r)V1 C"Ca-before the suffixes. ra :ndi 'cook' rand-i :­ rand-i- ve :iici ··select' veiic-i :­ venc-t=> :1- khu:.r;qi 'cut' khuIH-i:­ khul) t-b :1- sa :ilg3 "say~ sailg~i :­ sa:ilg-t~:l- a:yk3 'hear' ayk~;;) :­ ayk-3- ka:nti "scrape' kant-i :­ kant-i­ V=>:itk3 ·vomit' voilk-i:- vonk.;..t:;) :1-

- 3. Roots of the form 'CJ.Vt : C 2 V 2 become C 1 V 1 NC2-where N is

the nasal homorganic with C 2 dha:pi dhamp-i :­ dhamp-i-

4. Roots of the form C 1 Vi (~) C 2 (Ca)V2 :y become C 1 VI (:) C2. (Ca) v,aY --if V2~is I ~ I b;;):r3:Y ·write' ba:ray-t­ b~:t~:y "send' b.,:tay~t­ v~t~:y ·comb' v~t~y-t­ a:th~:y 'think' a:th;}y-t­ timm3:Y '~ash' timmay-t­ bUqd.3 :y ·sink' buqqay-t­ r3kk3:y ·pour' rakk3y-t­ kall., :y "mix' kallay-t­ . sijja:y 'boil' sijjay-t­ tUIH":Y ·cut' tu~ay-t­ khli1}t~:y .·cut' khul)Jay-t­ rabba:y 'stop' ·rabb;}y-t­ ayka:y 'Cs. to bear' aykay.:,t- 81 . ~RGl/75 if V. is / a: / then no change occurs. bhisra:y ~frighten' bhisra :y-t­ dhavcja:y ~chase' dha-vc;Ja:y-t­ ghuv4a:y 'es. to turn' ghuveja:y-t­ viskala:y • open' viskala :y-t-

5. Roots of the form C 1 VI : C. Va become C 1 VI C 2-before the past suffix and e 1 VI C z before present and future suffixes.

dhil:v~ ~run' dhav-l­ (past) dhav-t:.. (prysent) dhav-ta:l­ (future) ghii:v~ ~turn' ghuv-l­ ghuv-t­ ghuv-ta:l­ p5:v~ ·swim' pov-l­ p~v-t­ p~v-ta:l- si:vi siv-l­ siv-t- siv-t.,:l-

6. Roots of the form (C.)V1 ell e 3 Va : C 4 V3 become (el) V 1 C s C 3 V.

C.-if V 2 is I ., /. If V 2 is I a I then the roots become (el ) V 1 C. C s VII: C 4- 'hantu:V 'spread' hantul-l dhiJigu:!i 'push' dhiJiglll­ viSS.,:r3 'forget' viss.,r­ katt.,:ri ·cut' katt.,r­ ukk":eji 'boil' ukk.,q­ app.,:Q.:;) 'touch' app.,cJ-

Va is ja/ then V z retains its length. $iiiga :ri 'decorate' siJiga:r-

7. Roots of the form C 1 Vl:C.CsVa: C.Ya VII e.- ga:sma:ri «bite' , ga:smar... ga:ska:qi 'bite' ga:skaq-

kh3:r3:pi • scratch' kh;uJ)­ kh.,:r.,:eji 'scratch~ kh.,rQ­ ci:r~:Qi 'squeeze' cir4- p3:ra:ti 'change' part- 82 pi: 6drin1t'" pi-t- kha: 6eat' kha-t- di: ~give~ di-t- nha: 6bathe" nha-t- dhu:y ~wash' dhu-t- ghe: 6take' ghe-t-

10. In roots where the penultimate consonant is ej/I}, then these conso­ nants become! before 1.

Ta:4Q 'weep' ra!-l­ mha:Q.~ csay' mhal-l- appa:Q3 6 touch' - appal-l-

In one case r becomes 1 before 1 in this environment. 'take' vaI-I-

11. In roots of the form C I VI : Cra V 2 where VI is I a /, VI becomes I :> I before the mas. sg. PT. ra:eja 6weep' r:>l-l-:> 'he wept' mha:lJa 'say' mh31-1-:> 'said (m.)' 1»:43 'faU' .p:>l-l-:> 6he feli'

12. Stem Vowel I £. I becomes / e I before high vowels. v.,:ca 'go' g&1-1-:> 'he went' gel-I-i 'she went' kha: 'eat' khel-l-:> 'ate (m.)' khel-l-i 'ate (f.), k~:ri 'do~ k&1-l-l. 6did', kel-I-i 'did'

. Exceptions Following examples are given as cases of excepti on, as they do not conform { to the above rules one way or the other. pdst stem present ste,,} future stem y:>: 'come' ay- et- et-

v~:c~ 'go' . ge.l-:-- gel- v~t.-./ v~t- c:>:y "see' dikki:l- c:>y- c:>y- k~:ri 540' kel--kel- k~r- k~r- . kha: 'eat' kbel--- kheI- khat- khat- 83 In addition to the above eX;;Lmples intr. basic root~ of tlle form C 1 V:CIl(Ca) from which derivative transitive roots' of the form ~ VClleZ (Ca) ~ : y are formed behave like the intr. stem of a tr:- intr. basic root i.e. Tlley have the stem formative suffix past -a:- - -~:- ;. pre. -a:- and rut. -¢-O)-~-~ allomorphic distribution also is similar. Past present future

e.g. -~: -:):- -a :- -¢-co-a ha:la 'move' hall-a :- - hall-a :- hal- -:) :- ni:pa 'hide' (intr.) nipp-a:- - nipp-a :- nip- ~:> :- ba:vga 'bend' (intr.) bavg-a:- - bavg-a:- bavg-a-

~:- bu:qa 'sink' (intr.)', tU:Q.t~ 'cut (intr.)' also behave similarly. These are treated as exceptions, as, though, they belong to the basic intr. root class, they behave like the intr. root of the intr.tr- class of the basic roots. They cannot be grouped with either class and hence they are treated as exceptions. These are exceptions not only in the phonemic shape of the formative suffix. but, also to the general morpho-phonemic rules applied to the other roots. Tense Suffix It has been mentioned already that a finite verb consists of three .cons­ tituents, of which tense suffix happens to be the second constituent, the first constituent being the verb stem. There are six types of tense suffixes used in a Konkani finite verb~ They are : simple past, past continuous ; past perfect ; present; present continuous or perfect and future. These are morphological constructions. There are many more types of tense ,cons­ tructions such as present perfect; past irrealis etc. which are periphrastic constructions. The periphrastic constructions will be treated under: syntax.

Simple past: (I) ll-lioo¢/ IV occurs after stems ending in retroflex consonants. mha:Q.a 'say' mha!-!- ka:4i 'take' ka!-l- ra:qd 'weep' ra!-l- gi:\i 'swallow' gil-l- /11 occurs elsewhere, after the finite.verb stems, and in other constructions. viz. past perfect and past continuous, after thefespective suffix and before PT., ra:ba 'stand' rabbi:-l- . vi:ki 'sell' vikki :-1- va:ci 'read' vacci:-l.. gha;li 'pour' ghal-l- . 84 ca:ra ~move' , car-I­ sa :ilg~ ~say' sangi :-1- y::> : ~come' .._y-l- va:c~ ~go' ge.l-l- - g~l-l­ kha: ~eat' kh£l-l- - khel-l­ pi : ~drink' pil-l- _ dhu:y ~wash' dhul-l-

-/l-ll occurring after I or l ending stems, become ~ before the f. pI. PT. /y:)/ in simple past constructions.

e.g.

v~:c~ 'go' gel-l-;:, 'he went' gel-1i'S-y;:, ~they(f)/went' ra:4~ 'weep' r::>l-l-:) "he wept' ral-0-y~ 'they (f) weRt'

Past Continuous tense :-{ ta: } ~was ...... ing'

This suffix occur& immediately ~fter the vc;:rb stem and, before t.he p~st. allomorph Ill. -

mha:Q.~ 'say' mhai;t-ta :-1- r~:4a 'weep' ra4-ta-:-I­ ma:ri 'beat' mar-ta:-l­ sijja :y 'boil' siijay-ta :..;1- y::>: 'come' et:-ta:-I­ Va:ca 'go' vat-ta:-l­ kha: 'eat' khat-ta:-l­ gi :}i 'swallow' gi!-ta:-l-

Past perfect tense:

The perfect suffix {Ie:} /Ie:-le: co b:-l;:,: {occurs before the past suffix and immediately' after the, verb stem.

Ib: -l~:/ occurs before'the mas. sg. PT. '.' lIe: ~ Ie:! occurs elsewhere before other PTs. b: -1::>:1 n::>:/ oCcurs after retroflex consonants. " Ib:/ occurs elsewhere. Ie: -Ie:/ \- ne:/ occurs after retroffiex consonants. \ fie:! occurs elsewhere. '_ e.g. • say' '.­ mh:)\-l::> :':1-::> 'he had said' "weep' r::>I-I::> ~-1-::> 'he had wept' 85'- gha:li gbal-I:> :-l-~ ~he bad PUt' mh~:~~ mh<)!-Je :-l-i ~sbe bad. said' gha:li $hal-le:-I-i 'he had put'

Present tense : Unlike other tenses where after the tense suffix, PT is clearly distinguishable from the tense suffix, in present tense, it is a bit difficult to make the mor­ phemic c~t with ~rtaiDty. Two ty~s ~f a_lyses of the present finite verb is possible.

I type et-t-a: ~come(s)' (be, she, it, you (sg.» et-t-a: "I come" et-t-a:y "we, they, you (pl.) come'

{ t } present tense sutlix and the remaining morpheme (s) is/are PT.

'II type: ~ { ta:} present tense suffix" and the remaining morpheme indicates PT.

The I type of _;w.~ysis is preferred, for the sake of pattern as well as convenience" lp. the second type of ~p~ysis we have a Zero morpheme as PT. As it i& J>q§~i:ble to have aPT, ip ~ll persons and numbers by follow­ ing an alteFnativ~ ~n~Iysis the Zero can b~ avoided. Hence the first type of analysis is preferable so { t } preseRt tense suffix.

Present Continuous or perfect :-Mostly simple prese.nt form is used for present continuous~ This particular tense construction is available in the case of a few verbs in the data. The same construction is used for pr~sent perfect tense also.

rabbi ::-I-a : 5ht' i$ st~npin.8' rab-I-ya: "she is standing' rab-l-ye. :y "tllf!), ~ we~ y~p are standing' l]lb-l-ye :y ~th~y (m.), wf:(m), you(m.) arc ~tanping' gdla: 5h~ has 8~net '

ge.lya: tlh. has gone·9 'she is going'

similarly we get for the vgrll ~,.;~ 'sit'

be.ss~ :-la: 'he is sitting' 9e.SS_' :-l-ya: _ 'she is sitting' besl-ye.:y "they are sitJhl8' 84 { 1 } present continuous suffix. The remalDIng are PT. This has two phonologically conditioned allomorphs /1 - ! / and a morphologically condi- tioned allomorph ~. . H/ occurs after retl'ofiex ending stems. ra :4 a 'weep' r~ 1-1 -a: 'he is weeping' /1/ occu.-s ~Isewhcrc;. be :Sa 'sit' bessa:-I-a: 'he is sitting'

va:c~ gel-I-a: 'he is going' /l-U occurlng after 1 or ! ending verb stem become 16 before the f. PT. /ya:/. g£J-1D .. ya: 'she is going' ral-S6-ya: '~he is weeping'

future { b:l ~ /t:) : I co ta :1/ Ib:l/ occUrs before the mas. sg. PT. It';} :1/ occur~ elsewhere pefore other PTs. 'cpme' et-b :1-~ 'he will come' va:Ca 'go' v~t-t~: l-~ 'he will go' et-t~ :I-i 'she will come' et-ta :l-e.. 'They (m) will corp.e' et-ta :l-~ 'it will ~ome' PT. (pronoininl,d termination).: PT. tqe third and th~ final constitue:p.1: of a finite verb, indicates the person-gender-number or the person-number or gender-number. This ·part of the verb indicates the person-gender-num­ ber of the subject which does the action or the gender-number of the object taken by t~ verb. Hence there is alwayS concordance in GOnstructio:Q.~. As already mentioned, the transitive Toots (which take an object) show the geruler-nutnber concordance, with the object, in past and past perfect tense,while intransitive roots concord with the gender-number-person of the subject. A transitive and an intransitive verb, differ in the use of a particular PT. in the past and past perfect finite verb i.e. while the first two constituents, verb stem and the tense suffix remain the same for an intr. as well as a tr. verb, the PTs. differ. Jlut for the PTs. in past and past perf~t tense, the transitive and intraDli~itive verbs do not differ in other formations.

PT. consists of three parts : p~rson-gender- and number. Person: Ofthe three persons~ 1st, 2nd and 3rd. only 1st person (s;ngular number) is ovel\Jy indicated by.Po suprasegmental morphemo/ -I. This suffix occurs in aU tenses, in the case of all "erbs, with the exception of the past and past perfect form of a trapsitive verb, with m.sg. and f. sg. suffix .

•. e.g. intr. ra :4.l I 'weep' ral-l-i ~she wept' r~l-l-~ 'he wept' 87 r~t-l-i 'I(f.) wept' -r:>J;.I";5 'I(m.) wept' r~l-le:l-i 'I(f.) had wept' r:>t-t:> :-1-5 'I(m.) had wept' r~q -ta :-1-:> 'he was weeping' . r:;)q::-ta:-1-5 . 'I(m.) was weeping~ raq:_ta :-l-i 'she was weeping' r:;)Q-ta :-l-i 'I(f.) was weeping' r:;),,-t-a: 'he weeps' ra"..:.t-a: 'I (m.f.) weep' r;)l-l-a: 'he is weeping or: he has wept' rat-I-a: 'I(m.) am weeping or have wept' r;;)l-~-ya: 'she is weeping' ra!-9}-ya: 'I(f) am weepjng~ r~q-t:> : 1-:> 'he will weep' t~4-t:> :1":5 'I(m.) will weep' .r~-4-ta: l-i 'she will weep' raq-ta:l-i 'I(f.) will weep"

Tr: ma:ri 'beat' (person indication in simple past and past perfect) is not found. Even if the indirect object is in 1st person concordance is found . only in gender and number between the object and verb. No person di"s­ tinction is made). In all the other tenses, tr. verb is not differentiated from

an intransitive verb. I

Gender and Number.-There are three genders : masc~line, feminine and neuter and two numbers : singular and plural. Except in present te;nse where no gender distinction is found~ in all the other tenses~ gender and number are inseparable and in these tenses one morph indicates gender as we;ll as number as follows. These are used in all tenses except simple pre­ sent and present perfect or continuous.

(i) {:>} mas. sg. {e} mas. pI. , {i} fern. sg. {y:> } f. pI. {&} neuter sg. {I} fl.p1. (ii) present tense : { a: } singular

{a:y } plural 88 (iii) present continuous tense or present perfeCI :

{ a: '}- mas. 5g. {ya: }. f. sg. lye :yl Illas. pI. lye :9{ nr. pl. e.g. ge.l-l-:' 'he went' gel-I-e 'they (m) w~nt' gel-l-i 'she went~ gel-~-y::> 'they (f) went' gel-I-& 'It went' gel-I-i 'they (n) went' v~t-t-a : 'he/she/it goes' v~t-t':'a:y 'they go~ gel-l-:3 : 'he i_s going. he ha(gone' gel-16-ya: 'she is going, she has gon,?' gel-fb-ye:y 'they (m) are going. they have gone' gel-9i-ye :y 'they (n) are going, they have gone' The PT. can be tabulated as follows :

3/::>+-/ masculine singular I e. masculine plural all persons i/i+-/ feminine singular I y::> feminine plural III ;:) masculine singular II, III il feminine singular II.nt & neuter singular III X xi neuter plural III

Sample Paradigm intr. ra:ba 'stand' Simple Past sg. pl.

I M rabbi:13 rabbi :le. F rabbi:li rabbi:li II M rabbi:b rabbi:le F rabbi :li rabbi :li III M rabbi :1;:) rabbi:le F rabbi:li rabbi:ly::> N rabbi:l& rabbi:li x x /1/ neuter plural is in addition used to indicate I and II person fern. pl. ; mas: r;;;;;; mas. nr. {fern. Dr. pI. in In person and mas. ·f«!m. pl. in all the three persons. A masculine- feminine pl. is one in whioh some members are mas. and some are feminine and so -on. 89 Past Continuous tense II ~ rabta :15 rabtp. : It:. F rabta:li rabta:li II ~ rabta:l~ rabta:le.. F rabta:li rabta :li III ~ rabta:b rabta :I~ F rabta:li rabta:l),., N rabta:l£ rabta:)i Past Perfect tense I M rabbil~ :15 • rabbile:li F rebbile:li rabbile:li II M rabbib:b rabbiJe : 1e.. F rabbile:li rabbil~:li III M rabbi1~ :l-~ rabQH~:le.. F rabbil~:li rabbil{: :ly9 N rabbile:l£ rabbile:ii Present I M rabb~ :tii: rabb~:ta:y F rabba:ta: rabb~:ta:y II M rabba :ta: rabb~:ta:y F rabba :ta: rabba:ta:y III M rabba :ta: rabba :ta:y F rabba :ta: rabba :ta:y N rabba :ta: rabba :tp.:y Present Continuous or Perfect I M rabbi :Ia: rablye. :y F rabbi :lya : rablye..:y II M rabbi:la: rablye.:y F rabbi:lya: rablye. :y III M rabbi:la: rablye. :y F rabbi:lya: * N * rablye.. :y- Future I M rabb :15 rabta:le F rabb :li rabta:1i II M rabb :1., rabta :1e. F rabtadi rabta:li - III --M- ra~t? :l~ r.bt,,;r~ -F 13.;bt.,.. :lj - ...Qt. :Jy~' N rabtg :ll. rabtalli - *Forms not available in the data. 90 tr.

Simple past M dilb dille F diUi dmy:> N dille dil1i

Past perfect M dill::> :b dille:le F 4nl~:li dille:ly::> N dil1e:l~ dille:li All the other tenses same as intransitive. tr. intr. bhe: ti •break'

Tr. bhe:ti behaves like di: 'give~ inte. bhe:ti behaves like ea:b;;} '~azid" intT.

tr. bhe: ti •break'

Simple past M bhetti:b bhetti:1& F bhetti:li bhetti :ly::> N bhetti :1£ bhetti :li

Past continuous I M bhetita:J5 bhetita :Ie F bhetita:li bhetita:li II M bhetita:b bhetita:le F bhetita:li bhetita:li III M bhetita:b bhetita:l& f' bhetit;:&. :li bhetita :ly::> N bhetita:lf. bhetita:li

Past perfect- M bhetil::> :b bhetile:le F bhetile:li bhetile :ly::> ·N bhetile :1& bhetile:li

Present I M bhetti :ta : bhettj .bJ_ :y F bhetti :ti : \ bhetti :ta :y etc. (su bstj tute bhetti :-for rabbi :-in the prevjops paradigm) - 91 Present Continuous or Perfect I M bhetti:Ui: bhetti :lye.:y F bhetti :lya; bhetti :lyE. :y

Future

I M bhetit::> :13 bhetit~ :1E. F bhetit~ :li bhetit~:1i etc. (substitute bheti-foc rab- in the para­ digm)

intr. bhe:ti ·break·

Simple past I M bhett::> :13 bhett;) :le. F bhetta :li bhett~ :li II M bhetb :1::> bhetta :1E. F bhetta:li bhett~:11 etc. (substitute bhett:):- - bhetta:- for rabbi :- in'the past paradigm) Past Continuous I M bhet~ta:15 bhet~ta :Ie.. F bhetata:li bhetata:li etc. (substitute bheta-for rab- in the pra- digm) Past perfect I M bhet~b:15 bhetale:1e. F bhet~le:li bhetale:li etc. - (substitute bhet~- for rabbi- in the paradigm) Present I M bhetta :t8.; bhetta :ta:y F bhetta :ta: bhetta :ta :y etc. (substitute bhett~:': for rabb~:- in the paradigm) Present Continuous I M bhetta:la: bhett~ :lye.:y F . bhett~ :lya: bhett~ :lye:. :y etc~ 92 Future I M . bhet;)t::> : 15 bhet;)ta :le F bhet;)b :li bhet;)t;) :li etc. (substitute bhet:;)-for rab- in the pradigm)

The root as- 'to be' has certain peculiarities of form and wherever such differences are there, they are given below :

Present

I, II. III assa:y Other forms resemble that of ra: ba $stand'. In certain syntactic constructions the root as- 'to be' has an allomorph t~. It is dealt with under Syntax (P :126.) Irregular Verbs: There are three verb roots katta: 'know' and ja:"Q.a 'know', ja:y 'want'. These three verbs do not have any tense-gender-number­ person distinction. These are used in present tense in all persons, genders and numbers. No other forms of these verbs are available in the data. Syntactically ja:y ~want' and k;)l ta: 'know' occur after a dative form and ja :Q~ occurs after a nominative form. Compound Verbs: Compound verbs consist of two constituents. The second constituent is one among the verbs 'ka :ri 'do' ma :ri 'beat' di: 'give', v;) :c;) 'go', gha :lj 'put', ja:y 'to happen', *la :g- 'to hit. The first constituent may be a noun, a -verb, an adverb, or an adjective. Of the 31 compound verbs available in the data, 14 verbs' have Malayalam words as their first constituents and I verb English word. The Malayalam words are mostly Malayalam adverbs formed from Malayalam verb or MalayaJam Nouns and the English word is an English verb. k;) :ri 'to open' Ma. turakka t::>rna--- 'to open' m;)q~kki k;;) :ri 'to fold' Ma. ma!akkuka 'to fold' taqti k;) :ri 'to prevent' Ma. ta ~ ukkuka 'to prevent' j::>:Ii . k;) :ri 'to work' Ma.jo:li 'work' ii'ije!ca k;) :ri 'to inject' Eng. inject

Of the remaining compound verbs, one verb has an adjective as the first constituent, e.g. ca.: ka :ri ~to repair' ca :Iig~ 'good' four verbs have adverbs as the first constituent :

e.g. ~4Qa:n ullj.:y 'shout' ~Q.<,ta :n;) ~loudly' p::>rtu:n y::> : 'return' p::>rtu:{l 'having turned' p;;) :r;) :ti\ 'turn' . "'la;g 'to hit' m. root form is u-;:ed only in the Compound bhu,k Ja;g- "to be hungry.'

9~ vh~ :lii: 'float' vh~ :1;) 'flow' (water)' .vh:) :lii: 'having flown' ekka:Q;) k~:ri 'collect' ekk~:~h 'together'

All the remaining verbs have noun as the first constituent. In one case, the noun is in locative case. e g. verb Noun

nbnii: ja:y ~understand' ma:n;) 'mind' mana: ~in mind' utu:ra di= 'answer' utt;; "r;) 'answer' ooboo gba:Ji 'shout' b::1bbo 'shout; noise' gi:b mba :1).;) 'sing' gi:b 'song' u4ki ma:ri 'jump' u

(1) disyllabic Consonants if., u: before verbal. parti­ root other than cipial sfx. infinitive Q~I}.I.r,!. of purpose, . poten­ tial, adverb of con­ comitant action sfx. { ni:k~} (2) disyllabic Consonants if., before the verbal parti- root Q,I},I,r,1 cipial sfx. and (a) Ditto. Cons. Q.I}..r. ij:J potential Cf. P: 97 (3) disyllabic Consonants i :j~: before the negative root other than imperative Q,I}. ,l,r,I· (4) disyllabic Consonants if';) before the negative root Q,I},I,r,l· imperative (5) disyllabic Consonants ij., u before gerundive sfx. root other than Q,I}.,l,r,l· (6) disyllabic Consonants il~ before gerundive sfx. root :y: 9S Modal Stem Formative Suffix.-concld.

vea: before infinitive and adverb of concorn. action ni :ka

v before gerundive C occurs elsewhere be- fore imp. hon. sfx. negative imp. suffix adverb of conCO­ mitant action- { ta :na: } and { ta: }

(10) All roots t-v before the indefinite ~xcept those future with -a.:y and (1) disyllabic indefinite future and root en­ potential ding in -a:y pxamples 1. disyllabic roots having the final vowel if a and the penultimate con- sonant any other than 4.1J..1.r.l. take the formative suffix u: before the ve;rbal participial suffix {nu} n:finiti~e of purpose {ka };: potential {ya:t}; and the adverbial suffix of concomitant action { ni :ka }.

" - ra:ba 'stand' rubb-u:-nu 'having stood' rabb-u:-ka 'to stand' rabb-u :-ya:t 'may stand' rabb-u :-ni :ka 'when stood' va:ci 'read' vacc-u:-nu 'having read' me:ji 'measure' mejj-u :-kao "to measure' S:l :di 'search' S:ldd-u :-ya:t 'may search' sa:nga 'say' sailg-u :-ni :ka 'when said~ v~ :nka 'vomit' v:lJik-u :-ka 'to vomit" kha:ki 'cough' khailk-u :-nu 'having coughed' k:l:pa 'to scold' k::>p~u :-kao . 'to scold' va:ti 'spJit' vatt-u:-nu 'having spliC t Final vowel. 96 Exception V~:~ ~go' has a: before the infinitive suffix { k?} the potential suffix and before the adverb of concomitant action.

v~:c~ 'go' v~cc-a:-k~ 'to go'" v;:)cc-u :-nu 'having gone' v~cc-ll1-a:t 'may go' v~cc-a :-ni :k~ 'when gone'

2. Disyllabic roots with final i/~ and penultimate consonant Q,1),l,r,t, have ~ as the formative suffix before the verbal participial suffi~, potential.

r~:q~ 'weep' T;:) :IJ.-¢-u 'having wept' ka:qi 'take' ka :I)-¢-u 'having taken' gha :li 'put' gha:_l-¢-nu 'having put' k~:rj 'do' k:) :r-¢-nu 'having done' gi :!i 'swallow' gi :!-¢-lJ.u 'having swallowed' r~ :Q-¢-a:t 'may weep'

a. The above roots with penultimate consonant Q,I),r, have u: before the infinitive of purpose suffix and the adverb of concomitant action suffix; while roots with the penultimate consonant 1,1, have ca: before the infinitive and the adverb of concomitant action suffixes.

ka :c;li 'take' ka:Q-u :-kd 'to take' k~:ri 'do' k;:) :r-u :-ni :k~ 'when done' gha :li 'put' ghal-ca:k~ 'to put' gi :!i 'swallow' gil -ca :-ni :kd 'when swallowed'

3. Disyllabic roots with final i/;} 'and with penultimate consonants other than Q,1) ,I,r,l, have i :/d: before the negative imperative sfx.

~a:'b;" 'stand' rabb-:d :-si 'don't stand' va:ci 'read' vacc-I :-Sl 'don't read'

Exception

Vg":c~ 'go' v:)cc-u :-SI 'don't go'

4. Disyllabic roots having the final vowel i/d and penultimate conso­ nants Q,1).1,r,l, have ¢ before the negative imperative sfx.

r~:Q.d '~ep' r:dQ-¢-si 'don't weep' \ mhd :1J.:d 'saSt' mh~IJ-¢-si 'don't say'

gha:li 'puC. -_ "_ ghal-91-si , 'don't put' '\ k~ :ri 'do' k~r-¢-si 'don't do' "ma:!i , • wear" mal-¢-si 'don't wear" 97" 2 RGI!75 7 5. Disyllabic roots having final i/:J and penultimate consonant any other than 4. t;l. I, r, }, have u before the gerundive suffix {ka:.}.

sa:itg3 'say' sang-u-ka: 'must say' ra:b3 'stand' rabb-u-ka: 'must stand' va:ci 'read' vacc-u-ka: 'must read' V~:C3 'go' v~cc-u-ka: 'must go' vi:ki 'sell' vikk-u-ka: 'must sell' kO:P3 'scold' k~pp-u-ka: 'must scold'

6_ Disyllabic roots having the final i/a and penultimate consonants q, 1), I, r, 1 have iii before the gerundive suffix. ka:qi 'take' ka:q-¢l-ka: 'must take' mh3:1)3 'say' mha :r;t-¢l-ka: 'must say' gha:li put' gha:l-¢l-ka: . 'must put' k3:ri 'do' k~:r-¢-ka: 'must do' gi :li 'swallow' gi:l-¢-ka: 'must swallow'

1. Disyllabic roots baying final i and penultimate consonants other than ~, c, j, k, take y before the hon. imp. sufiIx {a:y} (cf. p: 101).

ka:qi 'take' ka :q-y-e.:y 'please take' gi:li 'swallow' gi :l-y-e:y 'please swallow' la:si 'burn' las-y-e:y 'please burn' ma:ndi 'tie' . mand-y-e:y 'please tie'

The roots with penultimate consonant t, c, j, k take 16 before the hon. imp_ suffix. va::ti 'spilt' vag-a:y va:ci 'read' vacc-a:y me:ji 'measure' mejj-a:y tu:ki 'weigh' tukk-a:y Exception vi:ki 'sell' vik-y-e.:y

8. Disyllabic roots of the form (C1 ) V 1 (:) C 2 (C2) a:y take v before the gerund {3 :P3} and v before the gerundive {ka:} vca: before the infiniti ve and adv. of concom_ action {ni :ka} sijja :y 'boil' sijja :-V-3 :p3 'boiling' r~kk3:y 'pour' rakka :-v-O}:Po;:) 'pouring' ull3:y 'speak' ull:J :-v-a:p3 'speaking' vata :y 'comb' v:')la :-v-a:pa 'combing' 98 sijj;) :-v-ka: 'must boil' rakk;:'):-v-ka: 'must pour' ulb :-v_--ka: 'must speak' v;:')l;:'):v-ka: ~must comb' sijj;:') :-vca :-ka ~to boil' kall~:y 'mix' kalb :-vca :-ni :ka ~when mixed' 9. Monosyllabic roots with the exception of c;:'):y take v before vowel'or y beginning suffix; vca: before infinitive, gerundive and adv. of concom. act. {ni :ka} and C- the consonant same as the initial consonant of the follow­ ing suffix, before imp. hon. sfx. negative imperative, and adverb of concomi- -.tant action {ta:na:} and {t~:} . kha: 'eat' kha:-v-a :pa 'eating' pi: 'drink' pi.:-v-;:') 'let him drink' pi :-v-ii 'let us (excl) drink' pi:-v-ya: ~let us (inc!.) drink' pi :-v-ya:t 'may drink' pi:-v-nu 'having drunk' pi-vca:-ka 'to drink' pi-vca:-ni:ka 'when drunk' : 'come' undergo no change. pi: 'drink' pi :-na di: 'give' di :-na c~:y 'see' c;:,:y-na Exceptions kha: 'eat' kha:y-na ·will eat' y~: 'come' e :-na

-~:y ending roots take ¢. sijja:y 'boil' sijja :y'·¢-na r~kk;;):y 'pour' r:;)kkg :y-¢-na ulla:y 'speak' ullg :y-¢-na sijja :y-a:t 'may boW ulla:y-a:t 'may speak'

Morphophonemic alterations in the stern.-In addition to the morpho­ phonemic changes undergone by the roots before the finite verb formative suffix, or tense s'Uffix, the following changes are to be noted before the modal stem formative suffix_

1. In Roots of the form C r a:C2 V 2 and of the form e 1 E. :C2V 2 ,/a:/ be­ comes/o(:)jberore rounded vowels and le:j becomes jel before high v()wels~

r.,:4a 'weep' r;>:.Q.-u 'having wept' ma:ra 'die' m;>:r-u :-ka 'to die.' be:sa 'sit' bess-u:-nu 'having sit' I' p.,:q3 'fall' 'poq-o 'let (him) faU' k.,:ri 'do' k~:r-nu 'having done'

2. 4+n>l)..

r":Qa 'weep' ra.:Q.+nu r~:lJ.-u 'having wept.' p.,:q'a. 'fall' P~:lJ.-u 'having fallen'

3. Roots of the forin C 1 VI (:) C 2 (C2 ) .,:y become C 1 V 1 C 2 (C,,) ::1:- before the verbal participial and infinitive suffixes.

sijja.:y g~ : 00 gE.: 00 ga : / This sU'ffix is nothing but the shortened form of the Vocative words (p: 59). / re:, 00 g~: I non-honorific or 'i~peiative sfx. ( affectionate) IrE.: / m. sg. / g::>: I f. sg. 101 These are used,. with all words when the person addressed is one's equab or intimate or -inferior. / ge : co gas: han. sg. imp. sfx. / ge : / f. han. sg. sfx. / ga: / m. han. sg. suffix These suffixes are used with all types of words when a person (s) is/are addressed to and the matter is conveyed in person. Example ya :re: come (m. sg.) Y3:g3: come (f. sg.) Y3: ge: come (f. sg. han.) y3; ga: come (m. sg. hon.) eyya:yre: come (pI. llon.-hon.) ass.,re: is v.,ssiga: dont go Cf. sg. non-hon ) na: re: no anga g3 here 2. Negative imperative {s~ - sibi} / si - *sibi / occur in free variation. va:ca 'go' v.,s-si - VQs-sibi 'dont go' Y3: 'come' es-si - es-sibi "don't come' sa: itg., 'say' sang., :-si - sang., :-sibi

a:ra:mbi 'start' a :ra :mbi :si - a :ra :mbi :sibi

3. Op~ative : Optative has four types of sllifixes (1) { ii } I person sg. and excl. pl. optative. va:ca "go' v3cc-ii 'let me/us (excI) go' ya: 'come' e :v-u 'let me/us (excI) come' ! sa: og., 'say' saJig-ii 'let me/us CexcI) say' ! be :s., •sit' bess-u 'let me/us (excI) sit' !

(2) {a: - ya :} I person incl. pI. optative

V3:ca 'go' vacc-a: 'let us go'! ya: 'corne' e:v-ya: 'letg us come'! sa: nga 'say' sangu :-ya : 'let us say'! va: ci 'read' vaccu:-ya: 'let us read'! * In utterences containing :more. than three syllables like sat.i.g'U-sibi, sibi beco roes -Sbi in fast spe~eh. 102 (3) { " } III person Sg: optative v3:ca 'go' vacc-a 'let him/her/it go'! Y3: 'corne' e:v-a 'let (iii person sg.) come" va:ci 'read' vacc-a 'let him/her/it read'! sa:nga 'say' sang-a 'let him/her/it say'! (4) {,,:y} III pI. optative

V3:Cd 'go' vacc-a :y 'let them go'! y~: 'come' e:v-,,:y 'let them come'r va:ci 'read' vacc-a :y 'let them read'! sa:nga 'say' sang-a :y 'let them say'! 4. Conditional sfx: ye :ri va:ca 'go' gel-ye :ri 'if gone' y~: 'come' ayl-ye :ri 'if come' sa:tiga 'say' satigil-ye :ri 'if said' va:ci 'read' vaccil-ye :ri 'if read' ka:Qi 'take' ka!-ye: ri 'if taken'

5 . .gerund J ~ :p;;> 1...... 4'ing~~ l _f v~ :ca 'go' vacc-a :pa 'going'

y~: 'come' e :v-a :pa 'coming' ~- k3:ri 'do' k~ :r-.a :pa 'doing' rna :ri 'beat' rna :r-;} :p~ 'beating' sa:ng3 'say' satig-a :pa 'saying' rakk'a:y 'pour' r~kka :v-a :pa 'pouring'

6. Verbal participial {nu} 'having ...... / nU"-"l)u,..;..u/

/ u,' after roots whose penultimate consonant is one among Q, Q. ra:Qa 'weep' ra:1) -u 'having wept' ka:qi 'take' ka :lJ.-u 'having taken' mh;;, :IJa 'say' mh;):r.t-u 'having said' /lJ.U / after roots whose penultimate consonant is !. ma:ti 'wear' ma:!-I;tu 'having worn'_ gi:ti 's\yallow' gi: \-qu 'having swallowed>- jnu/ occurs el'ti,ewhere. ya: 'corne' e:v-nu \having come' va :c;} 'go' vaccu:-nu 'having gone' k~:ri 'do' ka :r-nu 'having done' sa:Iiga 'say' sangu :-riu 'having said' 103 ra: b .. 'stand' rabbu:-nu 'having stood" va:ci 'read' vaCCU:-llU 'having read' raboo:y 'stop' rabb3 :v-nu 'having stopped' la:si 'burn' lassu ;-nu 'having burnt' kh~:r~ :pi 'scratch' kh3rpu:-nu 'having scratched' bhe:ti 'break' bhettu ;-nu 'having broken'

7. Infinitit'e of purpose {k:;'} 'to' k .. :ri 'do' k3 :ru :-ka 'to do' y,:>: . 'come' evca:-ka 'to come' v~:c~ 'go' vacca;-ka 'to go' nidde 'sleep~ niddevca :-ka 'to sleep' p~ :cla 'fall' p3 =4u :-ka 'to raW gi:ti 'sw~llow' gi:!ca:-ka 'to swallow' gha:li 'put' ghalca=:-ka 'to put' kh., :r., :pi 'scratch' kh~rpu:-ka 'to scratch' ulla :y 'speak' ulb :vca :-k.. 'to speak.' sa:itga 'say' s~ngu :-ka 'to say'

8. Potential {yat} 'may' jyat-ya: t-a:t/ I a:t/ occurs after two roots r~:Q:;) and v~:c~ and after. all roots ending in -a :y. ra :<) .. 'weep' ra :q-a:t "may weep' va:ca 'go' vacc-a :t "nlay go' sijj:;, :y 'boil' sijja :y-a:t 'may boil' ulla:y 'speak' ul);;) :y-a:t "may spea.k'

/ yat - ya :t/ occur in free variation. sa:ilga 'say' sangu :-yat - ya:t 'may'say' ka::ri 'do' k3 :r-yat - ya :t 'may do' ulla:y 'speak' ulb :v-yat - ya:t 'may speak' - gha:li "put' gha :l-yat _. ya :t 'may put'

9. Adverb of Concomitant action 'l, _. (a) Continuous { t:;,: J ...... Ing continuously'

ma:ri 'beat' mar-ta: 'beating continuously~ ka :ri 'do' kar-ta: . 'doing continuously' sa :ng3 'say' sang-ta: 'saying continuously' )13: 'come' et-ta: "coming continuously" va :C3 "go' vO)t-ta: 'going continuously' as- 'to be' as-ta: 'being continuously' 104 (b) /t:}:na:j ·while ..... , ...... ing' k:}r-t;) :na': 'while doing' mar-ta :na: 'while beating' sang-ta :n.a: 'while saying' et-ta :na: 'while-coming' v~t-t~ :na: 'while going' .as-t~ :na: 'while being' (c)jni :k~j ·when ...... (cf. p:1l3) -' k;-) : ru :-ni :ka 'when done' rna :ru :-ni :ka 'when beaten' sangu :-ni-kg 'when said' evca :-ni :ka 'when come' v.-Jcca :-ni :ka 'when gone' assu :-ni :k~ 'when been'

! 10. Gerundive _[ ka·L 'must' (cf. p:1l3) I... 'f

v~:ca 'go' v;-)ccu-ka: 'must go' y~: 'come' e:v-ka: 'must come' sijja :y 'boil' sijja :v-ka: 'must boil' ka:ri 'do' ka :r-ka: 'must do' ka:(ji 'take' ka:Q-ka: 'must take' sa:riga 'say' sangu-ka: 'must say' kha: 'eat' kha:v-ka: 'lllust eat'

11. Indefinite future S na l. l f 'will' ka :ri 'do' ka :ri :-na 'will do' ka :<}.i 'take' ka:qi :-na 'will take' y3: 'come' e:-na 'will con1.e' kha: .-- _. 'eat' kha:y-na 'will eat' sa:riga 'say' sanga:-na 'will say'

Sample paradigm sa :i1ga 'say'

1 Honorific imperative sanga:y 2 Negative imperative sanga :si - sanga :sibi 3 Optative (i) sailgii (ii) sanguya: (iii) sanga-_. (iv) sanga :'l\ 4 Conditional sailgily€. :ri 5 gerund sanga :p3 6 Verbal particiI?ial sangu:nu

105

1- 7 Infinitive of pourpose sangu:ka 8 Potential sangu :yat - sangu :ya : t 9 Adverb of Concomitant Action (a) sangta: (b) sangta :na: (c) sangu :ni :ka 10 Gerundive sanguka: 11 Indefinite future sanga :na

List_of verb roots classified according to their category: Basic roots: (a) Intransitive roots: 1 va:ca "go' 2 Y3: 'come' 3 nidde 'sleep' 4 utta: 'get up~ 5 be:sa "sit' 6 ra:ba 'stand' 7 g;,)rQe: mpa :qa 'tumble' 8 ha:sa 'laugh' 9 ra :cJa 'weep' 10 u:ba 'fly' 11 camma:ka 'walk' 12 si:ki 'sneeze' 13 kha:ki 'cough' 14 nha: 'bathe' 15 dha:v~ 'run' 16 ba:vga 'bend' 17 gi:li 'swallow' 18 ni:pa 'hic;le' ,) 19 na:fica 'dance' '20 p5:v~ 'swim' ,21 ca:ra 'move' 22 k;:,:pa 'scold' 23 V3 :nka 'vomit' 24 nimma:i1gi 'ask' 25 vissa :ra 'forget" 26 hu:i1ga 'smell' 27 ghii:v~ 'tqrn' 28 la :ta 'roil' 29 ca:4a 'climb" 30 ma:ga 'beg' 31 pa:v~ 'reach' 32 bh3:nka . 'bark' 106 33 harnbe: 'bellow' 34 ki1bile: "chirp' 35 bu :Q.a 'sink' 36 tbha :ri 'fill' 37 pa :qa 'faU' 38 rna :ra 'die' 39 balla :qqi 'cross' 40 ja :1- 'burn' 41 ja:y "to be necessary' 42 si:ra 'pierce> 43 ~:l~:ki 'to sprain' 44 ni :vi 'cool' t45 s::> :la 'peel' 46 du:ki 'to give pain' . t47 pissu:4i 'peer 48 si :ka "learn' 49 kaQ. ka<;le : 'to tremble' 50 thartare: 'slip' 51 as- 'to be' 52 guriije "murOlur' 53 b;, :vi 'travel" 54 gerje: 'roar' 55 sa :ra 'to start' 56 de:vi 'descend' 57 kharse: 'to breathe heavily' 58 phu :Ia 'bloom' 59 udde , "rise' 60 vh;> :13 'flow (water), 61 bhi- 'to be afraid' 62 S 66 mu:ti 'urinate' 67 turmbe 'to be rusted' 68 pi: 'drink' 69 je:vi 'take meals' 70 ga<;lgaQ.e: 'fall down' 71 kha:mba." 'pierce' (b) transitive roots 72 ka:ri \ .:do' 73 c~:y 's~e' 74 va:ci 'read' 75,kha: 'eat' 76 ka:qi: 'take' t07 77 ma:ri ~beaC 78 khe:!a 'play~ 79 ra:ndi ~cook~ 80 ve;ci ~pick' 81 vi:ndi "throw~ 82 s;,:qi 'leave' 83 gha:li ~put' 84 katta:ri "cut' -r85 nhe:sa "wear' . 86 ma:!i "wear' 87 v~:4i ·draw~ ·88 ca:!i "fry' 89 sa:di • search' 90 me:ji "measure' 91 vha:v~ 'carry' 92 ga:ska:4i ~bite' '93 ga:sma:ri "bite' 94 ghe; "take~ 95 si:vi 'stitch' 96' hantu :!i 'spread' 97 ka ::Qva:r~ 'remove' 1 98 jha :c;li 'sweep' t99 dhu:y 'wash' 100 ma:ndi 'tie' 101 di: "give' 102 vi:ki 'seIl' 103 ka :IJge "buy' 104 a:yk3 'hear~ 105 pha:ri "steal' 106 va:c;li ~serve' tl07 app3:q~ 'touch' 108 dhiIigu :l~ 'push' . '109 ca:b3 'bite' 110 kh3:ra:pi 'scratch' 111 me:!- "to be available' 112 dha:ri "catch' 113 ta:Qi "drag' 114 ph\! :Iiki "stear 115 mekk3:!i 'untie' 116 tu:ki "weigh' 117 lu:y "reap' 118 V;;I:r3 "take' 119 kh3 :ra :41 'scratch' 120 gha:~ti 'rub' 121 vi:1)i • weave' 122 da:!i 'grind' 108 123 ta :!i 'fry' 124 ha:cJi 'bring' 125 davv:;) :ri 'put (downY 126 pi:P 'squeeze' 127 si:ndi ~cut' 128 sa:ng:;) 'say' 129 la:y 'feed' 130 umb~:\i 'wash' 131 mh~:Q~ 'say' 132 ffia:y 'measure' 133 va:ji 'strike' 134 utdi 'call' 135 va:Dti 'distribute' 136 ka:nti 'scrape' (c) Transitive-intransitive roofs 137 dha :pi 'shut' 138 khu:t). ti 'cut' 139 la:si 'burn' 140 va:~i 'split' 141 gha :si 'rub' 142 bha:ji 'fry' 143 a:ra:mbi 'begin' 144 gupsi 'change' 145 pa :r,) :ti 'change' 146 ~ppa :rti 'change upside down' 147 bhe:ti - 'break' 148 ci :r.:}:Qi 'squeeze' 149 ukk~:4i 'boil' (by steam) 150 kalJ.4i 'pound' 151 m~:4~ 'break' 152 phu:ta 'crack' 153 pe:si 'cut' 1 54 siftga: ri 'decorate' Derivative roots (All the basic roots are capable of being transformed into­ Derivative roots. Only a few exainples are given below).

155 b.J :r.J :y 'write' 156 raboo:y· 'stop' . 157 viskala:y, . 'open' 158 dhavqa:y 'cha~~'" 159 tulJ. ta :y 'cut' .\, 160 maQQa:y 'drive' 161 kall~:y 'mix' 162 r')kk",:y 'pour'

109 163 dakk.,:y ~show' 164 vo\.,:y 'comb' '165 uil.,:y 'speak' ll66 ghuvqa:y 'turn' . 167 nisra:y ~loosen' 168 halla:y 'move' 169 jh;') :r3:y 'sharpen' 170 ni:va:y 'cool' 171 sukka:y "dry' 172 kh;')tkata:y , 'boil' (liquid) 173 sijja:y 'boil' (solid) 174 timma:y 'make wet' 17;;6 phUgg3:y "soak' tP6 bu<1q;'):Y 'sink' r,.' , 177 sikk~:y "teach' 178 peH3:y 'send' 179 ba:13:Y 'send' 180 a:tha:y 'think' 181 sivQa:y 'scatter' 182 bhisra:y "frighten' 183 nipp;'):y 'hide~ 184 vaQav~:y .. extinguish' 185 phulla:y 'blossom' 186 k;:,cca:y 'wash cloth (by gently pressing with hands), 187 ca.vk3:y 'drive' 188 kha :va :y 'feed' 189 ka:!k):y "plougp.' 190 jh;') :r;'):y "chase' 191 l~ :13:y ~roll' 192 gaQg3Qa:y 'roll down' 193 pi:v~:y ~cause to 4rink' 194 las~:y 'cause to burn' 195 kha :v~ :VQy 'cause to feed (thro a third per­ son)' ,Compound Verbs

19'6 *torn~ kQ :ri ·open' 197 u"ki rna :ri "jump' 198 o"qa:n uU.... :y 'shoue 199 gi :ta rnhQ:Q~ 'sing' . *200 sampa :diccu k;') :ri "earn' '*201 jo:li k3 :ri 'work' 202 vh;:, :lii: v;'):~ 'float' 203 portu:n y~: 'return' 110 204 r..,k~aq k';) :ri ·protect' 205 thu: ka :ri ~spit' 206 k~avra k~ :ri 'shave' 207 utta :ra di: ~answer' *208 visva:s k~ :ri 'believe', 209 uQga:s kari 'remember' 210 pa:y p.J :cfa 'worship' *211 taQti ka :ri ~prevent' *212 ti :rta ka :ri "finish' *213 rna :tti ka :ri 'change' 214 cinnabhinm') k~ :ri ~smash' *215 rn~cfakki ka :ri 'fold' 216 ca: k~:ri ~repair' *217 ifijek!aka:ri

t except~ons * borrowings

In CHAPTER 6 NEGATIVES Though Negatives are verbs and are also inflected for gender, and number,. they are treated under a separate head, due to their non-conformity with the other verbs. As reganis tense, the negative word is added to either finite verbs in a particular tense or to a particular verb stem which occurs only before the negative verb. Negative mood is treated under verb Mor- . phology.. However, the Negative is not inflected for tense. There are two types of negatives. (I) Negation of existence (2) Negation of Identity

1. Negation of existense { na:} 'no' Having / na: / as basis many formations are found. These formations may be divided into two parts viz. (i) (na:( with or without inflection for gender and number used as a finite verb. (ii) various types of negative forms. (l) /na:/used as a finite verb: This may either be used in isolation or with an affirmative finite verb or verb stem. In both the cases, it is inflected for number and in plural for gender i.e. In singular no gender difference is indicated. In plural too, the gender difference is neuter vs non-neuter. When it is used in is·olation it gives the ll1eaning 'no', while used with finite verb or verb stem it gives· the meaning 'did not...... "do(es) not ...... 'and 'will not ...... • depending upon the nature of the verb added to it. Examples . Used in isolation t:J : anga Jla: 'he is not here' ti: anga na: 'she is not here' te: anga na: 'it is not here' t€.: an,ga na:y 'they .(m.) are not here' ,ty::>: anga na:y 'they (f.) are not here' ,--ti: at\ga na:y- 'they (n.) are not here' In the three forms Ina :/, na :y/ and Jna :y/, Ina:/ 'no' Iy/ Epicene plural~ /9 I neuter plural. Used with a finite verb or a verb stem In past tense { na:} is used after the past finite verb. Sometimes in fast speech the PT. of the finite verb is dropped before the negative. Howe .... er,. as they are retained in slow speech the PT. is shown in brackets. Example: ti.: ayI(i) na: :/t£ :/ti: e :na:. 'he/she/it does not come" te :/tY:J: e :na:y 'they (m/f) do not corne' ti: e:nR:y 'they (n) do not come' Similarly ,vith ka :ri 'do' ka:rna: 'sg. do not' ka:rna:y 'pL (m/f) do noC ka :rna:9 'pl. (n) do noC Future tense Stem+na: No person-gender-number difference is found. sa :ilg;) 'Say' sangun-na: 'won't tell' va :ca 'go' v:)ccun-na: 'won't go' y:) : 'come' em-na: 'won't come' be :sa 'sit' bessun-na: 'won't sit' ra :ba 'stand' rabbun-na: 'won't stand' nidd~ 'sleep' nidde :v-na: 'won't sleep' (ii) Various (pyes of negative forms.-These are formed from the verb {na:}. The resu]tant forms may ejther be treated as separate words or as a combination of na: and some other suffix. In those cases where the dissection serves no purpose, they are treated as separate words, other­ wise the. suffixes are treated separately. Separate Words (I) najja 'should/must not' (2) nakka: 'need not ; must noC (3) pa :1)a: 'cannot' (4) jamna: 'not possible' These words are added to the verb stems (P : 105) used before the adverb of concomitant action mood {ni:k;)}. Before nakka: the gerundive form of any verb can aJ.,so occur, without any meaninng difference. Examples: ka.,. :ri k:) :ru: najja 'must not do' sa:nga ,'say' . sailgu: nak~a: 'need not say" va:ca 'go' v~cca: pa::Q it.: . 'cannot go" k:l :ru jamna: 'not possible to do'

113 .2 RGf/75 before nakka: the forms may also be ko:!ka:, saIiguka:, voccuka: etc. Further nak;ka:, najj., and jamna: can be used in isolation. nakka: 'not necessary' najja 'don't' jamna: 'not possible' $uffixes used with na: (1) Negarvil'e Conditional.-(i) negative stem+conditional sfx. ye:ri This is added with the stem na :1- na:lye :ri (ii) added with the stem nattil­ nattil-ye :ri 'if not if not available' Examples: ja:vka: jalye:ri ra:b~ na:lye:ri V~:~ 'if (you) want stay if not go' te:.: nattilyeri ye: ka :qi .~ff Dot that, take this or if that is not available take this' me :!nattilye :ri 'if not available' sang., nattilye :ri 'if not said' (2) N~gative contingent: nas-si :l)a: 'without ...... , . iog·· Examples' k~:ri 'do' k~Hnassi :t;la : 'without doing', y": 'come' emnassi :Q.a : 'without coming' sa:rig~ 'say' saftg~nassi :1) a : 'without telling'

2. Negation of Identity: n~:y 'not so and so' 'not such and such', This is an indeclinable i.e. this does not show any gender-number-person- tense distinction. Examples: Y": ra :mu n~:y Che is not Ramu' ti: gUQQi n~:y 'she is not shore a :va r~bbunn.,:y ass~ . 'J am not standing' to: 'arigan~:9 ass.,' 'he is not here· (thaug_ ass:;:)) (he is there) Irregular Verb Corresponding to the irregular verb ja :1)" 'know' the negative verb is DE- :t;l:;:) 'don't know'. This is an indeclinable and is used in isolation. 114 CHAPTER 7 INDECLINABLES

In the previous chapters, categories of words which are inflected for number, tense, gender-person were discussed. ' There are a set of words in konkani which are not declined to suit such grammatical functions. They are Indeclinables. They are incapable of being inflected. They have only one form and are incapable of showing distinctions as to number, person, gender, tense, etc. Adverbs, particles and certain other suffixes come under this category. 1. Adverbs: Advc_rbs are indeclinables morphologically and modifiers of verbs syntactically. They sometimes occur as post-positions too. Adverbs are divisible into various categories :-viz. adverbs of place, manner and time. In each category there are ordinary as well as interrogative adverbs.

(1) Adverbs ~f Place anga: 'here' thanga: 'there' kh::mta:y 'where' ? bhitta :ri 'in' (p.p.) bha:yra 'out" (p.p.) laggi 'near' {p.p.} dhu:ra 'distanC atta:ntu 'this side' {p.p.} pelta:ntu 'that side' {p.p.} mukka:ri 'in front of' (p.p.) , maglaya :na 'in the back' (p.p.) p::lnda:ka 'under' {p.p.} uiica:ri 'up' (p.p.)

Note : Tho~e adverbs which are used as post-positions after nouns are indicated as (P.p.). (2) Adverbs of manner ._, assi 'thus', like this' tassi 'like that' kassi 'how' ? dhara:ri 'fast' \r::lggi' 'fast' s~nta 'slowly'

(3) Adverbs of time atta 'now' tavva-:li 'then'

115 8A maggi:ri 'afterwards' jatte :ri 'after' murtha:ma 'previously' a:ji 'to-day' ka:li 'yesterday' pha:y 'to-morrow' p~yri 'day before yesterday' ~vve:ri 'two days previous to yesterday" p~ra: 'day after to-morrow' ~vve:ra: 'two days after to-morrow' sakka:Qi 'morning' ke.dda:Qa: 'when' ? 2. Particles .- These are of three types. (i) Tnterjections.-A few are available in the data. ha: 'yes' e:y 'particle expressing negation' kU:{i 'particle used as an interjection' ja :vo 'let it be'. used in answer to one's taking leave. yE:.: co:y 'Look! behold' (object shown is of neuter gender). yo: co:y 'Look! behold' (object shown is of mas. gender) yi: c":y 'Look! behold' (obj. shown is of feminine gender) The above three are used when the object is nearer. If the object is yonder,_ the particle used is u: tE:. (co :y) 'look. ! behold' (object n.) u: to (co :y) ,,(object m.) u: ti (c" :y) " (object f.) The remaining particles are divided into two types on the basis of their occurrence. The second type consists of particles which are suffi:x.ed to words and are bound-forms while the third type consists of particles which are post-posed to wo~ds and are free-forms. . Second tfpe .-' There are five particles belonging to this type.

(1) Emphatic 'particle: -ci ' ...... self' 'very' This particle is used with all types of words such as nouns in all cases,. pronouns, adjectives, and adverbs. This conveys an emphasis to the word uttered. When this is suffixed to the words, the final vowel of the word if short is lengthened and if long, length is retained. If the word is an adjective of the form :

elVI : C 2V2 then it becomes C t V t C 2 V 2 before the patticle.

tii : ~you' tii :-ci 'you, yourself' tukka: 'to you' tukka:-ci 'to you, yourselP ra:mu 'Ramu' ra:mu:-ci 'Ramu himself~ 116 di:gu "tall' digu :-ci 'very tall' ni:t3 'steep' nit~ :-ci 'very steep' la:na 'smooth' lana :-ci 'very smooth' m:l :vu 'soft' m:lVU :-ci 'very soft' assi 'like this' ~ssi :-ci 'like this, itself' aIiga: 'here' aIiga :-ci • here itself' k;}ssi 'how' k;}ssi :-ci 'somehow' In fast speech or in sentence constructions either the whole suffix or the final vowel IiI of the suffix is lost leaving behind the stem to convey the meaning thus: digu :c assa 'he is very tall' lana: assa 'is very smooth' (2) Conjunctil'e particle: {y} 'and', 'too' This particle is added with each won:l-' of a group of words to give the meaning 'and'. This has four allomorphs. /v:J:Yro V:l:Y - v~:y- y/v~:y - V :Y/ added after words ending ill nasalised vowels. V is the final vowel of the word. IV:J:Y / is added after monosyllabic words. Exmples: tii: 'you' tii:"- v~:y 'you and' t~ : 'that' t€.: - v~:y 'that and' ti : - 'those' tj : - v~;y 'those and' IV:y I is added after polysyllabic words. ha:v~ 'r' a:v - ;):y 'r and' gil: vii 'native place' ga:v - u:y 'native place and' Iv':):y - v~ :y/ occur after monosyHabic words ending in vowels. IV;) :y/ occurs after 1;)/ endin g words. Only one example is available. t':) : 'he' 'he and-'

!v~:y!occurs elsewhere.

ti: 'sh~' ti: - va:y 'she and' u: 'louse' u: - v~:y 'louse and' bi: 'seed' hi: - V;):y 'seed and' gu: 'excrement' gu: ~ V;):y 'excrement and' '. te: 'they' te: - v~:y 'they and' /y/ occurs elsewhere. The final vowel of the words ,are lengthened if shoft and the length is retained if long. \ kay!" 'crow' kay!,,:-y 'crow and' tukka: 'to you' ttikka:-y ~td you and' 117 ka:s:):vu 'tort~ise' ka :s::> :vu:-y 'tortoise and' ta :ra.:va 'duck' ta :ra :v;::, :-y 'duck and' ammi 'we' ammi:-y 'we and' ailga: 'here' anga :-y 'here too' kaH~ 'was taken' kaHo :-y 'was taken and' 3. Concessive particle: yi. 'even ...... ' This particles is added only with the conditional form of the verb (P.I03)_ The final vowel of the form IS lenghthened. Examples: ge..lye. :ri 'if gone' gdy€. :ri :-yi 'even if gone' dilye. :ri 'if given' dilyE. :ri :-yi 'even if given' kalyt' :ri 'if taken' ka!yE. :ri :-yi 'even if taken' 4. Affirmative particle.- y. This is only added to interrogative words to give an affirmative meaning_ The final vowel of the word is lengthened before the suffix. Examples: k::>:IP 'who ?' kO:l)~ :-y 'some one, whoever' 'whichT kh::>i'ico:-y 'some of the species,.. whichever9 itte 'whatT *ittE'. :-y 'anything', 'whatever' k€.dda ::q a : 'when ?' ke.dda :I).a :-y 'whenever' ko:qa:k:;} 'to whom?' k::> :qa :k:;} :-y . 'to some one' 'to whorn- soever' k~:qa:lE'. 'whose ?' ko :lJa :1E'. :-y 'whosesoever' ko :qa :laggi 'with whom ?' k::>:Q a :Iaggi :-y 'with oome one' 'with whomsoever' 'what for?' k:;}ss~lya :k~ :-y 'for whatsoever' S. Additive particle.- {Y} 'all' This is used with numerals and one noun to give the meaning 'all'. Words

of the form C 1 i VI: C 2 V 2 become C I VI C II C 2 VI! :- before this particle where

ell is not r ; if C a is r the form is C 1 VI : C 2 V 2 Examples. do :ni 'two' donni:-y 'both' ft:ni 'three' tinni:-y 'all the three' ca:ri 'four' ca:ri:-y 'all the four' Above four, the noun S;)gg:::l :ta 'aU' is used and the particle is added to the 'Word s:;}gga:t:;}. sagg~ :ta 'all' sagg:;}t~ :-y ~~holly' sagg~t:;} :-y a :c:li 'bring alP. 'bring wholly' kuppi s:Jgg:::lt~ :-y a :qi 'bring a.ll the bottles" '" Coresponding to this form, a particle ka:yJka:y 'anything' is used tefore nepa­ fives (p : 112) but no mention has been made urder negatves. The forms cccurrirg are ka:yna : nothing; ka:y na:nothing (emphatic). cr. p : 119.

118 Third type.-particles belonging to this type are post-posed~to::: various words. Not all particles are capable of being added with all types of .words. Regarding their distribution reference may be made to Syntax (P: 126).

Particles: gUl)l 'for' p;;)si 'than' mu!), si 'that' saba:r~ 'thorough' (ittu:} saba:ra) ki 'or' dusse:ri 'again' t;} 'only' dusdusse:ri 'again and again' maH~ - maH~ 'like' s~ba:v~ 'just like that' ca: 'very' p~sa:vat 'on behalf' ani 'and' ve.- VL 'interrogative' ani:ka 'some more' v~:y 'yes' bage:k~­ 'person' b:lge:k~ kare:n~ 'for' kha: y ~ 'Quotative particle~ V:lre:na 'until, upto' pUQ.i 'at least' nant~:na: 'except' lagge:n;;) 'more' dikku:n 'because' ka:y 'anything' (sg.)) ~ used only with negatives ka:y (pL)j " s;;)gga:!a 'an' pasuft 'about'

119 CHAPTER 8

DERIVATIVES

A derivative consists of two parts :stemt a derivative sfx. This suffix changes the category of the resulting word either completely or partially, from the category of the stem. A complete change is one where the stem and the resulting word belong to two different categories viz. a noun stemt derivative suffix results in a verb, an adjective, or an adverb and vice versa. A partial change is one in which the stem and the resulting word belong to the same majo.r category but with slight change within the category. In other words, in a partial change a noun stemt a derivative suffix results in a noun; but if the noun stem is a masculine noun, the resulting word is a feminine noun, substantive or abstract as the case may be. Complete change has not so far been dealt with. Partial change of a few categories* have been dealt with earlier at appropriate places for the sake of convenience. So, cases of complete change and the partial changes left out have been described in this chapter. In addition, certain morpho­ logical constructions such as onomatopoeic construction, echoword cons­ tru~tion> diminutive construction which could not be described elsewhere under morphology, are also discussed in this chapter.

Formation of Nouns 1. Formation of Nouns from Nouns 1a. Personal nouns are formed from substantives by the addition of suffixes such as -ka:ri, -c:), -i, -e:.Ii, -a:l)i, -a:ru etc.

Examples: du:d;;) 'milk' dudda:-c;:> 'milk man' b:p;) 'garden' t;:>ppak~ka :ri 'gardener' bya:ru 'business' bya:ri_:' bya:re:li 'business man' v~jje 'luggage' vajj-e :li 'porter' gh;):r;) 'house' gh;) :r-a :I).i 'household' <);)nda 'work' dand-e :li 'servant~ ca:m;;) 'leather' camm-a:ru 'cobbler'

lb. Feminine nouns fOrln_edfrom masculine nouns (i) derivative suffix : -i ma:"a: 'dhobi' ma:q-i-,_ 'dhobi woman' m:)4uv:):lu 'dhabi' m;)quva:l-i 'dhabi woman' manta:r:) 'old man' manta:r-i 'old woman'

~yr~ 'relative' s;:>yr-i 'female relative' • In the case of verbs, formation of derivative roots from baSIC roots; formation gerund. from verb roots have been dLcussed in Ch. 5. 120 (ii) derivative suffix' : qi-i:qi rantpi 'cook' rantp-i :qi 'female cook' gh::> :cJ:) 'horse' gh::>:cJ-i:qi 'female horse' simhu 'lion' simh-i :qi 'lioness' sa:ru 'teacher' sa :r-Qi 'female teacher' Ie. Abstract l1ounsformedfrom personal nouns

Derivative suffix : -p~ :q~, -i :k~

bh:)Hu 'priest' bhat-p~ :l)~ 'priesthood' vass~ :rti 'a woman during vass~rt-p~:q~ 'menstruation' her menses' cercJ ii 'child' cercJ u-p~ :l)~ 'childhood' manta:ri 'old woman' manta :r-p~:t;l~ 'old age' soyr:) 'relative' s::>yr-i :k~ 'relationship'

1 d. Abstract nouns jC7rmed from substantil'es Derivative suffix -sa-I)i mi :!Ol 'salt' mi!-sa:Qi 'saltishness' g:): cJ~ 'jaggery' g::>cJ-sa :q i 'sweetness' 2. Formation of Nouns from Verbs:

Derivative suffix -1)i CO-l)~ co-i co-na co-pi co-v~ :q~ co-J)e co-v~ :qi examples

rdO :q~ 'to weep' r~Dql 'elegy ; song of mourning' si :ka 'to learn' sik-Vd :l)~ 'education' ra :ndi 'to cook' rant-pi 'cook' kha: 'to eat" kha:-IJd 'tiffin ; fodder' ma:r~ 'to die' nl~r~-l)d- 'death' , Ja:y 'to be born jan~:-nd 'birth' nha: 'to bathe' nha :qi 'tath room' SI :vl 'to stitch' sivv-vd :qi 'stitch' - je :vi 'to take meals' jev~ :-1)a 'meals' nhe:sa 'to wear' nhes-vd:Qd 'dress' lu:y 'to reap' luv-va:1}i 'harvest' mhd:1}d 'say' mhal}-I)i 'proverb' ka :nti - 'to scrape' kantJ :-I)e: 'scraper' ka1}Qi 'to pound' kaqQ:;}:-:r;t~ 'pestle'

3. Formation of Nouns from Adjectil'es : Deriv~til'e suffixes': -(s)a :J)i, -va :1)i, -pd\g, -a :y, -vu ti :'ka 'pungent' tik-sa :I)i 'pungency' k:):Qu 'bitter' k:)cJu-va :1).i 'bi tter things'

] 21 amsa 'sour' ams-a :r.li 'sourness' ca:ftga 'good' cailg-p~ :1)~ 'goodness~ baIIa:v;;} 'bad' balla:v:p;;}:1};;} 'badness' sa:n;;} 'small' san-p;;}:"Q;;} 'young age' j~:43 'heavy' j;;}:q-a:I)i 'heaviness' u:n;;} 'hot' " un-sa:Q.i 'heat' se :l;;} 'cold' se :l":-vu 'coolness, cold' ru:nda 'broad' rund-a:y 'breadth' di:ga 'long, tall, high' dig-a:y 'height' 'length' 4. Formation of Nouns from Adverbs There is, however, only one example available in the data, where a noun is derived from an adverb. khalla:(k;;}) 'down' khal-p;;} :1);;} 'obedience' Formation of Adjectives from nouns In the data we get only one example where adjective is formed from noun. Example: g":q:;) 'jaggery' 'g-:l:q-u 'sweet' Formation of Advrebs Adverbs are mostly formed from nouns. Derivative suffix -a-n;;}, -e -a:, -u:s Examples: Ie:ka 'manner' lekk-a:n;;} 'in (this) manner' sa:fija 'evening' sanje 'in the evening' denpa:rd 'noon' denpa;r-a: 'in the noon' arnsa:ra " 'hurryy' arns;;}r-a :na 'hurriedly' mi:ta 'salt' miq-u:s 'saltish' ambo 'mango' arnb-u:s 'sourish' There is another type of construction where the same noun is repeated twice, and the suffix -a:n is used with the first noun. The resulting form is an adverb syntactically. Examples: gha:r:J 'house' gha:ra":-u gha:ra 'from house to house' a:la 'person' a:la:n a:la 'every person or each person' ga.:vii 'village' ga.:va:n ga:vii 'each village' There is one example where adverb is formed from an adjective. o:Qa 'loud' o44-a :na 'loudly~

122 Adjectivals So far this category of words was not mentioned. These are Adjectives as well as Nouns morphologically as also syntatically. Many words such as pisso 'mad' kepp~ 'deaf', th~l).ti 'lame' etc. which are although morphologically treated as Adjectlves are not adjectives· proper.- Those words which are capable of being adjectives as well as nouns are termed as Adjec(ivals. In addition to the adjectives described under Noun Mor­ phology (P : 69) which are adjectivals, we come across some more by way 01 derivation. There are two sources from which Adjectivals are derived. 1. Formation of Adjectil'als fro..m Adrerbs Resu1ting forms are personal nouns as weI! as adjectives.

Derivative suffix (i)/-c~ - -ci - cE - -CE. - -cy~ - -ci:/ CO (ii) /v~ - -vi - -ve - -ve - -vy::>-- -vii (iii) / - /-~ - -i - -e/ - -10. - -y~- -if (i) (ii) (iii)

-c~, -v~ -~ Masculine Singular -ce, -ve -e Masculine Plural -ci, -vi -1 Feminine Singular -cy~, -vy:> -y~ Feminine Plural -ce, -vE -e Neuter Singular -ci, -vi -i Neuter Plural (ii) is used after numerals (P: 57) and (i) elsewhere; (iii) used after past stems. Examples .­ \

bha:ynl 'outside' bhar-c~ 'outsider' atiga: 'here' anga:-ci 'local person(f)' laggi 'near' laggi :-ce 'next thing' ittu :le 'how many?' ittlya :v~ 'how manyth man'? 2. Formdtion of Adjectivals from Verbs There are two types of forms availab!e frcm f.vny sirgle ,nb, 1};e ere is the past finite verb stem plus the gender-number suffix and the other is got by . adding derivative -.. ~uffix to the verb stem. I. type.- sa :ng." 'say' sangi :]i \ 'she about whom was said' s~ngi:l-~ 'he about whom was said' sangi :I-E 'that about which was said' 123 Six forms of are ~vailable by adding the gender-number suffixes to> (P : 84, 85), the past stem of a verb, one at a time. II. type: These are got by adding -C:J, -ci, -CE., -ce, -cy::>, ci to the t verb stems. Example: sa:ilg;} 'say' sailgu :-c;) 'he about whom it is said' sailgu :-ci 'she about whom it is said' sailgu :-CE.. 'that about which is said'

The special characteristic of these adjectivals derived from verbs is that, they show the tense distinction past vs. non-past or present. ]n order to distinguish these from those adjectivals derived from adverbs which shows no such tense distinction, these adjectivals derived from verbs are called verbal adjectivals. Syntactically there is no difference between adjectivaJs and verbal adjectivals . . In addition certain words in the data are verbs as well as nouns i.e. they are homophonous completely, or they differ as regards the final vowel when they occur as verbs as well as nouns. These are treated under derivatives as there seern.s to be no scope to treat them elsewhere. Further, for con­ venience of description, nouns are taken to be basic forms from which the verbal forms are taken to be deri ved.

Deril'otil'e suffix: -a, -~, -i Examples: hu :itgi 'smell' hu :itg-a 'to smell' k:J :pu 'anger' k.):p-a 'to scold' *si: ilki 'sneeze' sI:ki""~ 'to sneeze' kha:ki 'cough' kha.:ki-9S 'to cough' ha:su 'laughter' ha :s-~ 'to laugh' dha.:v~ 'run' dha.:v~-9S 'to run' na:fica 'dance' na: fica-9S 'to dance' v;):itki 'vomit' v:J:Iik-a 'to vomit' ghii:v~ 'turn' ghu:vQ~9) 'to turn' bh;:, :it.ki 'bark' (dog's) bh::>:it.k-a 'to bark' ::>:l::>:ku 'sprain' ::>: !::>:k-i 'to sprain' du:ki 'pain' du :ki-9) 'to give pain' phu:la 'flower' phu:la-9S 'to bloom' mu:ta 'urine' mu:t-i 'urinate' gu: 'excrement' ag- 'to pass stools' t non-p3st stem3. The stem, occurring before these suffixes arc different fronl th::::>se occurnng befote !en,e Or mood suffixes. No detailed an3.Iysis was made. *Intec!1al change. 124 'verd igris' 'to be lined with verdigris' . ma:ri 'blow ; beat' ma:ri-~ 'to beat' khe:\::l 'play' khe: la-~ 'to play' Onomatopoeic Construction

This consists of a disyllabic word pattern of the form C 1 V 1 C;? C 1 V 1 C,~·

(i:) where C 1 V 1 C 2 is repeated twice. If C l of the first syllable is aspirated then the C 1 of the second syllable is the de-aspir..tted ~1. Examples: + bhiQ.biI). 'pItch (darkness)' g::ltgati: 'quickly (drin :ing)' + g::llg;;)!i: 'falling (water), s~rs~ri : 'moving (snake), + kharkari: -'rough (floor)' + b::llb::l!i: 'over ripened (fruit)' + t::llt::lli: 'bright, shining (cloth)' Of the above formations available in the data, those marked with + are adjectives syntactically while the remaining are adverbs. Echoword Construction: Similar to the onomatopoeic construction, this has a disylJabic structure

of tlle form C I VI (:) C 2 bi(:) C 2 -. The echoword replaces the first two

phonemes of the noun by bi( :), length of Ii! depending upon the length of V 1 • The meaning got by such a construction is • ...... etc.'

Examples: gh::l:r..'t 'house' gh;;.:r::l bhi:rd 'house etc.' ka:pi - ·coffee' ka:pi bi:pi 'coffee etc.' jev::l:qg 'meals' jev::l :qbiv::l·Q::l 'meals etc.'

Formation '?f Diminutives: Derivative Suffix -u : l::l CO -u :li

Examples: gi.Q9i 'a vessel with gil)4-u :la 'small vessel with a snt!-u :l~ 'small basket' 'mango' , amb-u :li 'tender mango' \

125 CHAPTER 9 SYNTAX General Remarks A sentence in Konkani, is a unit occurring in absolute isolation, and which gives a complete sense by itself. The intonational characteristics which a sentence possesses are not described here. The constituents of a sentence are described on the basis of their Immediate Constituent structure. Konkani . sentences are of two types: Major and Minor. A Major type of sentence is a predicative typei.e.; Any sentence which has a predicate as the nucleus with or without other preceding constituents. A predicate has verb as nucleus. Predicative type.-This again is divided into three sub-types: (1) Affirmative (2) Negative (3) Interrogative. (1) Affirmative.-This type has a finite verb or a verb phrase, a finite mood or the verb t~, as predicate.

Examples ekk::>:b aIigetta: • A man comes here' tak e:k su::!)€. ass~ 'He has a dog-'-- ta:1).€. putta:k ruppa:y petp:vnu dille 'He sent money to his son' te rukka :ri jhayti s~vt;li rabbu:n assilh 'In that tree many birds were staying' bappa : makka p~nna:s ruppa:Y'peH~:y 'Father, send me fifty rupees' tii.: thaIiga v~:c~ 'you go there; su: 1).aya: ka :nu di :gu t~ 'The dog's ear is big' - t::>: migge:l bappa: t~ • He is my father' -_

(2) Negative-This type has a n~gativ~ verb na:, or the indeclinable negative verb n~:y or other negative formations, as predicate.

Examples ba :yl~ k::>:n na: 'No woman is here' daddu..:le k~ ~ na :y 'No men are here'

126 til: anga na: assilli 'you (f.) were not here' ta :VE. saiJ.gunna: 'he won't tell' til: v;}ssi 'You don't go makka nakka: '1 don't want' yh:): ra:mu na:y 'he is not Ramu' t::>: thatiga V;CCa: najja • he should not go there'

(3) Interrogative-In this type of sentences, interrogative particle -V'e!vE is post-posed to the previous two types of sentences, or interrogative words of adverbial nature precede the predicate. Examples

tii: att~ ettave 'are you coming now' ? tii: kh;}ntay vatta: ·where are you going' ?

. Minor Type-Any sentence which is not a Inember of the predicative / type is said to be a member of the Minor Type. A Minor Type of sentence can be any of the' following.

I., Nominal 2. Interrogative 3. Ii Interjectional

1. Nominal-A nominal sentence is one which has a noun or noun phrase as' nucleus in the place of the predicate. It is invariably of an interrogative nature, interrogation in the form of interrogative suffix suffixed to the Noun nuCleus or an interrogative word in the nature of an adjective occurring in the sentence. For the sake of convenience the final Noun component of such a sentence is taken as the Noun nucleus, as, the prededing components also happen to be either a noun or a noun phrase in some cases. Examples 0) b: tugge:l bappave , 'he your father' 'f (Is he your father ?)

(ii) uttu : I v;}·:r;;i att~ what time now' ? (what is the time now?)

(iii) kh;}flcE. pha :1O? tukka cil: i~tam 'which fruit to'\you much liking T (which fruit do )'OU like best _,?) 2. Interrogative-These have an interrogative word-of a Nominal nature as the nucleus. After a few interrogatives of adjectival type, the particle ki ·interrogative' is added. 127 Examples: (i) t:): k:):lJ~ 'he who' ? (who is he ?) (ii) t:): kh:lmt:;}:y 'he where' ? (where is he ?) (iii) t£: itte 'that what' ? (what is that ?) (iv) tii: itlya:l':Jki 'you howmanyth' ? (Howmanyth (m) are you ?) 3. Interjections-Single word or word sequence utterances giving the interjectional sense belong to this category.

Examples: v:;}:y 'yes' ujj:) ujj:l 'fire! fire!' k:;}ss:;}l k:;}{'t:;} 'what a nuisance!' u: thaJiga: 'oh! there!' v:;}yve 'Is (that) so ?' veynave 'Isn't (that) so T Conversational bits are not taken for consideration under Syntax. In the following pages, a sentence is meant to be only a Major Type of sentence. Nouns, pronouns, adjectives, adverbs and verbs were described as regards their morphological categories. In Syntax, however, they will be dealt with as regards their syntactic function. So, in Syntax, whenever a Noun, a Verb, an Adjective, an Adjectival or an Adverb is referred to, they' are to be taken as per their syntactic functions mentioned "below : Nouns-Nouns of all types (basic, derivative) and pronouns. Adverbs-Those that modify the predicate of a sentence viz. an adverb, a verbal participial form, locative, instrumental or sociative form of' nouns. Adjectives-Those that occur as attributes to nouns and syntactic adverbs viz. adjectives of all types, genetive form of a noun or a pronoun. Verbs-In addition to the simple and compound verbs discussed in (p.89. p:93). ~ few more formations (p.13l) are treated as compound verbs syntacticalJy. Adjectivals-As specified in morphology. (P:123)

Phrases-A phrase is a-Jarger construction in which there is a head-word~ Depending upon the morphological category of the head-word~ the nature or the type of the phrase is decided. :The constituents preceding the head­ word decide the sub-type or such a ph'rase.

There are five types of phrases made use of in Konkani. They are~ Noun/ Phrase, Adjective Phrase, Adjectival Phrase, Adverb Phrase and Verb Phrase. 128 Noun Phrase-This is of tJ1ree types. 1. Attributive-This type consists of two constituents one the head and the preceding one attributive to the head. The attribute may be an adjec­ tive, an adjective phrase, an adjectival or an adjectival phrase or a noun. (a) Adjective-dhu:rn ga:vii - 'distant place' k~lgi ra:ti 'dark night.' bhit;tbiQ. ka :!u :ku 'pitch darkness' dh~~vE. phu:b 'white flower' to c&lb 'that boy' ti ba:yl~ 'that woman' Cde di:~ 'a few days' putta- :li kambi 'son's telegram' tagge:l pu:tu - 'his son' e:ku mha:ru 'one harijan' P')nna:s ruppa:y - 'fifty rupees' (b) An Adjective Phrase-An adjective phrase has an adjective as head preceded by an adjective or an adjectivaL Examples e:k san~: ra:n~ 'one very small foresC e:k d~:ni paysa:r 'one or two times' dhu:r~ assil e:ku ka:s~:vu 'a tortoise, living far away' (c) An Adjectival- sikva :Q.a nattilb mha :ru 'illiterate Harijan' laggi: gh;:): r;:) 'neighbouring house' p~lle :Ii pha tv~ :1).~ 'the deceit that which . feIr rabbu: th;:) :l~ 'staying place' (d) An Adjectival phrase-A phrase substitutable for an adjectival, and has an adjectival as head and adjectives or adjectivals as attributes. e:ku sikva:1)...} nattilb mha:ru 'An illiterate Harijan~ 2. Co-ordinate-.-This consists of two or more nouns or noun phrases. co-ordinate in nature. The nouns are co-ordinated either by (i) the use of the conjunctive particle ani 'and' (ii) additive suffix-V:y (where V is the final vowel of the ~oun) or is (iii) an echo word construction. Of these (ii) is the most frequent in constructions. \ (i) use of the conjunctive particle ani • and' . . , Examples: \ kayb, ani tagge:l ku:ttuka:r~ '(the) crow and his friends'

129 '2 RGI/75 ma~kQ :4Q ani pu: Ju , '(the) monkey and (the) wedge' e:ki amma: ani tigge:l cerQu 'a mother and her child' (ii)use of the additive suffix-V:y Examples: ka_Yl~:y ka:~:vu:y '(the) crow and (the) tortoise' kayl~:y vindu:ru:y ka :s~ :vu:y citta :lQ :y '(the) crow, rat, tortoise and deer' t:l kayl:l:y b vindu:ru:y b ka:s:l:vu:y tE: citta:lQ:y 'that crow, that rat, that tortoise, and that deer' (iii) An echoword construction gha :ra bi :ra 'house, etc.' ka :pi hi :pi 'coffee, etc.' jeva:1) biva:1) 'meals, etc.' 3. Appositional-A phrase in which two or more nouns~ noun phrases, " adjectivals or adjectival phrases stand in apposition to each other. Examples: tange:l sailga:ti, e:ku vindu:ru 'their friend, one rat' sikvQ :t;tQnattilb, b mba :ru 'illiterate man, that Harijan' tE. tQ:Jaya: pa:

130 v:)ggi v:)ggi ~very fast~ ka:li sakka:1)i 'yesterday morning' t~ssi: ast~ :na: 'while being thus' dh:)rce ooge:k ja:vnu 'in order to catch' rabbu:n assil ve :le: ri 'by the time while staying' cit: ma:r~:g 'very costly' tf:. rukka:ri 'in that tree'. rukka: p:)nda:k~ 'under the tr:ee' parvaya; maglaya :n 'behind the pj,geons' s~vI).iya: laggi 'near the sparrows' Verb Phrase-This has a finite verb, a negative verb, a finite mood or ca compound verb as head, preceded by non-finite mood construction, which in turn has a non-finite mood as head. This head is either in verbal parti­ / cipial or infinitive of purpose mood. When the head is in the prohibitive mood, the attribute may be in obligatory mood. Examples: *sivqa :vnu ghall? 'having scattered, put' bessu: n j evta ; 'having sit, eats' khamca: v:)cca :na j j ~ 'to eat, mustn't go' khamca: gellen a: y 'didn't go (n.pI.) to eat' emca: sa : Jig;) .. 'ask to come' c:)yt~: rabbi :b 'seeing continuously stood' v:)ccuka: nakka: 'need not go' Compound Verb.-A compound verb consists of two constituents. The first constituent is a (non)-finite verb/mood form followed by an auxiliary verb formation, the verb bases being anyone of the following: : v~:c~ 'to go'; ja:y 'to-happen' ; ja: 'to be possible' ; pu:r~ 'to be enough' and as-- 'to be'. The meaning is idiomatic. All periphrastic tense constructions are treated as compound verbs, as the second constituent is an auxiliary verb formation of the verb base as-- 'to be'. (1) t Infinitive form of any verb+finite verb formation of the base v~ :c~: 'to go'. 'about to ...... ' '(was) going to ...... ' Examples: k:) :ru: v~tta: '(he) is about to do ; going to do' rna ;ru: gf;:Ib '(he) was about to beat' ~(h~) was going to beat' * The verbal' part~cipial form is an adverb or a non-tinite verb attribute depending upon the'Immediate Constituent structure .. t the infinitive suffix is lost. 131 (2) Infinitive form of any verb+jamna : 'won't be possible to ...... ~

Examples: ko :ru: jamna: 'won't be possible to do' sangu: jamna: 'won't be possible to say'

(3) Intinitive form of a verb+jatt~:l€. 'will be possible to ...... ,... ,.

Examples: kOc :ru: jatt~ :l€'• . 'will be possible to do' sangu: jatt~ :1€.- 'will be possible to say'

(4) Infinitive form of a verb+pu :r~ 'might or may ...... '

Examples rna :ru : pu :rOc 'might beat; may beaC ko :ru: pu :ro 'might or may do'

(5) Habitual present tense general :form of a verb+ass~ 'be in the habit oL...... ing ..

Examples: rna :r~ :p(~) ass~ 'Is/are In the habit of beating'" sailg~ :p(~) ass~ 'Is/are in the habit of telling' k~ :r~ :p(a) ass~ 'ls/are In the habit of doing"

(6) Habitual past tense; Gerund form of a verb+ past form of the root as-- 'to be" Examples: k~ :r:;) :p(~) assi :le 'used to do' e:v:;):p(;:,) assi :15 'I(m.) used to come' \

(7) Habitual Present negative Gerund form of a verb + na: 'be not in the habit of...... ing,.._ Examples: k~ :r~ :p~ na: 'Is!Are not in the habit of doing~

e:v~:p~ na: 'Is!Are not in the habit ofeoming'" 132 (8) Habitual Past negative-This is formed by adding na: 'no' in between the two constituents of the 1tabitual past, thus Gerund form of a verb+na:+assi :1- Examples: k~ :ra :p~ na: assi :le 'was not in the habit o~ doing' V~CCa :p~ na: assi :1:) 'he was not in the habit of going' Concordance in Phrases : In the case of noun phrases (except the co-ordinate type), adjective phrase and adjectival phrase, there is concordance in gender and number between all the constituents present. Examples :-Noun Phrase: 1. Attributive type : dh~ :ve phu :l~ 'white flower' dh~ : vi phull{} 'white flowers' t:J cell::> '"that boy' ti celli 'that girl' putta:li k~mbi 'son's telegram' 2. Appositional type: putta:Ii k~mbi dusse:ri 'son's telegram, 'second' rukka:ri bessalb b kay}:) 'diat crow, which was sitting in the tree' Adjective Phrase. : e:k san~: ra:n~ 'one very small forest' . _~:ku vh:JU:J cello 'one big boy' Adjectival Phrase : e:ku sikv~:t;l~nattilb mba:ru 'one illiterate Harijan' e:ki mungi ba:yl~ 'one dumb woman' Simple Sentence: Depending upon the nature and complexity of the constituents other than the predicate, Major Type of sentences are divided into two sections: Basic and Expanged constructions. A simple sentence is of the basic con­ _, struc~ion type, and has only one predicate. A simple sente:nce' in Konkani has six _constituents: Subject, Direct .object, In<;lirect Object~ Complement, AttribtJie and Predicate. Of these excepting the predicate (with the exception of tal or n~:51 as a predicate) all the others mayor may not occur. When tal or :p~:y is the predicate, two more constituents, subject and the attribute must also occur. Subject: This can be ·filled by a Doun or a noun phrase or an adjectival. 133 , Direct Object: This may be a noun or a noun phrase or an adjectival. Indirect Object: A noun or a noun phrase in dative case serves as an Indirect Object. Complement: This modifies the Predicate. There can be more than one complement. .A complement may be an adverb or an adverb phrase. " Attribute: This occurs in sentences of equational type, where the predicate tQ or n~:y functions as a connecting link between the Subject and the Attribute. The main difference between an attribute and a Gomplement is that, the former must occur whenever the predicate' is. t~ or n~:y • while the latter mayor may not occur in sentence where it can i.e. while an attribute is an obligatory constituent, a complement is an optional one. An Attribute may be a noun or a noun phrase,. an adjective. an adjeCtival. an adverb or an adverb phrase. Predicate: This being the nucleus of the sentence construction, is always a verb or a verb phrase. Word Order.-The predicate is the closing constituent of the sentence and it is mostly found in the final position. All the other constituents precede the Predicate and are interchangeable as regards their' mutual placement. In general it may. be said that the order is Subject, Indirect Object. Direct Object, Co mplement(s) , and Predicate. Concordance between the Constituents Depending upon the nature of the Predicate (i.e. the category of the verb) "there is or is not concordance between the constituents in gender-number (person). About 30 sentences are taken for consideration; each constituent of every sentence is notified and the rules of concordance is discussed. . There are altogether five types of concordance : Type'1: Concordance in gender-number (person) between Subject and Predicate. Type 2 : Concordance in gender-number between h;direct/Di"rect Object and Predicate. Type' 3-4 No concordance as regards gender-number (person). Type 3 : The Predicate is in obligatory mood. ' Type 4 : The Predicate is t'~ or is" in indefinite fut-ure mood. Type 5 : The Predicate is a negative .finite verb (in some cases there is concordance and in other cases not). Type 1 : Examples.

1. til: wtta: C you are going' SUb. Pred. Noun In'r. Finite Verb 134 2. d;'):g ja:.Q.~ m~ni~~ aiIg etta:y ~two men are coming here' --~~--~------~----~------~-- Sub. Noun Phrase Comple. Pred. (appo.) Adv. Intr. Fin. Vb.

3. kayl;'):y 'vindu:ru:y suk~~ rabbi:le 'The crow and the rat lived happily'. Sub. Noun Phrase Comple. Pred. (Co-ord.) Adv. lntr. Fin. Vb.

4. til: kedda:l). makka c:lyt:l:b 'When will you (m.) see (ro.) me' Sub. Comple. Ind.Obj. Pred. Noun Adv. Noun Tr.Vb. in Future tense

5. e:ku sikv~:.Q.l).attilb mha:ru assilb '(There) was (m. sg) Sub. Pred... an illiterate Harijan Noun Phrase (appo.) Intr. Vb. (m. sg.)

6. tagge:l pu :tu dhu:r~ ga:va _sikku :.gdb: b Sub. Comple. Pred. Noun Phrase Adv. Phrase Verb Phrase (attri.) (Tutr. Vb: head) 'His son had gone (m.sg.) to a distant place for studies_' His son (m.sg.) had gone (m.sg.)

7. ede di:8 upra: ntE: putta:li kambi dusse:ri ayJi Comple. Sub. Pred. Adv. Phrase Noun Phrase (Co-ord.) Intr. Vb. • After a few days son's second telegram (f.sg.) came (f.sgY In the above sentences, the Predicate is either intransitive or a non-past transitive verb or a verb phrase whose head is the one mentioned above. In such cases the concordance in gender-number (person) is between Subject and Predicate. '.

Type 2 : Examples \

1 ta:nni dikki:b y:l v~r:l:Vu \'The:y saw (m.sg.) this rice' Sub. Pred. Dir. Obj. (m. sg.y Noun Tr. Verb Noun Phrase (~gentive case) in past tense 135 2 ta:1)e tt:. s;)v1).iya: laggi sa1).gi:le 'He said to those sparrows" Noun Complement Pred. (Agent case) Adv. Phrase Tr. Vb. in past tense

3. thaIiga:ce dadlya:n ka:ga:t vaccu:n dakkaylE. Sub. Dir. Obj. Pred. Noun Phrase Noun Verb Phrase (Agent case) head-Tr. Vb. in· past tense 'The man there read (n.sg.) (him) the paper (n. sg.y

4. ti:1}.e takka kambi vaccu:n ayk~yli Sub. Ind.Obj. Dir. Obj. Pred. Noun Verb Phrase (Agent case) bead-Tr. Vb. in past tense 'She read (f.sg.) him the telegram (f.sg.y

5. ta:1}.e makka dikki:li 'He saw (f.sg.) me (f.sg.), Sub. Ind. Obj. Pred. Noun Tr. Vb. in (Agent Case) past tense In the above sentences. the Predicate is a transitive verb in past tense. Thes Subject is in agentive case. The concordance is in gender-number between (i) Direct Object and Predicate, if both the Direct and the Indirect Objects are present or only the Direct Object is found. Oi) Indirect Object and Predicate, if only the. Indirect Object occurs. The Predicate is in neuter-singular if.. both the Objects are absenJ.

Type 3: Examples 1. tummi makka:y tuIige:l ku:ttukka:ri ja:vnu 'ka:

2. att~ ammi~g!a:ni eksani: ubbuka: Comple. Sub. Comple. Adv. Pred. Adv. Noun Phrase ObI. mood (Agent case) _'N ow we all should fly together~

136 tummi k~si:- makk anga rabbu:th~:l-- di:mka: Sub. Comple. Ind. Comple. Dir.Obj. Pred. Noun Adv. Obj. Adv. Noun Phrase Obl. mood (Agent case) (A ttributive) GYou should somehow give me shelter'

4. makk att(} v:Jccuka: t~ or should go now' Ind.Obj. Comple. Pred. Emphatic particle In the above sentences the Predicate is in obligatory mood. There is no concordance of any sort between the constituents; the Direct Object if present is in nominative case ; the Subject if present is in agentive case ; the Ind. Obj. if present is iQ. dative case. Sometimes the emphatic particle t(} is also :found after the Predicate. 'Type 4: Examples •

1. a:v t£:: pha:y k~ri:n~ ~I shall do it tomorrow~ Sub. Dir.Obj. Cmople. Pred. Noun Noun Adv. indefinite (Nom. case) future mood

02. a:v tukka maggi:r c;):yn~ GI shall see you later' Sub. Ind.Obj. Compte. Pred. Noun Adv. indefinite (Nom. case) :future mood

~3. a:v te: tukka maggi:r di:n~ Sub. Dir.Obj. Ind.Obj. Comple. Pred. ·1 shall give that to you later' A . . -ammi tukka m3.ggi:r c:J:yna ·We shall see you later' Sub. Ind.Obj. Comple. Pred.

5. t;:,: migge:l bappa t~ ·He is my :father' Sub. Attribute Pred. Noun Noun Phrase (Attributive)

migge:l dhu:v~ th:Jt;l!i 'My daughter (f.sg.) is lame' Sub. Attri. (f.sg.)' Noun Ph;ras~ Adjectival (Att.)

7. t::'· m;:,:};) u:fic~ ·That mountain is high' Sub. Attri. Noun Phrase Adjective '. (Att.)

137 8. gh~:r~ dhu:r;> t5 'The house is distant"· Sub. Attri. Pred. Noun Adjective/ Adverb

9. gh~:r;> laggi t5 'The house is near' Sub. Attri. Pred. Noun Adv. When the Predicate is in indefinite future mood or is t(}, there is no con­ cordance between the .predicate and other constituents. The Subject is in nominative case. Type 5 Examples 1. t:): • aylna: 'He did not come' Sub. Pred. past negative (lntr. Vb.) 2. majra:n tE:.: aykilna: 'The cat didn't hear tha t Sub. Dir. Obj. Pred. Noun past negative" (Agent case) (Tr. Vb.) 3. t:) : e:na: 'He is not coming' Sub. Pred. Present negative 4. ta:l)E. emna: 'He ,"von't come' Sub. Pred. Noun future negative (Agent case) 5. t:) : na: 'He is not here' Sub. Comple. . Pred. neg. sg. (present) 6. t£.: anga 'They are not here' Sub. Compte. Pred. neg. pI. (present) 7. ti:- anga na:y 'They (nr. pl.) are not (nr. pl.) Sub. CompIe. Pred. here" neg. nr. pI. (present) 138 8. t€.: e:na:y 'They are not coming' Sub. Pred. present neg. pI.

9. cer4ii:v~ e:na:y 'Children (nr. pI.) .are not Sub. Pred. coming (nr. pLY neg. nr. pI. (present) 10. ti: t£_: khamca:g€.ll€. na:y Sub. Dir. Obj. Pred. Verb Phrase (neg.) 'They (nr. pI.) didn't go to- eat (nr. pI.) that'

11. m: ra:mu n~:y 'He is not Ramu' Sub. Attri. Pred. negation of identity (present) When the Predicate is a present negative verb or a past negative intransitive­ verb. the Subject is in nominative case and there is concordance in gender­ number between the Subject and the Predicate. When the Predicate is n~:y

5 negation of identity' the Subject is in nominative case, and there is no concor­ dance between Predicate and other constituents. In other cases, the Subject is in agentive case and there is no concordance between Predicate and other constituents. Expanded Constructions.-CompIex ard ccm}:our.d sentences are treated­ as expanded constructions. Complex Sentence.-This contains two or more Clauses where one is a main ·C--lause and the other(s) is/are"Subordinate Clause(s). While the Main Clause is independent, the Subordinate Clause(s) is/are dependent upon the Main Clause. A Clause is a part of the main sentence, and which has a Predicate of its. own . . A Subordinate Clause may be 1. Noun Clause 2. Advervial Clause. 1. Noun Clause.-This is substitutable for a noun and acts as the Object! Subject of the Predicate of the Main Clause, depending upon whether

the pre'Qicate, is a transitive/intransitive verb or verb .phrase. Occurrence (a) It is generaI1y followed by the suboi"\iinating particles muI}. 'that',... si: 'that'. -V:y 'and' (where -Vis the final vowel of the constituent with. which it occurs) . . (b) If no such particle is to be ',found, then, this Clause is interspersed . within the Main Clause. ]39 (c) juxta-posed to the Main Clause. if the Subordinate Clause happens to be the utterance of the Subject of the Main Clause.. and is in direct speech -Of is a quotation. l(a) Examples (i) mha:ra:n ath~ylE. tagge:l pu:tu khalpalJ.e:n b~r~ylE. mUl) 'The Harijan thought that his son wrote 'obediently' (ii) m~kk e:k na:ficu c~:mka: mUl} dista : '(1) feel that I should see a dance' . (iii) b: a:ji e :na: si: dista: '(1) feel that he is not coming to-day' (iv) jhayt:l sromu pa:vnu mank~Qa:n pu:lu kaH:l:b:y tajje ba:l~ tantii sirkallE.:y ta:lJ.e e:ki b:l:oo galle:li:y ekk~: jaBe 'with much difficulty the monkey had taken off the wedge and his tail got caught up and he wailed (and); all happened simultaneously' In. the last sentence the Noun Clause occurs as the Subject. In other cases, it occurs as t4-e Object. From the occurrence of the particular particle. one is able to decide the nature and function of the Clause, i.e" the Clauses that precede*muI}. 'that' si :'tbat'; -V:y ~and' are always ·Noun Clauses. Further they occur as Object of the Main Clause when followed by 'mu1J.' or 'si:' and .as Subject when followed by -V:y. l.(b): Examples (i) rukka :ri bessalle kay!aya:n parve ubbu:n v~tta:y dikki :le ~The crow saw the pigeons flying away' (ij) parvaya:n e:k__i mu:yi te t~:laya:ntii p:lvta dikki:li 'The pigeon saw an ant floating in the water' The Noun Clause occurs as Object of the Predicate of the Main Clause. ~(c) Examples (i) te kay!aya:n taiicila: saitgi :ne m

ruppa:y peH~:y "The man who was there read him the paper ··Father! send-me fifty rupees. /" 2. Adverb CZause.-Substitutable for an Adverb, this occurs as a Com­ plement to the Predicate of the Main Clause. This is of three types, depend­ ing upon the type of the particle used. *However. when the clause is further followed by an adverb. the clause is an adverb -clause. and occurs as the complement of the predicate of the main clause.

140 (a) Condit/ana I; The particle jalye :ri "if' occl:lrs after the Adverb Clause. Examples . (i) tukka ja:vka jalye:ri tii: yo: ~Ifyou want, you come (ii) tukka ja:vka jalye:ci a:v e:na If you want, I shall come~ (iii) ii:v aylna: jalye:ri til: ekli; v~:c~ 'If I don't turn up, you go alone'

(b) Purposive.-The particle dikku:n cbecause~ occurs after the Adverb clause. Examples (i) tii:ve so:ville dikku:n mak ko:paylo • Because you scolded, I became angry' (ii). to: aylona: dikku:n a:v nidde:15 'Because he didn't come, I slept' (c) Modal.-Connectors such kQssi ...... jalye: tQssi 'how...... _.. .. thus'; ko :]Je ...... Jalye: ta :l)e ·who ...... he' are used to connect the Adverb Clause of modal type with the Main Clause. Examples (i) k~ssi ka:l)gett~:lejalye: t~ssi di :mka: 'How (you) got thus (you) should give (back)' (ii) ko::r;te kelle jalye. :ta::r;te una: 'He who did may get up' There is one sentence in the data which has an adverb as head and a clause- preceding it. This clause resembles a noun clause in that it is a simple sentence followed by the particle mUl)

Examples t:): etta: ki v~tta: '(Does) he come or go T tii: etto :1:) ki emna; 'Will you come or not?' 3.- Adversative.-Particles nant~:na: 'exc~pt' jalye:ri 'but' are used. Examples (i) ta :1}.E. tagge:l ku !umba :k~ ittE. :pulJi ca:rigp~ :1}.~ kelle :1E. assg nant~: na: balta :vp~ :113 ka: y kellena: 'Except (that) he has done some good to his family, he has done no harm' (ii) to: pa :ficma :s~ murthg:m bUQQ~:s jalb:1o t~ jalye:ri ko :l1ki: unca :ri ka::Q. soHo (Five months back he was almost drowned but somebody rescued him'

142 CHAPTER 10 ISOGLOSS STUDY As has been po inted out earlier Kerala Konkani materials on analysis showed significant Dialectal variations. Therefore, after a detailed study of Cochin Konkani in the preceding chapters a discussion on the Dialectal 'Situation becomes pertinent. . The same is being attempted now beginning with an Isogloss study illustrated with relevant maps showing appropriate isogloss area. The maps are being supplemented with suitable explanatory ·notes . . This Isogloss study contains two' parts; the first part deals with the Dia- / lect Study of Kerala Konkani while the second part is a comparative study oof Mara~hi on the one hand and the Kerala Konkani on the other. The second part is, however, relevant only in the sphere of comparison. It becomes pertinent to discuss the same in this chapter as without this the study of Kerala Konkani may remain incomplete. However, without going into details of grammatical analysis of the Marathi sample a discussion On c'omparison of the same with Kerala Konkani shall be taken up at an appro­ priate place. The analysis of the material collected during the field investigation trips revealed the existence of Majox Dialectal Areas in Kerala Konkani. With the help of the questionnaire, the Isogloss Items when filled up, showed the Focal and Relic Areas of the Southern and Northern Dialects. The Focal area of the Squthern Dialect happened to be Cochin and that of the Northern Dialect~ Kasargod. As the GSB population is considerable in both these places, their speech variety is taken as the representative sample of the M~jor -Dialects, Southern and Northern respectively. The dj alects spoken in the Relic Area of these Major Dialects are taken as borderline dialects. In this study, the Relic Area is Calicut and hence the Calicut Gowd Saraswat dialect and the Calicut Saraswat dialect are the borderline dialects. • • 0 Major and minor Dialects The Isoglosses with the help of which the Major Dialect Areas are deli­ mited are found at various linguistic levels namely phonological, morpho­ logical, lexical and i~iomatic. These are of varied importance. The Iso­ glosses in, the morphological level are of primary importance in a Dialect . Study. They may be Isaid to be the criterion for deciding a Dialect Area. By frame of a ,particular Major Dialect, mainly ~e morphological features are meant since they are les~prone to be borrowed from other sources or to be replaced .by borrowed features. Further they form the core of resemblance 143 · for the comparison of two Dialects. Lexical and idiomatic features are next to the morphological features in importance; but, in the absence of the latter in the data, the former may be taken as the chief criterion. In the: presence of the morphological features they help us to be on firmer grounds. as regards the decision of the position of the Dialects. On the other hand, once the regularities of correspondence is established,.. the phonological features help us to check up the results already arrived at with the help of other features mentioned earlier. They are further useful in finding out the existence of minor dialects within Major Dialects. A Major Dialect may consist of a number of mi.nor dialects. Minor dialects are usually distinguishable by two factors: regional difference or caste difference, or both. Regional difference rather than caste difference may be the deciding factor in subgroupi!1g the minor dialects into Major Dialects. A greater mutual intelligibility may be expected between the minor dialects within a Major Dialect. In other words, depending upon the degree and consistency of variation of the isoglosses at various levels,. between the minor dialects, the grouping is done. In the case of border­ line dialects, the degree of rest:mblance decides the degree of nearness or remoteness of affinity to a particular Major Dialect. Calicut dialects are: more akin to the Northern Dialect than to the Southern Dialect. For a comparative study, one of the minor dialects spoken by the largest majority of people in the Focal Area, is taken as the representative dialect of the particular Major Dialect. The grammatical structure of that re­ presentative dialect is taken as the-grammatical structure of the Major Dialect_ On this basis, Kerala Konkani is divided into two Major Dialects:­ Southern and Northern. Trivandrum Kundumbi dialect (TK), Alleppey Kudumbi dialect (AK), Quilon Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (QGS), and Cochin Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (CGS) form the Southern Dialect and CGS is the representative dialect. Likewise, Kasargod Gowd Saraswat Brahmin

*Dialects of Kerala Konkani

Geographically on the basis of linguistic differences noticed in various, ar-eas. samples were collected in the following eight d'ialects. The speci6c ~ature (pp. 145,6) as regards the relative position of particular dialect or In other words sub grouping these dialects is discussed in (p. 147). Though ·Only those dialec~s in which material could be collected are dealt with in this Chapter.

144 the samples availabl~ are in varying d~grees, eIloqgh Vlaterial has been <;:ollected for an lsogloss Study. A portion of the remaining collected material is given in the Appendix for reference. The dialects ~re as follows : 1. Cochin Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (CGS). 2. Trivandrum Kudumbi dial~ct (TK). 3. Alleppey Kudumbi dialect (AK). 4. Quilon Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (QGS). 5. Calicut Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Cal GS). 6. Calicut Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Cal S). 1. Kasargod Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Kas OS). 7a. Cannanore Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Can GS). 8. Kasargod Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Kas S). 1. Cochin Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (CGS) This dialect is spoken from Alleppey to Trichur by the Oowd Sarasw4;lt Brah,mins settled in and around these places. As the large density ofp'opula­ tion/of GSBs is found in Cochin, this dialect is termed as Cochin GS dia­ lect. This can be said to be the mai1). dialect in the south.~rn parts of Kerala. Sample collected was about 2500 words, a few p~radjgms, 1000 sentenc~s, 4 stories, 30 proverbs, 10 foIle songs, 5 riddles. [Sp~akers roughly t47,OOO (Alleppey 12,191), Ernaku~am (30,1~4), Trichur (3,599)]. 2. TrhanllrQJIl J'udlJIIJ.bi dhJle4!t (TK.) This dialect is spoken by tqe Kudumbis settled in Trivandrum District, in a viJIage roughly 10 kms. from the Trivandrum City proper. This dialect though spoken only by nearly 400 people, has been taken into consideration due to'its geographical significance. This is a pocket surrou:dcd ty Mala­ yalam speakers. Gowd Saraswats are negligihle in number in Trivandrum and so, other dialectal influen~e is nil in this di~lect. Sample collected consists of about 1500 wo:s;-ds, a few paradigms, 700 sentences, ar.q 4 ShOTt ~~ories. 3. Allepp~y KIJdymbi 4htle ct V\K) . ! Thi~ dial¢l;t is spoken in ~nd arD1J.nd Alleppey by the Kudumbis settled there. The P:t~.i.n 4iflerence between the Trivandnnn Xudumbi dialect ~lld this is tQa,t, in th~ latter qeavy influ~qce of tlte Gowd Saraswat dia~e~t is visible. T~~ 1CtJ6umbis in Allep:pey a.re living :pro~im~te to the OSBs, mj~ witli t}le-:nIl fn;\';ly ~Jlg W9r \. in th~ QSB hQ~S~6. Aq;:ording to the C~:Q.s~s :ij8l:lFeS as also peJ:'s0Ilal ob1ie!'v?tjon the Kl1dlUppis s'p~akjpg this dia~~q: ma.y lle 3bov~ ~OC), Mat@f"i3Icollect§dconfiistsof500words,afewparadigms, 1;;0 st;;nt~p.cc;~. ~P9 Olle ~~0J}'. 4. QuUoti. G~wd S~l"asw~t B'~~~~ di~ed (QGB) This dialect is s.poken by ~e GSBs s¢ttled ill and around Quilon. Diff~r­ eB~ between tnl Cp~mn as. lLnQ this qiq.lect i& thq.t~ in.. tbe latter influence . . '" \ tAccording to District Census Hand Books and'196i' Census figures. \ l45 2RGI/75 10 of Malayalam is more and the pronunciation is slightly like the'Kudumbi dialect in a few cases. Spoken by nearly tl,870 people, sample was collected in this dialect, only for the sake of clarification as to whether beyond Cochin in the southern parts of Kerala, Cochin GS dialect is prevalent or not. The sample shows that there is negligible difference, but for the profuse use of Malayalam, Sample collected consists of 5CO words, a few paradigms, 100 sentences, and one story. 5. Calicut Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Cal GS) This dialect gains importance by being a border line dialect. This shares the features of the Cochin GS dialect as well as the features of the Northern dialects spoken in the northern parts of Kerala. 'The Calicut GSB popula­ tion is itself a mixture of Co chin GSBs and Northern GSBs. The borrowings are both from Kannada and Malayalam. Number of speakers is t1,717. Due to non-availability of informants, and paucity of tilne a very small sample of only 160 words could be collected. 6. Calicut Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Cal S) The Saraswat Brahmins in Kerala can easily be numbered. Their settle­ ment in Kerala seems to be -purely temporary, as their relatives are all mostly in Bombay. But those who have settled in Kerala speak a dialect different from that of the GSBs. The differences are remarkably noticeable and linguistically pertinent. Though their total all India population is only 30,000 or so* their dialect is easily distinguishable from other dialects. The Calicut Saraswat Brahmin dialect again, is a border line dialect like the Calicut GS dialect. Naturally, we find shared COmmon features' be­ tween Calicut GS dialect and this dialect. A small sample of 160 words only could be collected. . 7. Kasargod Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect (Kas GS) Corresponding to the Cochin GS dialect which .is the representative dialect of the Southern Dialect of Kerala Konkani. this dialect rep~esents the Northern Dialect. Spoken by about+14,()CO this dialect is spread from Cannanore to Mangalore. Tbe settlers are mostly from S01.1th and N0rth Canara districts of Mysore. It is to be nofed that prior to the reorganisa­ tJon of States in 1956 Kasargod was in the South Canara district of present tAccording to 1961 Census figures it was found that in Census Hand books two entries were made as Koukani and Kudumbi. When the figures in the Part II-veti)-Language Tables given according to mother tongue returns were compared with the figures given in the Census Hand books. the· figures against the mother tongue Konkani tallied .with the :figures against Konkani (population) return in the Census Hand books. Only four mother tongue returns Konkani. Nawait. Moopan, Kudumbi are found in Kerala as ",ajor mother tongues. It was found that Moopan as well as Kudumbi are synonymous. Nawait is the mother tongue return by Konkani speaking Muslims. The major Konkani speaking population in Kerala are GSBs, and Kudumbis. ItJs inferred that Konkani figures in the Hand books corresponds to GSB population. " , "'According to, the .Chitrapur Saraswat 1956 Census Report and Directory'~ The Kanara Saraswat Association (Regd.) Bombay. . '. +According to 1961 Census figures. 146 Mysore State, and the then Madras State. Comparatively the density -of the Kerala Konkani population is the most in Cannanore district, specifica­ lly in Kasargod taluk. A sample of 2000 words, 500 sentences and 2 stories was collected. 7a. Cannanore Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialeet (Can GS) This is the dialect spoken in and around Cannanore town. Population is a few hundreds and the speakers are settlers from South KaJ;iara district of Mysore. This dialect is much different from the above stated (1-6) dia­ lects. As the Calicut dialects (5, 6) were mentioned as border line dialects, this dialect is the starting point of the Northern Dialect of Kerala Konkani i.e. Dialect spoken in the Northern parts. A sample of 500 words, a few paradigms and 50 sentences was collected. 8. Kasargod Saraswat Brabmin dialect (Kas S) As already stated~ though spoken by a handful throughout Kerala~ this dialect, basically a Northern dialect, varies distinctly from the Kasargod Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect. A sample of 1000 words, a few paradigms and a few sentences was collected. In the two Major Dialects viz. Southern and Northern, CGS has been considered as the representative minor dialect of the Southern Dialect. Since it has been found to share most of the grammatical features of the Southern Dialect and a detailed study of the same as has been presented earlier should help the reader to understand the other minor dialects of Southern Dialect, the frame of which more or less fits in the over-all pattern of the Major Dialect except for a very few features which are peculiar to the individual minor dialects and which again help distinguishing one minor dialect from the other. Similar is the position of Kas GS as regards the Northern Dialect. Minor dialects are usually distinguishable- for two factors (1) regional difference and (2) caste difference or ~oth. In the former case the caste of the speakers is the same viz. (a)--Trivandrum Kudumbi dialect vs Alleppey Kudumbi dialect (b) Quilon Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect vs Cochin Gowd Saraswl;\t Brahmin dialect ,(c) Calicut Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect. Vs Kasargod Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect vs Cannanore Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect-

(d) Calicut Saraswat Brahmin dialect YS Kasargod Saraswat Brahmin dialect In the latt~f case" region is the same viz : (0) Calicut Gowd Saraswat Brahmin dialect vs Calicut Saraswat Bra- hmin di~Iect (b) ~aSargod Gowd Saraswat ,Brahmin \dialect v( Kasargod Sara-swat Brahmin dialect ! f":' \ . - ,,;;.' ~: ''';. 147 Whet;t we cOIppare any two Qf the eight dialects, then ~xcept the al:>ove sets alllpe remaining sets are dQe to regional as well as caste differ~nces. Cal 9S and S are borderline qialects. Tiley belong to both S~qthern and Northerp Dialects. From the available data (viz. ] 69 words) Calicut dialects seem to be more akin to Northern Dialect than to Southern Dialect. However, taking Kerala as a single region we find 1:u{ee differept caste dialects viz. (i) Kudumbi, (ii) Gow4 Saraswat and (iii) Saraswat. The stQdy in this chapter, therefore, contains six sets of com arison to show the various facets· of the diale~ts of Kerala Konkani. TheY are as follow~ :---.. (i) ComparisQn of the Southern and Northern Djalects. (ii) Co~PaEison of the Calicut diale~ts (Borderline dialects) with eac4 of the Major Dialects. (iii) Comparison of the Kudu~bi and the jlrahmin- dialects. t(iv) Comparison of the Kudumbi dialects with the Southern Dialect to show that they are members of the same. (v) Comparison of the minor dialects in the Northern Dialect. This may conveniently be presented in the following chart thus : l.A Kerala l'-0n~ani I i \ \ Southern Borderline Northern Dialect Diale~ts pj~l~ct Kerala Konkani l.B - I

I I J<.udu.rp.bi llrahtDin 2. Southern Dialect (represented by Co chin Gowd Sarawat I ~rallmin dialect • COS)

\ I . (caste Kudumbi Brahmin difference) I I --.- ~--- ... (r~giol1ill I I . I difference) Trivandrum Alleppey Quilon CoeBin 3. Northern Dialect (represented by Kasargod OS dialect~ I I~a~G~l I I Gowd Saraswat Saraswat. 1 I -----.--~- \ I \ I . eati~ut Kasargoo Calieut Kasafgoo

. ,_. ~ .. t Kudumbis are found only in th~ Southern Di~lect Area. cf- P. 150. 4th Paragraph. 148 \ MYSORE KERALA

STATE NORTHERN DIALECT OF KONKANI.196! (ISOGLOSS DIFFERENCES)

40 ; Ir

00 .0 .b .~"'OMlfltll

STATE BOUNDARY DISTRICT aOUNDAR~--!­ TALUI( aOUNDARY

LAC CAD ,Iv E MADRAS 5 E A S TAT E

lQUII... ON!

s o G L 10 SSE S

...... I.,.a, •• 1.. 41" .....lUl , ...... i ...... ""of' III ...... G ...... I .t ...... , ... ,.. ..."", at- ...... ,...... to ••• ,...... _l ...... ,.: • .,. 1'" ",pril.riot wotlll'rt 0' J,.41o ' ... noel 1.. , ••111 ...... '0 • 'i t .... -c ••• I ...~". II\4III,i".' .iM, .....,.,. •• HoIII' ,II•• ", ...... l1li ...... II..... ~ M V S O,R E KERALA

STATE MAJOR DIALECTS OF KONKANI.1961 (ISOGLOSS DIFFERENCES)

MILES, 20 0 '0 ...... ,~. i 20 0 20 40 60

STATE BOUNDARY DIS TRICT BOUNDARY-'--­ TAl-UK BOUNDARV

LACCADIVE MADRAS 5 E A STATE

KONKANI 5o~EA";ERS MO~E" TJo-fAN 100."5 NO !t,Jve:SinG,to.lI0"",lS wERE NCEATAoICEN, ISOGI..OS.SE:s. "'Rei: NOT M.FI-KED IN "ESE P'lA'.e 50.

ENLARGED PORTIONS OF A,B,C.D,& E

o .... 10 o

PI'C~I"(I~ .,.- 0 DK.I~.O, .. ft._ O"'U."",•• C.I.~ ..""'o-..e. •.

. 1tD ....d "'1'''' .... s..,,_,. .... ,.. of 11'16'0 .... tlp •• "tllo Hilt ..,. .. ,.""'I-J,ioJl 01 ,II, ",rw.,g.r G ... ".crol of 1",«100. ~'. 'hI .. .,.I1''''i Clot .. a.c," ho ..... 'b ...... (lk .... HO'"" .. 0',..,,, .. 1$o0t,il. of". ;.~?t... ,rrotOI;O~ .. ot ...s Of ''''''io " .. til'.,4 '''"t. '''. " •• to Q ....t c. or '1: ...... JII-a. ... 'io!;QI ",1,1''''. "'''~lfd .... 0. t~ ...pprolPr;(lI11' bEl". 10 ..... In the erisuing discussion the Oialectal Situation shall be examined in detaii through copious illustrative materials-phonologicai, Morphological and Lexical-by prefacing the same with area m",-p8 detecting. 180g1088 Area on the basis of some of the Isoglosses. ~ , Maps.-Altogether there are five maps. ~ap No. I, showing the distri-,' bution of Konkani population 1961 is given as the frontispiece opposit¢ . Introduetion (page 1). The remaining four maps Nos. 2~ 3, 4 and S are illustrative of the hogtoss Areas as follows: No.2-Major Dialects of Konkatii (Isogioss Differences) ,No.3-Northern Dialect of Konkani (hogtoss Differences) (iilc1tid~s borderline dialects) No.4-Southern Dialect of Konkani (Isogloss Differences) (lhCludes / bordetline dialects) No. 5-'-Kohkani Dialects (Gowd Saraswat & Saraswat vs KutiuItlbl)

Map.t : 2, 3 and 4 In these three maps ten Sample Isoglosses eut of the many available isoglosses are represented, of which two are phonological, four morphological arid four lexica1. Tlie meaning of the bbglos~es is as foi1ows :

Symbols Actual Isogloss ahd itS meilfdng LihituUtlc Level

6- -;)- (thediai occurrence) phonelogieai .. _'_';)-' .. --. , 0 --ce: ", _, } gerund suffix Ii -"'-"'~ :p~

0 ~a:ci 1 Motpholbgical _}Pl./hon. Sg. suffix • -a:y X d~k~iQ.~ J'south' ;I t&:k~ e jalke. }fi.~\ Lexical • inassg:U Each syt;nb61 lias two types : empty; ftUed up:' . 'tbe empty sym ~ols tete to he f6libd irl Ndithetn Dialect wllile'the cottespoildlng IHted up symbols~_are to b! C!l.pc!Cted iii\.tiie Southern fiiileef. ,!lie Relic Area or the 149 borderline dialect' contains all of the Phonological and Morphological Isoglosses of both the Dialects together with one or two of the Lexical Iso~ glosses of Southern and Northern Dialect.

Explanation Map. 2 'Maj~r Dialects of Konkani' shows the trend of the particular Isoglosses namely, Empty Symbols Northward, FilIe4 up Symbols Southward and the transi~ion Area in the middle containing both and hence we decide the existence of Southern, Northern and borderline dialects.

Maps 3 and 4 Showing the 'Northem Dialect of Konkani' (including the borderline dialects) and the 'Southern Dialect of Konkani' (including the 'torrlerline dialects) respectively are extensions of Map. 2, the pur~ose of which is to show the existence of minor dialects within each of the Major Dia1ect Areas.

Base numbers

Base numbers ( ...... 1:15 •••... 225 •..... 335) are used to indicate the existence of phonological differences in the same isoglosses in the minor dialects of the same area. The phonological shape of :forms indicated by the symbols along with the base numbers are shown in the maps 3 and 4. In Map 3, symbols with base number1 indicate the forms used in the Gowd Saraswat dialect and the symbols with base number2 used in the Saraswat dialect. In Map 4, symbols with base number] indicate :forms used in the Gowd

Saraswat dialect -and the symbols with base number2 used in the kudumbi dialect. In the case of Isogloss, 'south' X3 is fo~nd only in the borderline dialects. Incidentally, the fact that Go~"d Saraswat dialect is s_I:oken all over Kerala while Kudumbi dialect is spoken only in the Southern Dialect Area and Saraswat dialect is spoken only in the Northern Dialect Area and the borderline area is made explicit through these two maps.

Map 5 This map showing 'Konkani Dia1.:.cts· illustrates that though Kudumbi is a minor dialect belonging to the Southern Dialect, in the phonological level, it is differentiated from the Brahmin dialect (Gowd Sara swat as well as Saraswat) in Kerala as a whole. Only phonological isoglosses are used. and the respective isoglosses and symbols are cJeal in th~ map ~and require no explanation. In Maps 3. and 4, only lexical isoglosses are shown in the borderline dialects. A symbol is explained only once in the map and the maps 3 and 4 are to be co'mpared with map. 2: for th~ borderline dialects. 150 *Southern Dialect *Northern Dialect 1.(1) -~:- -;;):­ k~::r;tu 'particle' k~::r;tu k~ :1:l 'bud' k~ :1:l V:l :t;;) 'sunshine' v;:>:t~ b:q:l:vu 'delay' t~:Q~:vu p~rv:l :tu 'mountain' p;:;rv~:tu V:l ::r;ttu 'lip' v~ ::r;ttu (Correspondence regular in Nor. S and irregular in Nor. GS)

1.(2) vh-v-¢ ----~ h ------~ vh ~ v Southern NGS NS vhunsa::r;ti -unsa::Qi 'heat' hunsa:Qi hunsa:Qi vindu:b 'swing' hindb hindb vh:lkk~ :];;) 'bride' v~kk~:l~ vh~kk~:b vh~ :re:tu , groom' v;;)ce:tu vh;)re:tu V:l:r;tU :va 'chin' v;;):r;tvi h~:r;tuv:l

(In the Northern Dialect the correspondence is regularly either vh or h i_n S where as it is - h v in GS). . Southern Dialect Northern Dialect 1.(3) h-¢ h ha:v3-a:v5 '1' hil:v5 anga: , 'here' haitga: avitge:le 'our' haftge :le 1.(4) Influence of Malayalam phoneme 1 in Sou(hern Dialect a:Lca: 'week' ta:lc;;) 'depth'

1.(5) Dental nasal in Southern Alveolar nasal in Northern Dialect Dialect ra:na 'forest' ra:n;;) ka :.nu 'ear' ka:nu canni 'squirree cam~i (As there Js no Contrast between Dental [nJ and Alveolar Ln] in both the Dialects, for sake of convenience same symbol In/ is used for both the Dialects. though in Southe~ Dialect it is /n/ while it is In/ in Northern Dialect). *The Major Dialects are discussed only with reference to the respective representative dialects. 151 1.(6) While same Cognates are used in Southern as well as Northern Dialects. the forms are longer in Southern Dialect than the corresponding forms in the Northern Dialect. Southern Dialect Northern Dialect daddu:b .

v~:c~ 'go' v;)cca:y v~cca:ci v;;cca:ti y:): 'come' eyya:y eyya:ci eyya:ti kha: 'eat' khayya:y khayya:ei khayya:ti 2.(2) Gerund

-~:p~ -CE. -c€.

v~:c~ 'go' v;:)cc~:p~ v~cc€. v~cce. y:): 'come' e:v~:pa evc€. evee. kha: 'eat' kha:v;J:pa khavc€. khavc€. 2.(3) Pronoun Declension Case suffixes are different (refer to the Chart). (APPX. B.b). 2.(4) Formation of Fractions: . In Southern Dialect fractions are found by post,,-posing tbe allolilorphs of /~rdh':J!'!' to the numeral While the same is pre-posed to the numeral in the Northern Dialect. Furthet. the allomorphs used are; also diffettint. Southern Dialect Northern Dialect COyv::;:Q::t sadi: ca.:ti 4! ptdica:4~ saQ i : . p&. :i\c~ 5! *sa:qi: s~: sa4f: S#: 6! satt~ :4;J saqi: sa :t~ 7! tkhra: sa :rd~ s8di l ikhra: i it ----- * Exception to the rule. IS'! 2.(5) Stem Alternants In Northern Dialect stem alternants before plural suffixes are more in number while compared to those in Southern Dialect. Southern Dialect Northern Dialect nanku:tg nanku:!:;, nailta qukkg:rg qukkg:r:;, qukra citta :la 'deer' citta:l a citt~ :}:;, citla majja:ra majja:r~ majr~

2.(6) Post-Positions Southern Dialect Jiorthern Dialect khalla:ka 'down, below' toggu - sakkg :lg ponda:k~ 'under' mu:la:kg-toggu murtha:ma 'previous' puBe - pirta :ma maglaya:no 'back' mak!?i unca:ri 'up' vayri laggi 'with' ottu - sanga :ti maggi:teit 'next' nartt:, :ta ca: 'very' bha :ri ..;.... jo :rti -- m~sta ""'- hh:,ti: kare:na 'on behalf of' karca:na dikku:n 'so, therefore' nimiti because' thaku:n 'from' suku :nu - ta :nu (S) vare:na 'up (to)' tha:yi 'up (to)' (8) dusse :ri 'again' opa:s 'again' dhara :ri - v:>ggi 'quickiy. fast' v9ggi

2.(7) Adjecti~es

Southern 'pialeet Northerh DIU/eet balla:va 'bad' va:yta jhayte 'much' mgsta tetta 'wrong' cu ":to - tsu :ki(8) se:la 'coid' thalJ-qa vegga.!e 'different' viit~9:qa satya 'true9 B:;ad:, 2.(8) Interrogafives Southern Dialect Northern Dialect kedda :.Qa: ·when?' kedna: itte ·what?' k::)sse:le (GS) k~sle - k~lIe (S) uttu:le ·how much l' kitle kh~nt~:y ·where'?' kh~:y 3. Vocabulary Difference 3.(1) Cognates used are different in the two Dialects. To cite a few ;­ Southern Dialect Northern Dialect

Fish mass~:1i jalke Mosquito mumbu:r~ j~:Ja;r~ Hut khompi jhompQi Mango seed pa:ri katto Bucket pa:le ba:ldi Tile k~ylu:v~ n~:!o Cart bha:Q.Qi ga:qi Month ma:su m~yno

Rice v~ro:vu tandu:lu Ox r~(No - pac,Jc,Jo baylu Neck g~vto g::):1o 3.(2) Borrowings Malayalam words are borrowed in Southern Dialect while Kannada words are borrowed in Northern Dialect. Examples: Southern Dialect South *te :,k~ West *p~:Q.ji :r~ East *ket::):k~ Knee *(payya:) mu!tu Liver *karat~ Cave *gu:h~ Hi11 *kunno Thunder *iQbe:t~ Lightning *minn~:l:) Rainbow *malavil~ Duck *ta :ra:v~ Week *a :lca: Property right *avaga:su Plough *kaJappe ---::------~~---~-- .iMalayalam Borrowings. 154 Examples: Northern Dialect Key tbiga:tu Verandah tjagli Cocoa palm tmaQ:;):I:;) Net tb~:le Cow shed tkogke Country boat tdo:Di Village th~lF Towel tb~yra:su Sparrow tgurbanji Fence tbe :Ii Window tk~:Q-(# Door tba:gi:l~ Pigeon pea tal sando Hill tguQQ;' 3.(3) Kinship terms: different Southern Dialect Northern Dialect Co-brother sa4Qu:k~ bha:vu (GS) _Daughter dhu:v~ tsalli (S) Elder brother a:nu ~:Q-:Q-a : Father bappa: a:nu Father's brother bappa: bappa: - bappalya: Elder sister's husband bha:vu bIla :va :ji (GS) Grand father a:bu , a.ij;, Grand mother a:yi ajji Younger brother bha:vu sa:n bha:vu­ dakl bha:vu Younger sister dakl bh~Y:Qi­ sa :ni bh~Y:Qi Mother's younger sister mavsi pacci (GS) ~. Idiomatic differences Southern Dialect Northern Dialect What? itt£. k~sle (S) k~ss~:lE. (GS) What news? itti kayre k~ss~l kabb~:r~ How are you? savkyannave k~ss~l kabb~:re What for? itya:k~ k~ss~l kh~ti :r~ Just like 1;hat s~ba:v~ ~ssi :ci Has gone ~ut ge.1b :b ba:rsarlo Who is he?, kO:1} te: k;, :1}~ mu - ko ::Q-~ ba: No na: \ na:ba: - na:m~te (I) Know ja::Q-~ gottass~ 'Don't know ne::Q-:;) gotna:ba-: t Kannada borrowings. " 155 5 & 6. Calicul Di(zlects

The Cali cut dialects share some of the features of Southern Dialect and some other features of Northern Dialect. It is more akin to Northern than to the Southern Dialect. A few features are unshared by either of the two Major Dialects. They are local features characteristic of the Calicut dialects. (As the data is limited, only phonological features and vocabulary difference are dealt with here). Further, of the two Calicut dialects the Gowd Saraswat dialect is akin to Gowd Saraswat dialect and the Saraswat dialect is akin to Saraswat dialect of Northern Dialect. The lists given below are not ex­ haustive.

Characteristic features unshared by either Southern or Northern Dialects. 1. Phonological fedttlre

Southern Dialect and Nottlie;n Dialect Calicut dialect

-rQ - tt­ -r4- - -t~­ -14- - -H- cerQii 'child' c:;,!4u 'child' (GS) varqi :k:;, 'marriage' va14i :ka (GS) ku:rPu 'waist' ku:Hu (GS) 2. Vocabulary Cal. Dia. S. Southern Dialect Northern Dialect Sea s;)mundru (GS) samudru seml:ldru. s:;,midru (S) Lightning jagjo:gu (GS) *minna:l:) (GS) vi:ju (S) Lip va:Q t:;, (S) vo :l}tu v~:Q1;u~ cas) v:,) :!;u (S) Branch khend::> (GS) khand::> gh£.ll::> (GS) Wall d::>:r::> (GS) ~I}~ :ti V'~'H}. a : ti Geiling rnettu (GS,S) taHti: mucci:ga Window da44a:le (GS) janna:rla tk;:)QQi Nit H:ki (GS) li:ka li:ka Calf Vasr:) _ (OS) vasu:r:) vasru Rope ell :Qi (GS) d{) :ii d::>:ra Check 1'511::> (S) ga:la, ga:lu Night fa:tri (GS) cit :fi " ra:ti .Ma1e dog h~tt.. ::> (GS) pet!:) b::>gga Lion §iiilU (5) simhu simvii­ (GS) sivvu (S) * BOq:9Will8 from Malayalam. t Borrowing from Kannada. 156 3. Malaya/am borrowings

Calicut Dialect Southern Dialect South *t£ :ilka ·t£ :ka Plough *kalappe (OS) *kalappe Property right *avaga :.su (as) *avaga:su ·avaga :su (8) "- Duck *ta :ra :va (OS) *ta:ra:va Rainbow *malavi1l~ (S,GS) *malavilb Thunder *i :<;li (GS) *iQbe:ta Wolf *cen °Q.a:y *ceiu:U:l:y (K) 4. Kan"ada borrowings. Cal. dia. S. Northern Dialect

Hill .. guqQ~ ...guQQ~ Pigeon pea 't"atsand;) (GS) 't"aIsand;) (GS) 't"alsand.:> (8) Fence ... be:li .. be:li Door ... ba :gi :1;) 't"ba:gi:la Hut -rkuqi :la (GS) @ ..guQsa:la (8) @ Towel -rbh~yra:su (8) ... b~yra:su (GS) Village 't"h~ni (S) 't"haUi Boat (Country) ... do :J}i ... do :l}.i Cow shed ... k;)tke. (8) 't"k;)t;ke: (S) ... k;)Qk;) (GS) ,k;)Qke. (OS) Cocoa palm 't'maqla (8) 't"lllaQ:la (S) Key -rbiga:tu 't"biga :tu 5. Features shared with Northern Dialect

(i) Phonolpgical feature : short~r forms and -a- (~ -;)- in Southern Diale'ct) Cal. Dialect Southern Pia/ect Northern DialEct man dadb (GS) daddu:b dar1;) (~) Q~rl;) (OS,S) blood rag;>t" (~) r~,~~;ta ra~!lta (s,) chin vh~nvi (OS) VQQq:Va . - -.~ v~llvi (OS) \.h~ ;~" (S) h1'\:QlJV 3 (S) .. M~lay~qqn Bc nasal dental. . @ I1Qt ~v~ila.,~!~ hI. tl'1,~

flesh ma:s;:, ma:ms~ ma:s;:, wrinkle mi:ri (GS) j~rQ~ . mi:ri (GS) ni:ri (S) ni :ri (S) navel bombuli (GS) b~mbu:li bombli (S) bombli (GS,S) neck ga:l~ g~vt;) ga:b sky a:ka :8;) (GS) . m~ :l.l :b;) a:ka:~u (GS) a:ka:su (S) dew da:vu d~:vu da:vu (GS,S) sun su:ryu su:rya: su:ryu (GS,S) noon denpa:r~ (GS) denpa:ra d~npa:ra (GS) Exception dh~npa:ra (S) dh~npa:ra (S) bud ka:b k~:b ka :1;, fish jalke (GS) maSSa :li jalke (GS) dzalkE. (S) dzalkE. (S) mosquito j;;):la:ra (GS) ja :la:ra (GS) dza:la:ra (S) mumbu:ra dza:la:ra (S) . pup peH~ kutti:r~ pqt-~ duck ba:ta (S) *ta:ra:v;;) ba:t;;) sparrow ghupci (S) savl]€. ghupci snake divo:Qu (S) divv~ :Qu divo:Qu (GS) sarpu (GS)] sarpu (S)

6. Features shared with the Southern Dialect body de:ha (GS) de:ha foot pa:vIa (GS,S) pa:vIa pavIa forehead niQQa :Ia (GS,S) niQQa :la ni:Qa:l~ mustard sassa:ma (GS) sassa:md sa:sa:ma I buffalo r~QQ~ (GS) r~QQ~ r~QQ~ (GS) lion simhu (GS) simhu simvii (GS) sivvu (S) hut khompi (GS) kh~mpi jhompQi toof muggu:lu (GS) n'luggu:lu k~gga:la (GS)

The above features are given as a few notable distinguishing featllres of the Southern Dialect from the' Northern Dialect' and to show' the nature of the Calicut dialects. A few distinguishing features of each . dialect (phonologically and on vocabulary level) in.comparison with the nearest kin dialect~ and the features of distinction between Kudumbi and Brahmin dialect taking Kerala as a single region and the Brahmin dialect ~ (GS as well ' as S) as a single dialect are given below. ' • Malayala m Borrowings. 158 A separate list of phonemic correspondence between the dialects is given. The sets of comparison are :

1 Kudumbi vs Brahmin 2 Trivandrum Kudumbi vs Alleppey Kudumbi 3 Quilon Gowd Saraswat vs Cochin Gowd Saraswat 4 Kasargod Gowd Saraswat vs Kasargod Saraswat

Kudumbi vs Brahmin 1. Phonological features . lCa) Consonants : (i) In the Kudumbi dialect aspirated phonemes are absent. The voiceless aspirated stops of the brahmin dialect correspond to the voice­ less fricatives of the Kudumbi dialect and the· voiced aspirate phonemes correspond to voiced unaspirated phonemes.

Brahmin Kudumbi Brahmin Kudumbi

,ph ~ f pha:ti fa:ti 'back' phu:l:;) fu:l:;) 'flower' pbo:l]cJu fo :Q.cJu 'pit'

bhj ~ b bhailga :r:;) banga:r:;) 'gold' bha ::Q.cJi ba::Q.Qi 'cart' bha:t;) ba:t:;) 'paddy

db ~ d dh:;):ri de:ri 'carch' dhu:y du:yi "wash' dhiilgu:\i dubg\i 'push' dha:v~ da:v~ 'run' jh 7- j jb::l:cJu, jo:qu 'storm' jhayte jayte 'many' jha:Qd ja :cJd 'bush' kh -7 h khamb::> hambo 'pillar' kha:ndu ha:ndu 'shoulder' khand::> handi 'branch' gh -7 g gh::>:q::> g040 'horse' gha:r:;) ge:ro 'house' ghii:v~ gu:v~ 'turn'

mh;) :1]:;) me:l]o 'say' mh::>:vu mo-~.vu, 'honey' \ ,nh -7 n nha: na: 'bathe' Ih ,-7 1 lha :yi la:yi 'parched paddy 159 Brahmin Kudumbi Brahmin Kudumbi vh ~ v-¢, vho :1Jti vo :Q.ti "lap vhokk~:l~ vonko:lo 'bnde' vho:re:tu vore:tu "bridegroom'

e:re:tu yh ~ y yho: yo: "he' Note . Examples are not available in retroflex series.

Exception : th corresponds to th, t or s in free variation Brahmin Kudumbi thanga : thanga : - tanga: - sanga : 'there' (ii) h- in the Brahmin dia]ect corresponds to ¢ in the Kudumbi dialect. Brahmin .Kudumbi ha:di a:qj "W&y' ha:tu a:tu 'hand' ha :q.~ a:q.~ 'bone' (iii) Medially (a) Nasal Consonant~Consonant cluster (i) NC ~ CCC) (ii) -7 NC (b) Consonant cluster~Homorganic nasal+Stop (i) CCC) -7 NC (ii) CCC) -7 CCC) Examples (a) (i) NC--~C(C) C aft~r long vowels CC after short vowels .lJrahmin Kudumbi .,naIiku :t~ nakku:t~ 'nair

ma:ms~ ma:s~ 'flesh' nEl :Iik~ na:k~ 'nose' th.ompi hOPl'i 'hut' t~Jiku :q.i tokko :J}cJi 'pole with iron hook' (a) (ii) NC-7NC J11.{lnta :ri manta.:ri 'old woman' unsa:Qi unsa:Qi 'heat' vho:Qti vO:Q.H 'lap' eambu:li bombili 'navel' j~:nga jango :q.Q 'thigh' khr.lDdo handi 'branch'

J(iQ (b) (i) C(C)7NC ; (the preceding vowel loses its length) Brahmin Kudumbi

va:s~ vanso "bamboo' sass~:m~ 'Sans~:m~ 'mustard' ha:s~ anso 'laugh· sattu :li santu:li ·umbrella' va:ti va:Q. ti "macerate' vhokk~:l:;) voilko:l0 "bride' a:th~ a:Q.!o "eight' OJ) C(C)-7C (C) mass;:):li masso:Ji 'fish" matte matte 4head' l~ssu ::Q.~ lessu::Q.i "gralic' (b) CC7C with or without corresponding vowel change ehher-'in quality or in quantity in addition to the regular correspondences by way of assimila­ tion, dissimilation, regular correspondence etc. Brahmin Kudumbi duvv::l:ru divo:ru 'smoke' r~QQo rOQo 'male buffalo' simhu si:mu ciion' The above changes are unpredictable and hence the only way is to list them out.

(iv) -yl- ~ -vl- Brahmin Kudumbi kayto kavlo 'crow'

(iv) (a) -rl- ~ I na:rIu na:lu 'cocoanut' (v) -r4- -7 -44- cerQu co44um • child' (v) (a) -d- -7 -11- kurio. kulli "ctab' (vi) -kn- -77 "'kt).- s~lmi sek:Q.i '< -liZard' \ (vii) -rn- --) -r:Q.- sa:;rni sa:Tl}i "broom" 1(51 2 RGll7~ 11 (viii) v-jvh- 3> ~-v.. Brahmin] Kudumbi

vice'll iccu "scorpion' vindu:ru undi :ru - indu:ru . "rat' vindu :1:> indu :10 -indo :lu ·swing· vi:ki i :ki ·sell' viss~ :r~ isso:ro ·forget' v:> :itki o :itki ·vomit' v:>l~ :y ole: 'comb' v-/vh- --) v- vh:> :1}. ti vO:1}. ti "lap' v- -) v-

vasu:r~ vasso :ro "calf' va:ci vacci ·read' va:ca yo: "go' va:c:Jj va:c;Ji 'serve'

l.(b) Vowels

(i) a(:) of the Brahmin dialect ~orresponds to (i) e(:) (2) 0 (:) (I) a(:) -) e(:) Brahmin Kudumbi

r~gga:ta reggo:to "blood' rasmi resmi "ray' samudru sew -dru "sea' Iassu:I}.~ Iessu :I}.i "garlic' h~sti esso :ti "elephant' j~nn~:rl~ jenno:lo ·window· gh~:ra ge:ro chouse' h~\a;di elo:di (TK) "turmeric' ele:di (AK)

(2) ~:)-~ 0(:) This is the most frequent correspondence.

ba:yl~ -ba:ylo ·woman' p:> :t~ po:to "belly' r~gga:t;) reggo:to. cblood' . naiLku :t;) nakku:to cnail' ma:!;):ba molo:bo ·sky· There at.e numerous exmaples, in this category. (ii) :>(:) -70 (:) ; e.(:) ~:) Brahmin Kudumbi

p~:t., po:!O ·belly' g:)vt::. govn.ti "neck" matt@: matte "'head' pet t:> pet~o ·inale dog' be..bb~ bebbo Cfrog' m£.:t~ • me:to ·step"

(iii) In some cases a: --7 a ; ~: --70 , a: -) a manta:r:;:) mantaro '"old man' pa:vb pavulo· "foot" pa:yu payyo "'leg' ta :!:) tala "'throat' pa:t:> .paro "rock' ca:vi cavi "key'

::.:-7 0 do:l:> dolo ~eye" k:>:!:;:) kola "'bud· gh:>:q:> g040 "'horse~ t:):4:) :vu tOQo:vu "'delay'

(iv) Medial non-nasalised~Nasalised Vowels ke:su ke:su "hair' gh:;:):su go:su '"bunch'

(iv) (a). Medial nasalised vowels----.-7Medial non-nasalised volwels

bhii:yi bu:yi '"earth' dha:v~ da:vo "run' - '. ghii:va gu :v(5, "turn'

I . (v) Metathesis .... --~. vindu:ru undi:ru \ "rat' • ..qindu:l~ indo:\u. " ·sWing' "nimbu:v::. numbi ~···leIilon" .. 163 (vi) Assimilation : Partial Brahmin Kudumbi e[u ~ oru , cerQii coQQum 'child~ e[u -:) i[u cendre:mu cendri:mu 'moon' Assimilation .. Complete a:--[ i ~ i [ i manta:ri mantiri 'old woman9 -u: [ i -3- iIi b;:)1nbu:li bombili '"navel'

Dissimilation :

u[u ~ o[u ka:lu:ku ka:!o:ku 'dark' u[u ~ i [u SQwudru sodJdi:ru duvv~:ru . divo:ru 'smoke' 0[0 -3- o [i go~!o govI}ti clleck'

(vii) Other sporadic Changes: As they are varied in quality, this is taken as a case of varied correspondence in general, without specifically mentioning the set of correspondence. Brahmin Kudumbi

pa:vl~ pavulo ·foot' pa:yu payyo . Cleg' vho:1)t-i vaIJ-tu ::g.i 'lap' ja':1\g~ jaftgo:qo -thigh' dvi:p~ di-:bo ·island' denpa:~ devpo:ram 'noon' -4~..:r. . dukko:ro Apig' pa:k~ fa:k~ cwing' ~':Ci Cts:co 'beak' ftsu:rQ . vasso:ro .ea.ir ' -dri ':ri (1.o:ro -rope' teiaku:qi tokko:'Qqi 'pole with an iron 'nook" da:~i do:yi 'ladle" ~-~u k.:IJ.u ~cle' j~lu~vo Jolu cleech' 164 Brahmin Kudumbi ga:vi ga:qi CpuUey' piHi fiHo 'flour' udda:k:;} uddo 'water' iitga:l:;) iuga :lu 'charcoal' ~lle balle 'net" tvarQi:k:;} verQi:ke 'm4:trlage' , vh=> :re:tu e:re:tu . 'l?l:idegr-',lom'

The above mentioned phonolo¥~~a~ f~atures are regular and. co~sist~nt in Trivandrum Kudumbi dialect, ;while the. vow(fl ccrr.es]?9ndence ate most irregul~r and incoJlsistent in the AI~eppey Kudumbi cliaJ~t .. The il!vesti­ gator came across Kudumbi people in A11eppey, who could not evert speak this dialect, due to their constant movement in the- GSB settl~ments. This I" ~ " . -dialect is heavily influenced by the GS -dialect and th~ dialect seems to linger between the Kudumbi dialect and the GS dialect. But the Kudumbi -dialect features are numerous and hence we treat this dialect as a Kudumbi -dialect. \ The impact of the OS dialect is keenly felt in the phonological level. The presence of /:;}/ is the most important factor to be :&:~koned with in the Alleppey Kudumbi dialect. /:;}j of. Brahmin dial~t,. is. sometimes preserved in the dialect, some times 1~/·or the Brahmin dial~ct corresponds toje/,. /01 etc., which is a predominant KU:dumbi featl1re_ The. preserVation of the Kudumbi feature and the influence of the GS dialect make the phonological picture somewhat confusing. Phonologically the Kudumbi dialect is distiJ1gUished; from. 'Brahmin -dialect as a whole taking Kerala as a region. In these tnorphologicalfeatures 'they show that they are members of the Southern· Dialect.

2. M orphologica/ features Frorll the morphological features we are able to decide that the Kudumbi dialect is basically a Southern Dialect.

(1). Honorific Imperative Singular Suffix Southern Trivandrum Alleppey Dialect Kudumbi(TK): Kudumhi(AK)

-a:y -a-:y "a:~y pi: . ~drink~ ·piyy-a:y piyy-a:y piyy-a:y \. y=>: 'come' eyy-a.:y eyy-a:y eYY-8::Y ra:b~ C~tand· rabb"a:y rabb-a:y rab1>.-a:y tGd. s.--v3£(li:k:3 165 (2). Gerund Soutkern TK AX Dialect

-~:p~ -o:po ... ~:~ pi: ·drink" pi:v-~:p~ pi:v-o:po pi :v-~ :p=» y::> : ·come" e:v·~:p~ yo:v·o:po e:v-Q:p3 ra:bg ·staDel" rabb-;) :}JQ rabb-o:po rabb-a:~ 2. (3) Pronoun tleclelUiOll In pronoun declension" IC.udumbi dialect is distinctly different from the Brahmin dialect. Mainly in the case of third person pronouns. the forms in all the seven eases (refer- to the chart in Appendix I B.6) are: distinguishably different from the forms available in Brahmin dialect. 2. (4) Formatio!, of Fractions Post-posing the aUomorpbs of /:>rdb:>!l after the numerals

Southe,." Trivandrum A1Jeppey Dialect Kudumbi(TK) Kudumbi(AK) - -Q:4Q -0:40 -Q :cjQ -sa:rcb -sa:rdo -sa:rdQ 41- CQvv-:;,:4Q covv:o~cJo c:tVV-Q :cJ~ Sl paiiex» :43 PQiic-o :40 paiic-Q :cJ~ III ikhra: sa :rcb ikko :ra-sa :rdo ikkQ:l"Q sa :rdQ- 2. (5) Stem A.lternants Southern Trivandrum -_ Alleppey Northern- Dialect Kudumbi (TK) Kudumbi (AK) Dialect

up uiica.:ri uiia.:ri unca :ri -wyri with laggi *kut;ta: *kutlil: ottu-sanga:ti next maggi:rct. tnaggi:rce maggi:rce nanta:ro very ca.: ca.: cil.: bha:ri - jo:ru mest~ - bh~ri :: because, dikku:n dekkii~ dekku:l}u nimiti so, therefore from thakun leggii -taku - IegguQ. U _" saku:!Ju suku:nu(GS) bakku:I)u ta:nu (S)

up (to) v~re:D;) pitto :ri pere : - pere :n~ tha:yi (S) again dusse:ri dusse:ri dusse:ri opa:B quick dhara:ri voggi - hara a;ti voggi - sara:ri V;Jggi

2. (7) Adje~tives

bad balla:v~ ballave baUa:v~ va:yt;J

much jbayte-ce:q;J ja.:yto jayte m~st~ ce:qo-ceqo ca:q~ a little th::l,sq.e_-_e4e:ci ede:ci edc :ci cikki- s;Jlp~ coI~ se:l~ selavo :ti se:l~ th~IJ-Q~

2. - Interrogatives

When 1 ~edda :IJ-a : keddo:Q-o kedda:l).a: kedna: what ~ ittf. kitte kitte k~ss~ :le (as) k~sl£ k~lI£ (S) how much? uttn :le kittu:le­ kuttu:I£ kitle ~ where 1 kh~nt~:y hecce hente:y,­ '_ -kh~:y heccQ:4~ \ • Borrowed Cr'om Ma!ayalam.

161 3. Vocabulary

3.(1) Kudumbi dialects have the same c(:;gnates as the S61lthern Dialect.

Examples ~outhern (TK),- (AK) __ ;;:'_ Northern Dialect _- - Diaiect i,;,' ".. , : -~ - . ~ ..:,. Fish mas~;) :li masso;li ~~~-iV·;- janc~ Mosquito ~mumbu:r3 nufubu-:ro numou:ro j~-;fa:r;) Nut ~kh:lmpi hoppii:;' hoppi jhompcJi Mango seed pa:.1'i- pa:ri pa:ri katb

Bucket :pa :!i3, ;J,:*4~ pa-:le. - b3;J_gi_. .... - ~! •• Tile k:;)ylu:v~ koylu:vo koylu:v~ n;) :1:;, Cart bha:J)qi ba:ndi ... ba :Q-4i ga:4i . _ - ~ Month ma:su '-ma:ru' ma:-su' m;:;tyn::> -, Rice -;:~ ~-;),;_:_..-: :'f_~~ jVU _voro':,vu voro:vu tandu:lu Neck tPv!::> gOVfi govQ-!O g;) :10

3. (2) borrowings: All the borroWings are M'3:hryalam words. similar to the Southern Dialect (refer p. 154).

Examples Southern Trillandrum Alleppey Dialect Kudumbi (TK) ; Kuduln:bi (~K)_

South *te.:ka *tekk~t *tekk~ ~ West *p~_Q.ji :ra *poQeiija :ra *po4eiija :r~ East *kel;) :k;} *kalaka :dikku *k~l;)k~ Knee *(payya:) muUu *(payya:) rnu:to *(payya:) mu:!~ ," Liver *karala *karolo *karal~ Cave *gu:h;) *guha: *guha: Hill *kunn:;) *t- .. Thunder *iqbe*~ *iqiveHi *i4be:t~ Rainbow *malavill;) ~ma!a villa . Duck *ta:ra:v~ *tara:vo *ta:ra:v;) . Week ~a:lca: Property right *avaga:su "*avaka :sam *~vaga:su Plough *kalappe Bug *mu:te Cameleon *o:ndo Prison */jeylo'", "'Borrowing. t ----<) is retained o~ly in borrowed words. */- English borrowiQg.___ _ - ______._ ... t Either not available or no borrowing. 168 In addition to the above mentioned di1f~ences we find' the following 'cognates in Kudumbi, unshared by the Vrabplip dialects. Th~. items are more in Trivandrum Kudumbi than in AUeppey Kudumbi. When the item is found.. :only tn Trivandrum Kudumbi Ot" AUeppey Kudumbi" the item is markeditWtth (TK) or (AK) .

.Examples

jenduko :lu - jendu ~ animal' ;kollu:!o (TK) ' .. bitch'''

:mali (TK) ~ ~r~.i_. :.._ • ceili.ng • hu '\tQ., ~'I;Jq " : ::_ • driz,zle • nangu :ru (TK) • plough • atto :ri (TK) 'mat • :kesso :ri (TK) • betal • foqi • comb' ,bo:ku • buttock • haQki • chin • 'okko :QQi (TKJ , finger' 1 ,k.oppa::lu (TK) • fore-head .­ ,':0 bofi.¢O ~ wrinkle' 'be :-cyqo'(TK) - be :T}.4~ (AK) • waist .' dongo :ru (TK) , hill • -oHo doilgo :ru (TK) , mountain' e::lu-ve:lu • sun • pormo:tu , gun' pavsa.: dOQ.J}u (TK) ~ rainbow'

In addition to these there are a few cognates which are shared only by QGS in one case and the Saraswat dialects in other cases. All these cognates, unshare-d-and shared are proposed to be discussed at the end of this chafter. Coming to the other minor dialects the important set in Northern Dia­ lect is (Kas S) vs Kas GS. Here only a few phonological features will be dealt with. Othe:t: differences can be found by referring to the lists p:r:ovided. 1. In Saraswat dialect both c. ts, and j, dz are found while only c. j are' found in tho OS dialect. Saraswat Gowd Saraswat

tsall~ . celb "boy • :dza:ng~ ja:ng~ C thigh • jhomp4i jhompqi "hut • " ji :rl}~ ji :rl)~ \ C digestion • eo:ku co:ku C figures draWl) 'With

-"i diluted rice, paste t- \. __ • on the floor ~ T69 ·2'. Aspirated Consonant -7 UnaSpirated Consonant Saraswat Gowd Saraswat

dharvand., darvandu 6 threshold ... dzham})., :y:> jam~:y:> 6 yawning" dhe:Iiku 4e:Iiku ~ belch"

3. UnQspirated Consonant -7>Aspirated Consonant dza:4" jha:4" • plant" gu:!i ghu:!i • anything round .... kU:J}tu khurH:> • peg' : ,< -"

4. Retroflex Consonants 0Alveoldr/Palatal

(i) ~ ~ § k~~~i k.,§si • how" $e:4i se~4i • the substance" used for decorating Doors; with figures'

(ii) lJ. -7' n s"IJlJ.i ~nni • significant gesture ~ add., :IJ" add~:n., • water boiled for preparing :rice'

(iii) \ -) 1 kQ :18 k., :1£ • scar • • 5. Other Sporadic correspondences ni:ric mi:ri • fold" kanjc}i kannQ:qi ~ mirror" rando:y randa :yka:y .. vegetables " adzku:l kajku:l • tickle • anva ;1e.. avnga:le • clothes" ugqa:su uqga:su • remembrance ,. ta:na ta:ni • thirst' le:ki le:ka • relationship ,. khardzu khoro:ju • pustule' --f· : -'b'a t Ii- ba:tli , bottle"

< lilgga -:y - . diga:y 'length' U~1}£ u8si :1}£ • debt" 170 A few vocabulary differences Soroswot Gowd SarQSwal

ts:> :!~ c~:g~ • shirt ~ ve:~ti puQuvf. • manner of wearing dhoti ~ mU:Q4~ a:4ne:se • mannerof 'w.earin&, dhoti ~ gurtu boUu • point ~ ge :r:) gi :ti a line' rii:v~ vr~::Q~ "sore ~ v~tsge:b ~mka:l:;) • went' Statistical Calculation / An attempt has also been made to check up the results by means oi statistical calculation. For such a study. the vocables are taken as. materiaL

Procedure A total of 215 items are taken for which the number of words available in each of the eight dialects are counted. Of the available words,. only *cognates are taken into account leaving aside the borrowings. If a single item in the list has two words in a dialect (Items 1. 2 ...... ) then they are <;:_ounted as two items having two wprds. In other words, the corres­ pondence is always one-to-one between the items and the words. To illustrate: • boy' the item has tw~ words in Brahmin dialects. eel!:> and c& :4:>. While only one. word ce :4:) is available in the Kudumbi dialectsL Thus for the two items' both meaning • boy' two counts are given. The \ number of similar cognates found in the dialects divided by the miniIl!um number ofwo:r;ds:-available gives the cogna·te percentage shared by the dialects,.. viz. if in the two dialects compared there are 215,. 185 words available respec­ tively and 7,5 cognates shared by them, then the percentage of shared cognates is 75/185 x 100. When more than one dialect on one side is compared with more than one dialect on the other side it is not always necessary that the word should be found in all the dialects. It is enough even if the word is found in one dialect on each side. * At present it is not- po~ble to detect inter-dialectal borrowings, or all re-borrowings froIn MaiayaJam whic:b ~ave been adapted accOrding to the phonemiC pattern ot'

Kou.kaJ).i. f Ft,lrther, borrowip.g from Marathi are also undetectable. So. lea,ving aside 4efinite bOrroWings from Ma\ayalam. Kannada anc1 English.relpaining WOl'ds are tentatively treated as cogn~es including the doubtful cogn~tes. DOUbtful cognates are thos~ ~hose origin are fOT· the Jln"CSe~t shrou~d. c<)nsider~. ine,u?licable d4,le to their prisenoe ',in' both Dravidian and rndo-Aryan languiiges. Re-borrow'nP ~re: those wbidt aI'!&, pri marily bOrrowed from Sktt into 'Malyala m and secondarily . hotrowCld from MaJayaJam irito Kdnkani (e.••• ~y" re~mi;_r~smi)_ Those whiCh cOtild easil~ be d~tected are tieated a~ borrowinas.·: -:';- 171 'Cognate Count 1. When more than one dialect on one side are compared with one or -more dialects on the otherside, then (i) that cognate found in majority of the dialects is taken into account. (ii) If in majority of the dialects, borrowed words are found and in one or two remaining dialects cognates are found, then, the cognate is taken into account. (iii) If in out of four dialects, two have borrowed words and the remaining have two different cognates, then, that cognate which is the same as the one on the other side is chosen. (iv) If all the dialects have cognates but are equally divided in the presence of a particular cognate i.e., half of them- have one cdgnate and the other half -another cognate, then, that cognate which is the same as the- one on the other side is chosen.

Percentage of Shared Cognates All the results are corrected - to one decimal. _ Southern vs Northern (Calicut dialects are left out, and are dealt with separately as they happen to be border line dialects). Shared Cognates 149- Total number. of vocables 216 149 x 100=69 % (app.) Percentage of Shared Cognates - .216 Kudumbi vs Brahmin 160x 100 75'8% 211 Kudumbi vs Southern Dialect 174 X 100 82'5·% 211 129 x 100 71-7 % Ca}. dialects v,s Southern Dialect 180 _. 143xlOO 79-4% Cal. dialects vs Northern Dialect 180 The above results show that (i) Kudumbi dialects belong to the Southern Dialect. (ij) Calic:ut dialects are _more akin to Northern Dialect than to the Southern Dialect.

The Chart given below showing inter-dialectal relationship with regards to percentages of cognate counts will further bear out the comparable situa­ tions of various- Major and minor dialeets as have been maintained in the foregoing discussion.

172 ...... \0 0Cl 0 0'1 ....; ~ N ~ '" \C) ...... \0 \0 \0 \C) .- 00 rIl Qb .- ..... -0 g ...... , .., co CO ....co 00 CO 00 ..... c c:::i -N '<'( N == on - - ~ II::S ~ «! ...... \Q - - ~ I.Q b \0 'N' .2 N ..., ..., t: V -...... N ~ .-.._.,c- ~"" " 0'1 N CO ? ~ e N 00 ~ ...., ..... I.Q II::S \0 V"l - \C 0:- -I:: ~ boO ..... rn 0 C <;j"" \C 0 0 0 0 r- <;j 0-, 0 --=: ._'" <:> 0\ ....,0 0 ~ .2 ...., "'" .;! ~ _I '0 'c> 'II::S Q ..... T- o:- ..., ..... ~ ;: 0 ...; ..;- 00 § r- \Q \Q \0 ...c <:.J 0 ...... "" til 00 Q ~ IU 0 0 -0 ~ 0 <:> Q., .,.. 00 ~ 00 eo .... It:: ...... 0 ..... 8 ~ \0 -- ~ N .... :!. ~ -s::: ...... - '_ ;:,.."" -..., - - .-Co ..... 00 "02" ~"" ... ~ 0 0 61, 00 l"- -te s e <:.J ~ ..q. 8 a 8 N ~ N N N ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ " ..... N =s' . - .... ~ N -0 00 -="-' ""I::l., ~ = 00 .-e ._ ~ ." --CIII '-'== -...~ d ii' ~ -r- ~ ~ .... ,.!It. l -~ -N ' ,~ .. ~<;j 00 "C- ..,. I ...... CIII .sa- ~ .. '0 Q - -N ·1!ibt.ft) . ....; s~{qU;)O A JO , ~OU!N N .... lI'\ ...0 r--.: :a.a0lf~(l - ·ONIlnO~ -,xOfllN 11$ It will be found from the chart that the lowest percentage is between (2, 7;) viz. 57.3, while the highest is between (7, 8) viz. 82.9. The median falls at 70'1. Between any two members of any of the Major Dialects or of the border line dialects, the percentage of shared cognates is never below median. It is either at or above median. It is at the median between {I, 2) of Southern Dialect, and in all the other cases it is above median between members of the same Major Dialect. From the above chart we infer that, (i) between GS dialects the percentage of shared cognates is more when compared to those between GS and S or GS and K. (ii) The same is true as regards Kudumbi dialects. But between Saraswat dialects, this does not seem to hold good. The percentage is more between (5, 6) (5, 7) and (7, 8) than that between (6, 8). (iii) The percentage of shared cognates between TK and other dia­ lects is in general less than those between any other set of minor dialects. While the percentage is maximum between (2, 3) both K dialects, it declines gradually as one proceeds from Quilon to Kasargod. (iv) The Kudumbi dialects when compared to the minor dialects of border line and Northern dialects, the percentage of shared cognates is more with the Saraswat dialects while they are noticeably less with the GS dialects. 1. The percentage of sh~red' common cognates being the least in the case 'Of TK it reduces the level of median too. On seeing this and other factors ~uch as pronunciation, number of unshared cognates. and other morpholo­ gical features, a genuine doubt creeps in as to whether TK should be treated as a dialect of Konkani? Only further collection of material and analysis will make things clear. But as the matter stands, theperc.:entage of shared cognates between the other minor dialects of Konkani and TK is more than that of Kudumbi dialects with Marathi (Cf. p. 178) so at present Kudumhi is treated as a. dialect of Konkani.

PartH In the second part of the Iso·gloss Study, these minor dialects of Konkani are compared with the Ratnagiri dialect of MarathL The material taken for comparison are 162 words, a few morphological categories ~d 66 sen­ tences .. The analysis of the Ratnagiri Marathi is not done, . as it is beyond the scope of-the present work. So~ only a few phonological, moiphoiogical and lexical features which distinguish Marathi from· Konkani .are taken for . discussion. 174 I. Phonological features (0) While almost all of the Konkani nouns end in vowels most of the Marathi nouns end in consonants . .Examples Konkani Marathi

.• back ~ pha:ti pa:th • belly • p~:~;) po:t • bone ~ ha:4a ha:q

(b) Masculine Sg. nouns eJ).d in -~ and -u in Konkani while they end in -a: and ¢ respectively in Marathi. Examples Konkani Morath;

• old man' manta:r~ mha:ta:ra: • eye' d:l: J:l 4°:1a : • ear' ka:nu ka:n • hair' ke:su ke:s (c) both ts, c and dz, j are found in Marathi, while only c, j are found -in Konkani except in the Saraswat dialects. The presence of ts, c and dz, j in the Saraswat dialects may be said due to its contac:t with Mara thi. Examples Konkani Morathi Saraswat dialec Is beak c5:ci t8O:tS tso:ci mat tsatayi: net dza:te breast cha:ti moon cendre:mu candra (d) Konkani Marathi NC ~ C Further the vowel preceding is mostly short in Konkani while long in Marathi. Examples , Konkani Marathi cold man' , manta:r:l mha:ta:ra: ~ elbow' k:lmp:l:ru 'ko:p~:r

C noon' denpa:r;.') dttpa:r • nose' na:ilk;) na:k _ ... flesh • ma:ms~_.ma:so (Kud.) ma~s 175 (e) Konkani Marathi C{C) -~ -Ne Examples Konkani Marathi • scorpion ~ viccu vintsu • wing' pa:k~ pailkl:.;} • wall ~ bitti bhint~ (f) Konkani Marathi -v Where V is a vowel and most frequently -;,Ju. Examples - Konkani Marath; • belly' po:ta po:~ • ear' ka:nu ka:n • day' di:su divas 'flower • phu:la phu:l (g) Other sporadic correspondences: (only a few examples are given below)_ , Konkani Marath! Saraswat dialect • back· pha: ti pa:th pha:ti • blood' r~gga:t3 rakta ragata • chin' vO:l}U:V3 hanuvati: h:):I}.u -haI}.uva • nail ' nailku: ta n~:kh nailku:ta • eye' do:lo 40:la : do:b • eyebrow' bhovri bho:vayi: bho:vi (Nor.Dia.) • foots pa:vl::> pa:vuIj pavIa Kud. pavul~ • forehead' koppa: Iu (TK) kapa:l 'lip • vo:qtu vo:!h va:tu • navel ~ bombu:Ii be:mbi: bombli • calf' vasu:r~ va:sru vasru - • rat' vindu:ru undir undu:ru undi :ru (TK) indu :ru (AK) • cradle • pane pa:lqa: panE. ' • camel' t UIH oqte (Cal S , Kas.GS) bucket t ba!4i : baldi ba:ldi (Ca1. dia.",! & KasGS) flour piHi pi:fb pi:ta 'fltto(rK) . Iitti (lL\K) t Particular Cognates not in use. 176 2. Lexical items (a) Verbs: Konkani (Southern Dialect) Northern Dialect Morath;

• go' VQ:C~ V~:SQ dza: - , see' c:):y PQ: !e b~:gh , write' bQr~:y b~r~:y Jihi: , open • ka:c:;li ka:c:;li ughQ:4 , fly' u:b~ u:b~ uqc:J , stop' rabbQ:y rabb;;):y tha:mb

(b) Nouns:

, door' kavv~:c:;l;} tba:gi:l~ da:r , room' kU:Q~ kU:Q:> kho:li: • boy' c£1b eelb mulga: CE-Q:)(kud.) , child' cerc:;lii cerqu mu:l • head' matte. mattE: qo:ke:: • throat' ta: 1:) ta: !:> ghassa: • neck' g:)vt:) go): {;, m~:ll

, loin, waist' ku:r~u - ku:qu karubar be:J}.Q~(Kud.) • thigh' ja:ng3 ja:Iig;} ma:1J-Q.i (c) Kinship term - • mother' aruma: a:vsu a:yi: , elder a:nu QI).J}.a: mo:tha: brother' bha:vu • father-in- ma:vu ma:vii sa :sra: law' , mother-in- ma:YI rua:yi sa:su: law' , son' pu:tu pu:tu mulga:

(d) Profession

Konkani (Southern Dialect) Marathi

shop keeper anga:4ika :ri du :ka :nda:r labourer dande;li no:ka:r dhobi woman m~Qv;):li pariti :n porter vavt;,lb \ h:}ma:l barbar kelisyafic:> na:vi; t Kannada Borrowing.

2 RGI/75 12 (e) Adjectives Konkani Southern Northern Marathi Dialect Dialect good ca:Iiga ca:Iiga tsa :ilgla: bad balla:v3 va:y!:;) va:y~ tall di:gu di:gu untsa short gUQQ3 gUQQ3 the :ilgu: small sa:n3 sa:na laha:n big v;,H;, hO:Qu mo:!;ha: old p3rn;, dzuna: cold se:l:;) th:;)lJ.cJi thalJcJ3 hot u:n:;) hu:na garam (f)Numerals Konkani (Southern Dialect) Marathi one e:k3 e:kh five pa:iica pa:ts

six s~: saha: nine n:;)vva navu: ten dha: daha: eleven ikkh~:ra: akra:

eighteen a:~a: a!thara: Morphological and syntactical features are not discussed here. Any one who just glances at the descriptive analysis of Konkani and Marathi will find that the gap widens as one proceeds from phonology to morphology and from morphology to syntax. The 66 sentences given in the appendix (I.e) show the striking difierence between Konkani and Marathi. Statistical Calcul.ation-Material consists of 162 words. Konkani vs Marathi Total Shared Cognates Percentage 162 93 57.4 Marathi vs Southern Dialect Total Shared Cognates Percentage 162 80 49.4 Marathi vs Northern Dialect (We take Cal. dialects as Northern Dialect) Total Shared Cognates Percentage 162 89 55'0 178 Nlinor Dialects of Konkani Vs Marathi Marathi is referred to as 9 (refer the Vocabulary Chart) Gowd Saraswat vs Marathi Total Shared Cognates Percentage (I, 9) 162 82 50.6 Trivandrum Kudumbi ys Marathi Total Shared Cognates Percetage (2, 9) 162 73 45~1 AUeppey Kudumbi vs Marathi Total Shared Cognates Percentage (3, 9) 162 73 ' 45.1 Qui/on Gowd Saraswat vs Marathi Total Shared Cognates Percentage (4, 9) 162 74 45.7 Calicut Gowd Saraswat vs Marathi Total Shared Cognates Percentage (5, 9) 162 74 45.7

Calicut Saraswat vs Marathi Total Shared Cognates Percentage (6, 9) 162 72 44.5 KOsdrgod Gowd Sdroswdt vs Morathi Total Shared Cognates Percentage (7, 9) 162 86 53.1 Kasargod Saraswat vs M arath;

Total Shared Cognates Percentage (8, 9) 162 85 52.5

The above figures show·that the maximum percentage of shared cognates is between (7,9) viz. 53.1 while the lowest is between (6, 9) viz. 44.5. The Median falls at 48.8 .. Except I, 7, and 8, 9 which have percentage of shared cognates above the Median, majority of the dialects have percentage below the median. Further wh(m we compare the figures obtained above with those of the eight dialects of Kerala Konkani we fin-\ that the highest percen­ tage of shared cognates between any two dialects presuming 1 to 9 to be dia­ lects of a single language is less by 4.2 % than the lowest percentage of shared cognates between any two dialects of Kerala Konkani. This can only mean 119 that the 9th is not a' dialect in the sense in which· all the others are. In other words, -}. to S· belong to one language, while 9 belongs to another language i.e. Kerala Konkani cannot be treated as a dialect of Marathi~ Then why is Trivandrum Kudumbi dialect which is treated as a dialect of Konkani has 57.3 % .when compared with the Kasargod Gowd saraswat dialect which is O' I % less than the percentage of shared cognates between Konkani (8 dialects) and Marathi is an unanswered but pertinent question yet. . . Further it can be noted that the percentage of shared cognates between (i) Kudumbi vs Brahmin dialects (75.8) ; (ii) Kudumbi vs Southern Dialect of Kerala Konkani (82.5); (iii) Calicut dialects vs Southern Dialect (71.7) ; (iv) Calicut dialects vs Northern Dialect (79.4) ; (v) Southern Dialect Vs Northern Dialect (69.0) are a11 far a1:ove the percentage of shared co_gnates between 0) Marathi vs Southern Dialect (49.4) ; (ii) Mara­ thi. vs Northern Dialect (55.0). An these only strengthen the view that Kerala Konkani cannot be treated as a dialect of Marathi. A glance through the Introduction, Vol. 7, Linguistic Survey of India in comparison with the descriptive study of the -Cochin Gowd Saraswat dialect of Kerala Konkani will reveal the fact that the grammatical structure of Modern Marathi is very much different from that of Kerala Konkani. A few observations in the same volume may be of interest to readers. "(i) In the southern part· of the district of Ratnagiri the Konkani form of Marathi gradually merges into K6nkalJi, through several minor dialects". (p: 1). (ii) Dental consonants are much more commonly cerebralised in Mah?­ rashtri, Ardhame.gadhi. and also in Magadhi, than in sa1uaselli...... Marathi qOpi' 'an eye' But l.:f. Konkani Q::>:!a 'eye' (iii) "We may add stray forms such as Sanskrit kshetra ...... Mflrathi set, but saurasent khe.tta, Hindi khet, a field" (p:8). Cf. Konkani in one dialect (Calicut Gowd Saraswat, 5) one finds khe:t~ 'field' . Further (iv) "The nominative singular of strong masculine bases ends in 11 as in the east and in some dialects of western Hindi, but in 0 in KoitkaQi" (p:10). (v) HMarat,hi possesses a separate case of the agent and, in consequence thereof, 'uses the passive construction of the past tense of transitive verbs. The verb is put in the neuter singular if the object is accompanied by a case suffix. In the Konkan, however,it agrees with the object also in such cases, just as it does:in Gujarati and Ra.jasthanj. Konkani also agrees with Guja­ raU in possessing a separate form of the nominative singular of the personal . pronoun bf the first person; thus·KolJka.l)i hav, Gujarat] hii I". (p: 10). (vi) "The termination of the second person singular of verbal tenses ends j'n s-._as in :bc:ngali, Biharl and Eastern Hind I. KoIikaQJ, however uses yJ-ik¢ :Kasmi:rr.....: ..... ;.: ...... ~.;~, ... ,...... ,~ .... -...... (p: 11). 180 (vii) "The past tense is formed by adding an 1- suffix as in the east...... :...... Gujaniti, it is true, forms a pluperfect participle by adding an 1- suffix, ...... We also find that it is occasionally dropped, not only in the east, but 'also in Marathl dialects, ...... '" ...... on the other hand, this suffix is used in a much wider way in K6nkal).i ... :...... " (p: 11). (viii) "In the Konkan there are important points of agreement with Gujaratr, a fact which may perhaps be accounted for by the supposition that the ]VIara !h:i speaking inhabitants 0 f th e Konka n once occupied the modern Gujarat, and only settled in the Konkan after having lived for some­ time in the neighbourhood of the Guja~atis. The tradition according .to whiCh their original home was Trihotra may be a faint recollection of such a migration" tp: 12). (ix) "Pronunciation :-The short a is pronounced like the u in English ·but'. In Konka1).l, however, it assumes the open sound of 0 in 'hoi', as is also the case in Bengali" ...... (p :2) "short i and u as final vowels only occur in loan-words such as mati 'intelligence'; bhanu ·sun'. In the dialect of the Saraswat Brahmans of Karwar, however, final i and u are quite com­ mon". (p: 21). "The Anunasika is often dropped, or when it is considered necessary to pronounce it distinctly, in order to distinguish between forms which would ..()therwise be confounded, replaced by u...... In the Southern Konkan, however, the nasal pronunciation is very marked". (p: 22) . •• ...... The cerebral I) is often confounded with the n, though both have a different or-igin,...... It has often been stated that the cerebral 1). is more common in the Konkan. This statement however, 'only applies to the K6iJ.kaIJ.i dialect, where the two sounds seem to be correctly distingl)ished .... -...... ". (p: 22-23) "Mara!hi has two s- sounds, a dental s and palatal s...... _.. Dialectically every s is changed to s. A cerebral sh only occured in borrowed words ...... It is pronounced as S.H (p: 23). But ~f. Kerala Konkani which has three distinct phonemes s s ~. "Aspirated letters have often lost their aspiraion ...... _. __ ... :...... _...... _._ .... _...... _...... In the Southern Konkan and Dekhan. where Marathi borders on Kana­ rese, deaspiration is almost the rule". (p :23). Thus at every step one can find that Konkani differs from Mara.thi in more than one count. However, the concluding observation in the Ling~istic Survey of India regarding Konkani's relation to Marathi deserves a closer scrutiny. It is :- HK6nkaQi is a marathi dialect, having branched off from the common parent Prakrit at a relatively early period. This fact accounts for the many apparent divergencies between the two- forms of speech. Konka.ry.f has, 181 in many respects prese:rved an older stage of phonetical development. and shows a great variety of verbal forms than standard Mara thi. Several forms are peculiar to the dhilect. and others have come to be used in a dif­ ferent way from what is the case in standard Marathl. The tradition ac­ cording to which seI).vis. a tribe of BrabmaI}s who have largely spread over the Konkan froro Goa, were originally brought from Trihotra by p!lra­ surarna. has been adduced by native writers as pointing to the conclusion that Konka:g.l has a different origin from Mara thy and is derived from some old dialect called Saraswati Balabhasha, which was originally spoken in Tirhut. The same writers also point to the broad pronunciation of the short a, which sounds almost as an 0, as a confirmation of this view. The missionaries of Goa and Mangalore, to whom we are largely indebted for our knowledge of Koi:t.kal;li, are of a similar opinion, and contend that Kon­ kaI}i is not a dialect of Mara thi. This view is, however, based on too narrow a conception of the idea connoted by the word dialect. They apparently think that a dialect is a deteJ'ioration of some other form of speech, and if such were the case Koil.kal} i would certainly be a separate language, as would almost every dialect all over India. The line between dialects and languages is, of course, difficult to draw; but in the case of Mara !hi and Ko:tika:Qi there cannot be any doubt. They are both derived from the same Prakrit and are both dialects of the same form of speech. The reason for our calling this language MarathI and not KonkalJ.j" is that the national literature is written in a language which is mainly derived from the northern dialects of Poona and Satara, and not from those spoken in the Konkan ... _... _...... _.... __ .... __ ...... (p: 164). While from the foregoing citations of extracts from the LSI it is abUn­ dantly clear that Konkani differs from Marathi significantly in the treat­ ment of several phonological and morphological features of their recons­ tructed parent form of speech and while in the LSI it has also been specified that Konkani "branched off from the common parent Prakrit at a relatively ea'rly period" a fact which ·'accounts for many apparent divergencies be­ tween the two forms of speech" the final pronouncement on the position or status of Konkani as a dialect of Marathi of Grierson appears to be in­ appropriate. His observations become more difficult to understand when it is considered that the survey did not include any specimens from an im­ portant geographical area of Kerala and also the biggest Konkani concen­ tration area of Goa although in the survey by 'Standard Konkanj' is meant inclusion of the representation of Goa Konkani also (LSI. Vol. V, p. 186) 'Language' and "dialect' considerations involve complexities of varying dimensions in respect of specific socio-linguistic situations of particular speech areas and quite often rational linguistic considerations do not provide practical solutions for these complexities. The Editor of the LSI also ap­ pears to be quite aware of the difficulties. To quote, "In tbe course of the . survey. it has sometimes been difficult to decide where a given form of speech is to be looked upon as an iJldepend~nt languas,e or as a dialect of some' 182 other definite form of sp~ech. In practice it has been found that it is some­ times impossible to decide the question in a manner which will gain uni­ versal acceptance" (LSl Vol. I. Part I, p. 22). However, for the tremendous and almost pioneering task of classifying a very large number of speeches for the survey a tentative criteria for language and dialect question appears to have been decided according to which the factor of 'grammatical struc­ ture' was considered most important. The other factor was 'nationality' supported by existence of national literature. Question of 'mutual in­ telligibility' was, however. considered of little value (Ibid. p. 22). Although on current standards of linguistic considerations the criteria of LSI leave plenty of scope for modifications yet according to his own standards the Editor of LSI has not applied the same on his classifications with a measure of consistency. The case of Konkani is a point. Even though it appears to satisfy its most important factor of 'Grammatical Structure' it is included within Marathi simply because it has no written literature. Case of Assameses is another point, where Assamese on account of its 'nationality' and 'literature' is considered a separate language although it is agreed that 'if merely its grammatical forms and vocabulary are con­ sidered. it would not be denied that it is a dialect of Bengali' (Ibid p. 24). Case of Hindi is yet another point where 'radical difference of idiom and construction' is the deciding factor for dividing the area into different lan­ guages even though the vast transitional type of situations of Bhojpuri or Eastern Rajasthani posited serious considerations. There should be more of such cases the details of which need not be given here. But in the light of the foregoing observations it may not be wrong to state that with regards to matters of details in respect of theoretical observations on problems of linguistic classifications and affiliations the LSI does not only need a revision but also should not be considered as a work of reference or for that matter a quotable authority. Regarding the ques­ tion of consideration of Konkani as a dialect or independent language for an investigator whose studies are limited to Kerala Konkani it would be not only too early but also inappropriate to hazard any conclusive observation. since quite vast as well as significant Konkani speahng areas of Goa and Mysore still remain to be surveyed and reported. However, the issue of inclusion of a set of variety of speeches within a certain language area involves pragmatic considerations also and. so needs be handled on socio­ linguistic plane for which a different approach would be found commend­ able. As has been explained earlier in the first chapter of this book the scope of our investigations was to attempt a survey of Konkani as spoken in Kerala. The same has been done and the necessary analyses and conclusions based primarily on grammatical structure have't>een presented in this study. Fully realizing the difficulties involved in the \presentation of a comprehensive survey report for the speeches of a specified area the investigator is con­ vinced that all has not been given quite satisfactorily and the data show 18:1 quite a number of gaps. But the practical difficulties of the field in other­ wise previously unapproached areas already groaning under near famine or politically uncertain conditions. of the time were also no less. All the same something has been possible and the same is being now presented in all earnestness and humility. As the foregoing pages containing grammati- . cal analyses of various sub-dialects or dialects of Kerala Konkani as also their comparison with Marathi specimens would have shown that for lin­ giustic classification purposes in the existing schemes of LSI, on the basis of Kerala Konkani study at least. the Southern Group of the Indo-Aryan Branch should contain instead of one, two languages viz. (1) Marathi and (2) Konkani. After LSI c1assification of Konkani as a dialect of Marathi the publica­ tion of the first great and pioneering work of Dr. S. M. Katre entitled 'The Formation of Konkani' (1942) almost demolished the LSI stand and pointed to further openings for extensive field researches in Konkani linguistics all along the spread of the Konkani speech areas. The lead given by Dr. Katre has unfortunately not received a suitable follow-up so that the whole question could have been re-examined in the light of additional researches . . Neither any significant rebuttals against the findings of Katre's significant work has been offered. Curiously enough there is a tendency on the part of a section of scholars in Marathi linguistics as for instance· reference may be made to the opening lines of the Introduction in Dr. A. M. Ghatage's recent book

184 CHAPTER XI BORROWINGS

With the exception of a few, Konkanis in Kerala are bi-and tri-linguals. In the southern parts from Trivandrum to Calicut, they. use Malayalam in their day-to-day dealings with non-konkanis. In Kasargod and northwards, however, they use Kannada: In this chapter we shall deal with the phonological, grammati~al and lexical borrowlngs in Cochin Konkani, the main source being Malayalam. Phonological borrowing.-AItogether three phonemes It!, alveolar voice­ less stop /1/ retroflex frictionless lateral and /f/, labiodental voiceless frica­ tive are borrowed. Of these h/ and /1/ are from Malayalam and If/ is from English. Grammatical.-ka:ri ~doer'; pak§ie "but. pak~e is borrowed from Ma­ ]ayalam. The source of ka :ri is obscure as in no language including Sans­ krit-ka :ri is used in Masculine gender. In Konkani-ka :ri is used for indi­ cating both masculine and feminine words. Examples : t:l:pp;}kka:ri ayb- "The gardener (m.) came(m.), migge:l ku :ttakka :ri ayli • My friend (f.) came (f.),. Lexical borrowing.-The Lexical borrowing or the number of loan words in Cochin Konkani amount to 186 in a list of 1640 words. Of these 84 are borrowings from Malayalam (a few from Tamil); 16 are reborrowingsl.* from Malayalam ; 22 are from Kannada/Tulu. (and one from Telugu), 16 are from English and from other foreign languages and the remaining 48 are the Dravidian borrowings in Sanskrit, inherited by Konkani. The last are not considered as borrowings for the purpose of discussion. Impact of borrowing.-In general. the impact is not very deep, phc)'floio­ gically, three marginal phonemes /1/, Ill, /r.(~ are added to the phonemic in­ ventory. In the distributional level of phonemes, the final consonant ending words are due to borrowing. Their number is remarkably sman as can be seen from the material. But a new mode of phonemic distribution foreign to Konkani is introduced, viz. consonant ending words, a few initial and . medial consonant clusters; grammatically, absence of reflexive pronouns, re­ placement of relative pronouns by participials (adjectivals) are other notice­ able features, which may be due to the influence of Malayalam. According to Rev. CaldwelIt, one of the main features that distinguishes Indo Aryan from Dravidian is the presence of relative pronouns in the former and the occurrence of partidpials instead in the lat._er. * RebbrtoWirtgi are the skt. words borrowed by Konkani thro' Malayalam. t P: 50 Introduction, A comparative gra mmar of the Dravidian languages.

185 Lexically, the percentage of borrowed words to the total av~ilabl~ words in the data. is (;mly 8.4 % approximately (Excluding Dra"idian borrowings in Skt.). As these borrowings are from non-Indo Aryan languages, they are easlly noticeable. Almost all borrowings are adapted according to the native phonemic pattern of the words, and are naturalisedo. The impact is rather in the surface level tban deep. Perhaps, this might have been the reason for people to call Konkani a heterogeneous rather than a homogeneous language, at first sight. The analysis proves that the structure of konkani is not so much affected as it is claimed by many scholars. This can be said with certainty at least with respect to Kerala K~nkani in general and Cochin. Konkani in particular. Borrowings from MalayaIam and a few from Ttmil

Item in eGS Ma.Ta. Entry no. Meaning equivalent in DEDt

1 amb~ ampu 150 arrow 2 aIiga:<;li anilati 37 shop 3 ara: ara 192 half 4 a:ru aru 33 river 5 a:lca: arca 341 week 6 ~4Q.i a~i 63 foot of vessels 7 ~.ary. o The borr~wed words once borrowed are as~jgn(d aprropri3le gramrr.atic;.:-1 geT dt:Tf. 186 Item in CGS Ma.Ta. Entry no. Meaning equivalent in DEDt

22 pa:r~ pa!:a 3392 rock 23 p;;divu pativu 3232 habit, custom 24 p;)ccaHi Ta. paccati name of a help- ing 25 p~I)ji :ra patiiiiUiru 3190 west 26 p~ynda:r;:) payntar;:) 'coHo- sugar quial Ma' 27 pa:yk::>:lu vai-kkol 4569 straw 33 belu :v;) veti 4526 open space 34 ta:ra:v;:) taravu 2588 duck 35 ta:lca taJ;ca 'lowness 2597 depth col. Ma. 'depth' 36 t;:):}i Hqi 'to season' 2604 to fry 37 tu:ki (a) tiikku 2777 to wiegh 3S t€.ll ;:) tenu 2835 wrong, mistake 39 t€.:ka terku 2839 south 40 t'.:)ppakka:ri toppu ' grove' 2929 gardener 41 t~rn;)k;:) :ri turakka 2667 to open 42 -t::> :P;) t6ppu 'grove' 2929 garden 43 ciiifian ciililan 2063 a variety oj plantain 44 ci :ri clla (ka.) cira 2164 (cloth) bag 45 culli cut!i 'sprig • 2230 stalk 46 c€.I).:!am c6tam 2359 maize 48 kalka:ri kari ' charcoal • 1073a] charcoal kal 'stone' 1091 49 ka:!u kaHu (Ta.) 961 bundle 50 k:;;d~la kasera col. Ma. chair 51 k;:)mbi kampi -1038 wire 52 (cinni) k;:)l}.;:)ilg;:) kiraitilu \ 1314 sweet potato 53 ka:ra: kunnu 1584 hill 56 kU:Qla: mUl)~i kU:Q~a 'dirty 4047 naughty woman' mut;l!i 'short \voman' 57 kurdi kurutu 'blindness' 1487] blind woman 58 kur~;:) kuru!i 'blir.d . blind man woman 59 ku:nakka:ri kUHali col. Ma. 1562 kllHukkaran 60 k;:)l;:):k;:) kirakku 1348 east 61 k~savaiic::> kusavan 1468 potter 62 maQQ~:l~ ma!a! 3814 woven palm 63 magg::> Col. Ta. makitu the cleaving line vakitu vakir 'to cleave' 4235 in combing hair 64 manti::> col. Ma. Mandu phyleria 65 manka: ~~ mat;likkettu 3824 wrist: : 66 malaviIl~ mara 'rain' 3&931\ rainbow villu 'bow' 4449 Jl 67 ma::Qa:y Ta. ma:lJ:ai 3826 wooden plank seat 68 minn~:la minnal 3994 lightning 69 mugu munu 4044 knee 70 mukka:l mu-three 4147 3/4 kal 'q uarter • 71 mullaillii muHanki 4105 radish 72 m::>He:.ku :s~ Col. Ta. muHaikki5s .. cabbage 73 m;)H::> muga, moga 4048 egg 74 naytya:li paHi 3309 mosque p~Hi 75 na :HukadaJi Col. Ma. a variety' of naHukata!i plantain 76 n:mdarba: t~ Col. Ma. a variety of k&:\€. nentarar'lkay plantain 77 ni:t;) nitu' long' 3059 long 78 neSV;)::Q;:l Ta. necavu 3103 dress , texture' 79 ne:re: nirai 'form a screen rna de of column' nirai­ 3042 wooden bars ccal • screen • 188_ Item in CGS Ma. Ta ~ntTY no. :N!eaning equivalent III DEDt

80 nhe :s;} ney 'to weave 3103 to wear dress clothes' 81 nhe:sd dress 82 rasba:}€: Col. Ta. rasta!i a variety of plantain 83 Tasta: 1i Col. Ta. rastali a variety of plantain 84 Ie:l;;; Col. Ma. lelam auction

Reborrowings from Malayalam

1 a:dyaccE.. first 2 ec;lavam 10th MaJayalam caler..dar month 3 tula:m 3rd Malayalam calendar month 4 du:ram distance 5 dhanu 5th Malayalam caler. dar month 6 ca:ye tea 7 ciniiem 1 st Malayalam calendar month 8 kanni 2r.d Malayalam calendar month 9 karkatakam 12th Malayalam calendar month 10 kumbam 7th Malayalam calandar month 11 makaram 6th Malayalam calendar mouth 1]. mithunam 11th Malayalam calend~r month 13 mi:nam 8th Malayalam calendar month 14 me:c;lam 9th Malayalam calendai- month 15 si:lam practice 16 vriscikam 4th Malayalam calendar month 189 Borrowings from Kannada; a few from Tutu and one from Telugu

Item in CGS Equivalent in Entry no. Meaning ka. Tu. Te. in DED

1 app:> appa 132 a sweet meat 2 app:>:lu appal a 3243 wafer of black gram! 3 aliya: aliya ~ son-in-law 256 wife's brother 4 ba:l~ b~i1a 4394 tail 5 (h~sti:) pit)Qu Te. peJ).Qa 'dung 3636 dung of elephant of cattle" 6 b:;)4~:k;;) (kod)badaki 4267 north Tu. baQakayi 7 boyko:lu Ta. vaikkol 4569 straw Tn. bai 8 b:;,:r:;,:y bare 4304 to write 9 tu:pa, tuppa 2685 ghee 10 tami!u Tu. tamulu 2508 Tamil Language 11 jegg:;,:li Tu. jagali 18080 veranda 12 kanna4a kanna4a 1079 Kannada Language 13 kann:;,:4i kanna4i 939 mirror 14 ghu:Qu gUQu ' cage' 1563 cage, prison 15 m:;'Quv;):li ma4iva{i 4804 washer woman 16 kha4va :J).E. kaQival).a 950 bridle. reins 17 muogi miiftga 4124 dumb woman 18 mungo dumb man 19 sa:ru sa;ru • relish in a 2050 broth liquid state • 20 s:;,rpa:li sarpa\i 1948 chain 21 sikka:y Tu. sige-kayi 2147 soap-nut 22 sulko culike 'a stout stick 2226 spear to beat cotton with' •

Borrowings from other languag'.::s9 mainly from English and Portuguese

1 alma:ri almirah 2 a:spatri hospital 3 pinnd safety pin 4 bi:ns:;, beans [5 bu:ku book 1 6 betta:mba button 190 Borrowings from other langud.ges~ mainly from English and Portuguese-coneld. 7 te:bl table 8 j~nn~:rl~ wir.dow (Portuguese : janela) 9 karaf.lt~ current 10 me:j~ table 11 flu: influenza 12 sa:ku sack 13 rant~:rl~ lantern 14 r:>:!~ road 15 vuH~:n~ wool • tEntry . WordinCGS Equivalent No. in Equivalent in DED in Sanskrit the Dravidian Entry Article (Tamil)

1 akka: • elder akka ~mother • 1 akka 'elder sister' 24 sister' 2 agg:>lu • fallen alaka 'lock curl' 9 alailku 'to tangle' 203 hair ~ 3 amma : 'mother' amba 'mother' 7 amma 'mother • f54 4 anku :ri 'sprouC ankura 'id' 4 akai 'to sprout' 16 S alsa:yi'laziness' alasa'lazy' SOWS alacu 'to be weary 200 3 6 parv~' pigeon' paravata'dove' 197 pura 3555 7- p~4~:!e 'snake patola 'Tricho­ 188 pulai ·snake 3491 gourd' san-thesdiocea gourd' 8 pitt~:!i 'brass' pittala 'id ~ 208 pitta!ai ~id' 3161 9 pi :l~ 'young of pillika 'young 209 piHai ·young of 3449 animals' of birds' animal; child' 10*p~Q.~:su 'jack­ pkt.pilua 'id' 191 pala "jack-tree' 3290 fruit' panasa-bread 'fruit tree' 11 ph~:Qu 'boil' sphota 'id' Pkt. 311 Tu. potta ·pus­ 3679 phoQaa'id' tule 12 ph~ :4u 'extend­ phata-. phuta 'id' 224 Ka. pec;.te

14 ta:li 'marriage Hili 'a kiT d of 158 tali 'marriage 2594 badge' 1"1 ornament' bc:dge' 15 ti: tu 'sesamum tila 'id' 161 el 'id' 726 ir..dicum' 16 tu: l~ :si 'basil' tulasI 'holy basil' 168 turay 'sacH d 2761- basil' 17 t~:1:l(1~ 'mouth' tUJ).qa 'beak, 163 cUJ).!U 'beak' 219~· snout' Pkt. tOJ).Qa 'lower lip 'id' lip' 18 thapp~: !~'blow capeta 'a slap SD cappani 'clapp.. 1928 (a) with an open. with the open WS jng har ds' palm' har.d' Pkt. cap eta 21 'id' 19 ca!!u 'a flat vessel catuka 'a woe den 134 canuvam'ladle' 1905 with a hacdle' vessel for taking up any fluid' 20 ca:ilg~ 'good' eailga 'har_dsorne' 131 (ka.) canna 'a 1999(a) handsome man' 21 ci :iic~ 'tamaricd' cindi 'tamarir d 142 (Te.) cinta 2086 tree' 'tamarird' 22 c5.ci 'beak' cancu:-'beak' 132 CUI)!U' beak' 2193 Pkt. di.c 'id' (ka.) cunca 'id' 23 kamm~:l~ 'lily'£.. kamala 'lotus' 41 kuva!ai'lotus' 1574 (ka.) komale 'id' 24 karvi:ru karavir a 'i d' 47 ka1)aviram 977 'Oleander' 'Red Olear.der' 25 kavv~ :<1~ 'door' . kava!a-Pkt. 62 kava!u 'division' 1113 kavada-'the leaf of r panel of a folding door' 26 k~rtE. karoti SDWS ciraHi 'cocoa­ 2101 'cocoa-shell' 'cup bowl' 10 shell' . 27 kuggu:li kokila'id' 105 kuyil'id' 1470 'Indian cuckoo' 28 ku:ra:<1i'axe' kulhara-·axe' 77 Ka_koQali 'axe' 1702 29 k~H£. 'fort' ko!a'id' 106 k6!!ai 'id' 1831 30 k~mp~:ru 'elbow' kiirpara 'elbow' SDWS kopparam ~elbow' Pkt. koppara 'id' 16

192 Entry WordinCGS Equivalent in No. in Equvalant in DED Sanskrit the Dravidian Entry Article (Tamil) 31 kh:;): li 'gutter' khalla 'canal' 113 kal'irrigation 1239 channel' 32 khu:!:::> 'heel' g:t.u1a-khulaka 127 ket;!ai 'ankle' 1619 • ankle' 33 kh:::>:r:::>:ju'itch' kharju'id' 19 Ka. 1cajji 'itch' 925 34 gaq<;la :v~ 'ass. gardabha 121 karutai 'conkey' 1149 donkey' ~ donkey' 35 gh:::> :su 'bunch' guccha'id' 122 kuccu, koccu 1368 'cluster' 36 gh :uva 'to rotate' ghi:.rl} 'roll 129 Ka. kUJ)i 'to 1547 about' move about' 37 mank~ :ga 'monkey' 38 mailk:;):Qj 'she markata 254- Ka- mailga 'id' 3777 monkey' 'monkey' 39 mailk;:>:(lu 'he monkey' 40 ma:!a: mala'id' 260 malai'id' 3954 'garland' 41 rna: t i 'upstalrs' maQi 'upper 259 Ka. maQi 'an 3930(a) storied house' upstair house' Pkt. mala 'id' 42 muIigu :si rnaggusa 'id' 243 Ka. mungiso 4014 'mongoose' Pkt .-maIpguso 'id' muggaso 43 m:J:Q~ 'to mu4-'id' 264 muHu 'to 4C41 break' dash against' 44 niqq,:;}:!:J. ni~ala 'forehead' 277 nutal'id' 3069 'forehead' 45 satte 'umbrella' chattra 'id' SDWS kavi 'to over- 1024 spread' 46 s~lJ.Qa: I:> SUI}qa 'id' 304 tU:Qtam ~beat' 2713 'elephant's tOl).tai 'elephant's trunk' trunk' Ka. soItQalu 'id' 47 s;:,llu 'to peel' colaka 'bark' 144 coli 'to strip of' 2336 48 s u :nti 'dried sU:Q!hi 'id' 303 culHu 'to dry 2191 ginger' up' 193 2 RGI/75 13 Bibliography 1 Caldwell, Rev. Comparative Grammar of the Dravi­ dian Languages 2 Katre, S. M. Dr. Formation of Konkani 3 Buerow, T and Emeneau, The Dravidian Etymological Dictio- M.B. nary (OED) 4 Burrow, T. Further Dravidian words in Sanskrit­ Some Dravidian words in Sanskrit 5 Hockett, C. F. A course. in Modern Linguistics 6 Ghatage, A. M. Dr. Konkani of South, Canara 7 Master, A. A grammar of Old Marathi 8 Nida, A. Morphology 9. Linguistic Survey of Ir~dia~ Vol. VII 10 Census of India, 1961 Part-II-C(ii) Language Tables 11 Census of India, 1961, Kerala, Part-IX-Census Atlas 12 Census of India, 1961, Kerala State-District Census Handbook 1 Trivandrum 2 Quilon 3 Ernakulam 4 Kozhikode 5 Trichur 6 Cannanore 7 Alleppey

194

< ! '- '. APPENDIX I ISOGLOSS MATERIAL A-Vocabulary B-Grammar (a) Pronouns (b) Pronoun : Third person plural : case (c) Interrogatives (d) Verbs: roots (Imperative Singular) (e) Mood formation : Imperative plural or honorific singular (f) Formation of Verbal Noun (g) Obligatory or Assertive ge-rundive mood (h) Formation of mood: Infinitive of purpose C-Sentences

Abbreviations and diacritic marks used in the Charts 1 CGS -Cochin Gowd Saraswat dialect 2 TK -Trivandrum Kudumbi dialect 3 AK -Alleppey Kudumbi dialect 4 QGS -Quilon Gowd Saraswat dialect S Cal GS -Calicut Gowd Saraswat dialect 6 Cal S - Calicut Saraswat dialect 7 Kas GS - K~argcd Gcwd Saraswat dialect 8 Kas S -Kasargod Saraswat dialect * Malayalam borrowings t Kannada borrowings o Doubtful Cognates These are decided with the help of Dravi­ dian Etymological Di~tionary. (Burrow & Emeneau, 1961.) \ :t: Borrowings from Foreign Languages.

195 "A" Vocabulary: Isogloss study of

Southern Dialect

Item CGS TK AK QGS ------.------I 2 3 4 ------

1 child cerqii coqqum cerqii corqii 2 boy celb- ·ceqo ce:q~ cell~~ ce:q~ ce:Q~ 3 girl celli - coqum co :qii celli ,_ ce:qu co :Qu 4 man daddu:b daddu:lo daddu:l~ daddu:l~ 5 woman ba:yl~ ba:ylo ba:yl~ ba:yl~ 6 old woman manta:ri mantiri manta:ri manta:ri 7 old man manta:r~ mantaro manta:r~ manta:r~ 8 wife ba:yl~ ba:yl0 ba:yl~ ba:yl~ 9 body de:h;) a :i:tgo a:Dg~ a:Ii.g~ 10 back (body) pha:ti fa:ti fa:ti pha:ti 11 beUy p~:t~ po:!O p;):!~ p~:t~ 12 blood r~gg;):t;) reggo :to r;)gg~:t~ r~gg~:t~ 13 bone ha:q~ a:qo a:q:;J ha :q;) 14 breast m~mm~ erde erde 15 buttock g~yq1J~ bo:ku· kulb - bo :ku g~Y1J.q~ 16 cheek ga:l~ ga:lu ga :1;) ga;lu 17 chin v~1J.u:v;) haqki haqki vo1J.u :v~ 18 nail nanku:!;) nakku:to nakku:t~ nailku: t.~ 19 ear ka:nu ka:nu ka:nu ka:nu 20 elbow k~mp~:ru *mu:!o *muHu k~mpo:ru- *muttu 21 eye d~:l~ dolo d~l~ d~:l~ 22 eye brow bh~vri *piriyam bovri (MaL. purikam) 23 finger b~:t~ okko :l)qi b~:!~ b~:t~ 24 flesh ma:ms;) ma:so ·ma:s~ ma:ms~ 2S foot pa:vb pavulo pavul;) pa:vl;) 26 forehead niqQ~:I~ koppa:lu ni4qe:l~ niqq~:l~ 27 hair ke:su ke:su ke:su ke:su 28. hand ha:tu a:tu a:tu ha:tu 29 head matte matte matte matte 30 knee (payya:) payya: payya: *muHu *mu:!o *mu:!~

196 Kerala Konkani & Marathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialect r------~.------~ r-o---­ .-A.o------~ Cal GS Cal S Kas GS KasS Marathi 5 6 7 8 9

CGlcj.ii cerQu - ce!Qu cercj.ii_ cer<}~ mu:l c£lb­ tsalb - c£rko c£lb­ tsallo mulga: c£:<;.b ce:cJ;J celli - tsalli celli - tsalli mulgi c<;>:cj.u ce:Q:::I dadb darb darb darb puru~ ba:yla bayl;} mani :!?i bayl~ man~i bayla man~i ba:yko rnanta:ri manta:ri manta:ri manta:ri mha:ta:ri: manta:r::) manta:r::) manta:ro manta:ro mha:ta:ra: ba:yla ba:yl;:) ba:yl:::l ba:yla ba:yko de:ha a :ng;} ~;:)ri:r:::l a :i:Lg;} sari:r pba:ti pba :ti pha:ti pha :ti pa:!h po :t;:) po :!;:) pO:J;:) po :ta po:! r;:)g;}t;} ragata r;:)gata rakt;:) ha:Q~ ha:Qa ha:Qa ha:Q;:) ha:<} mommo cha:ti g;JY:Q.Qa :kulb kulb ga :Q.Qi ga::Q.Qi ga :lu p;Jlb ga:lu ga:lu ga:l vh;:)t;1vi ha :QU vaI}. VI ha1}.uvo hanuvati: nanku :t;} nanku : t;:) nanku :t;} nanku:t;:) na:kh ka:nu ka:nu ka:nu ka:nu ka:n kompo :ru koppo :ru kompo:ru khoppo:ru ko:pa :r

do:1o do :10 Qo:!a: bho:vi bho:vi bho:vayi:

b::):t;:) bo :t;:) bo:ta bo :t:::l bo:t ma:s;} ma:sa ma:s;:) ma:sa ma:s pa:vla pa:vla pavIa pavb pa:vul nicj.<}G :\a niQQ;} :la ni:Q;}:I;} ni :<}:::I :la kapa:l ke:su ke:su ke:su ke:su ke:s ba:tu ha:tu ha:tu ha:tu ha:t matte matte:. matte matte cj.o:ke dimbi dimlJi Qho:par

197 Vocabulary: Isogl(Jss study of

Southern Dialect Item CGS TK AK QGS 1 2 3 4

31 leg pa:yu payyo payy~ pa:yu 32 lip v;:):I}!u VO:l}~U vO:l}tu vO:l}tu 33 liver *karal~ *karolo *kara\~ *karalQ 34 ]ap Vb;:):IHi val;t!u : Q. i vo :I}ti va :IJ.ti 3S moustache °mi :si °misi ami :sa: 36 navel b::lmbu:li bornbili b;:)mb~:li bombu:li 37 neck gov!O gov:Q!i gOVIJ.!O gOVlJ !O 38 nose na:Jik., na:ko na:ko na:nk~ 39 palm hatta: atti: atta: ta:lu:v~ tolave tolavc 40 shoulder bhu:j~ ha:ndu ha:ndu bhu:j~ 41 soul a:t:ma: ji :vu ji:vu 42 thigh ja:nga jango :40 jang~:Qa ja:Iig~ 43 throat ta:lo tala tato ta:!o 44 wrinkle jor4-o bonco boneo mi:ri 4S waist ku:qu be:QQo be:t;tq., ku:rtu 46 field °g~jj":ni °gadd:) °gadd:) °gaddo

47 cave gu:h-a guha: guha: gu:h~

48 dew do:vu do:vu do:vu do:vu 49 hill ~kunn;:) donge:ru Om;.'):] 0 *kunno 50 mountain porvo:tu oHo °m;:):lo °mo:lo doIigo:ru - 51 land bhii:yi bu:yi bu:yi bhu:yi 52 lightning *minn~:13 "'minno:lo *minn~:l;} jug]a:v ~:p;:} 53 ray *r~smi *resmi kiraQ~ *resmi 54 sky m":l~:b~ molo:bo mot:;:):b:;) a:ka:su - m:;):l:;:):b~ 55 storm jho:cJu jo:qu jo:q.u jho:qu

56 island dvi:p3 di:bo *turitt~ 57 moon eendre:mu eendri:mu eendre:mu cendre:mu 58 moon light candi :ne candi :qe candi :lJ-E. candi ~lJ€. -~ S9 rock pa:l'::) paro pa:ro pa:ro 60 sea s~mudru sodldi:ru sewdru semundru

1~ Kertt/a Konkani & Marathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialects r-----_------~~------~ r------~------_----~ Cal GS Cal S Kas GS -Kas S Marathi

5 6 7 8 9

pa:yu pa:yu pa:yu pa:yu pa:y vO:I)~U v~ :I;t!:;} v~:lJ.~u v~:!u o:lh

VO :lJ.ti ja:nga ami :sa: °mi:si °misi: bombuli bombli bombli bombli be:mbi: g~:l:::> g~*) ga:1o _ ga:1o ma:n na:ilk~ na:nk~ na:ilka na:tika na:k hatta: tal vi tal ha:tu tal ha:t

bhu:ja bhu:dz:::> bhu :ja kha :ndu kha :nda: a :tma: ~ pra :Qi a :tma:"': pra :Q.u ja:ilga dza:ilga ja :ilg~ dza :iIga rna :.I)Qi: ta :1:::> tal:::> ta :1:::> ghassa: mi:ri ni :ri mi:ri ni:ri ku:Hu ku:r~u ku:rtu ku;r!u kambar khe:t~~ °gaddo °gaddo .. °gadd:::> guhe:- guyy~ guyy~ gu:h:l guyye: d~:vu da:vu da:vu tgu 4Qo tgu44:::> tgu 44:::> tgu~Q;) Qo:tig:;}:r parva:tu p~rv~tu °m;):lo p:;}rv:;}tu parvat

bhii:yi bhu:yi bhii :yi bhu:yi bhu:mi jagjo :gu vi:dzu ja!~ :ki gh:;}:g *rasmi kiraI)a ki :raI):;} a:ka:sa a:ka:su a:ka:~u a:ka:s

jho:Q.u- tupha:na tufa:n:;} jhoQu va:re dvi:pa be:t eendru eandr:;} eandra­ praka:~' \" " s~midru s~mudru samudru samudru samudr~

199 Vocabulary.' Isogldss study of

Southern Dialect - Item CGS TK AK QGS i 2 3 4

61 sun su:rya: pormo!tu- p;)rmo:tu- su:rya: e:lu ve:lu 62 thunder *iejbe:~;;) *iejiveni *iejbe: ~~ *i :eji 63 rainbow *malavi11;;'l pavsa: *malaviU;;'l *malavill~ dOIJIJu

64 night ra :ti ra :ti ra :ti ra :ti 65 day di:su di:su di:su di:su 66 darkness ka:lu:ku ka!o:ku ka:lu:ku ka:!u:ku 67 noon denpa:r~ deypo:ram deypa:r3 denpa:ru

68 smoke duvv:>:ru divo:ru du:vo:ru duvvo:ru -69 bamboo va:s;) vanso va :s;) va :s;) 70 branch khand;) handi hand:> ,hand::>

71 bunch gh:>:su go:su 72 bud k:>: I;) ko!o k;): I;) k::>: I::> 73 flower °phu:l~ °fu :};) °fu:l~ °phu:l;;l

74 garlic l~ssu:l}~ lessu :I).i 75 grass t~ :I).~ to :IJO t:>: IJ.~ t::>:1).;) 76 mustard sass~:m;) sanso:mo sass~:m~ sass~:m~ 77 pigeon pea c~vli covli covli c~vti 78 animal mr~:g~ jenduko:lu mr~:g~ jendu - mr~:g;) 79 bat vaggu:!€: fakkate:ro - fakk::>- vaggu:!€: vagga:}e vagga:!E. 80 bed bug bikku:QQu *mu:te 81 she buffalo mh~:si mo:si mO:t>i mh~:si 82 he buffalo r::>qq;) roqo r;)Qq ;) r;)cjq ::> 83 crab kurLJ kulli kulli kur};) 84 crow kaYl::> kavlo kav}::> kay1::> 85 dog su:r;tE. petto su:f.lE. su:I).[ 86 she dog hetti kollu:to - eHi- eHi su :I}e pe~!i 87 he dog' Pet!::> peno pqp p€- f t::> 88 elephant h;)sti esso :ti esse :ti h;;lsti

200 Kerala Konkani & kl arathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialect r- ~----__ ,------~ Cal GS Cal S Kas GS Kas S 5 6 7 8 9

su:ryu su:ryu su:ryu SU:ryu su:ry;;,

tgUQugUQU tgu4gu:Qu tgUQugUQU tgUQgUQU *malavilb a :ka :sa ba :1)U ka :mana billu indra d::lnusu

de :va:l dho1)1)u ra :tri ra :ti ra:ti ra :ti ra:tr::l di :su - div:asu di:su di:su divasu divas ka:lu:ku ka:lo:ku andha:r denpa:r~ dh;:)npa:r~ d~npa:r~ dh~npa:r::) dupa:r­ madhya:n~ duvvo:ru va:s;:) va:so va:s;:) va:s;:) ve:lu gh€.lb• ghdb ghelb kha:ndi:­ khend;:) sa:kha: g:> :s;:) - gone;:) g;:)ntso gucch::l k::l:to k::l:to k::):l;:) ka\i: °fu:l;;}_ cphu:l;} °phu:l~ °phu:l °phu:l~ losu:l);} l~su :1);) la~u:1) t::) :1)::l t::l :1)::) t;} :lJ-;} . t::) :I}.::l tsa:r

sass~:m;;, sa:se:m~ sa:s::):m::l sa:s~:m;;} mo :h;)ri: t alsand;:) talsand;:) c;)vli - talsand;:) mr;;,:g;;, mr::l:g::l pra :l}.i - mr;) :g;) dz,;)na:v::):r vaggu:le vagI£. vagva :1E.

bikku:lJ.;;} hikkuI}.U Qhe:kulJ. mh~:si mh~:si mh::):si mh::):s.i mhays 1';:)44;:) 1'::l990 r;)9~b 1'::)44;:) re:4a: kurlo kurb kur!::> kur1i: kayl;:) kayl;:) kayl::> kaYl::> ka:vla: su:1)E. su :l).E. su :I}.E. su :l).E. kutra: heHi bayla su :1J.E. boggi boggi

darla su :lJ.£ b;:)gga: bogga: h;)sti h::lsti hatti : Vocabulary: Isogioss stu.dy QJ

Southern Dialects

Item eGS TK AK QGS 1 2 3 4

89 fish mass~:li masso:li masso:\i massa:li 90 frog bebb;) bebbo bebbo b£bb;)· 91 horse- gh~:Q;) gOQo gO:Q;) gho:Qo 92 lion simhu si:mu simhu simhu 93 lizard sokni sek1}i sek1}i sokni 94 mosquito mumbu:r:;) numbu:ro numbu:r:;) mumbu:r~ 95 pig Qukk:;):r;:) dukko:ro Qukk:;):r~ Qukk:;):ra 96 scorpion viccu kcu iccu viccu 97 squirrel canni canni canni cannl 98 cameleort sirlo "'o:ndo sirlo 99 wing pa:k:;) fa:ko fa:ka pa:ka 100 puppy kutti :ro kutto:ro kutti :ro kutti:r::.

101 duck "'ta :ra :V3 *tara:vo *ta:ra:v:;) *ta:ra:v~ 102 male cat bukko bukko bukko bukko

103 wolf kolusu:1}E. *cenna:y *cenna:y kolsu:Q.E. 104 fern. cat majj:;):ra majjo:ri 105 eagle savIo sav\::> m:;)Q:;):kaY\:JI

106 cuckoo kuggu:li 107 pit pho:Q.Qu fo :t;lQu fo:t;lQu pho::ryqu 108 wall bitti Ol;tO :ti pa:g~:rQ pa:ga:ro 109 window :j:j~nna:r1:;) . :j:jenno:lo tjenna:r1:;) :tjenn:;):rla 110 fence v5:yi vo:yi vo:yi tbe :li 111 house gh:;):ra ge:ro gE..:ra gh3:r~ 112 ceilipg tatte mali taHi tsi :liil 113 door kavva:Q3 kovo:qo kovo:Q:l kavv :Q~ 114 hut khompi- hoppi hoppi khoppi khoppi US roof muggu:!u *ku:re muggu:l:;, muggu:lu 116 sparrow savl;te *kuruvi savJ}e s:;)vl]. €.

117 snake divv::>:Qu soro:pu s::>ro:pu divo:Qu

l1g louse u: u: u: u:

202 Kerala Konkani & Marathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialect Marathi r------A- ----.., • r- ,..A. Cal GS Cal S Kas GS Kas S 5 6 7 8 9

ma:sa: jatke dzatke ja!ke dzatke be:Qu:k bebb~ maIJQu:ku bebbj maIJQu:ku gh~:Q:) gh~:4o gho:Q:> gh:>:C;b gho:4a: simhu sirou simvii sivvu simha sokQ.i sokQ.i sok!:}i sokt;li pa:l ja :\a:ra dza:ta :ra ja :ta :ra dza :la:ra macc~:r Qukka :ra Qukka:ra Qukka:ra c;tukka :ra Qukka:r viccu vitstsu viccu vitstsu vintsu canni tsanni canni tsanni sirla mal} Q;) pa:ka pa:ka pa:ka pa:k~ palikh~ peg:> sU:IJaya: peg:> p&H:> badak *ta :ra :va b~:ta ba:ta ba:ta bukk:> bukk;:) bukkulu- bukka: bukka: - gal) ta : *cenna:y kolsu :l}E. la:1) c;lga: majja:ri madzri ma:q.aya: maq.e: kayt:> m~)('e: kayt;) gidha:4a: kayl:> ko:gila pho :IJ.c;tu pho :lJc;tu pho :lJQu pho:Jglu do :r:> va :IJa :ti va!:}a :ti val)ati bhinta dac;l.c;la :!e tkal)<;li tka~Qi tkal)Qi khic;lki: tbe:li t be :li tbe :li va:yi gha:ra gha :ra gha:ra gha:ra ghar mettu mettu mucci:~ tba :gi:la tba:gi :la tba:gi:la tba:gi :la da:r khompi- tguQsa:l~ jhompQi jhompQ.i tkuc;ti :la muggu:!u ma:c;la kogga:la . ma:c;ta saV:Q.E. tghupci tgurbanji- tghupci cirnlJ.i: tghupci divo:Qu sarpu divo :c;lu- s,arpu sa:p divaQu \ u: u:va u: u: u:

203 Vocabulary: lsogloss study of

Southern Dialect Item . CGS TK AK QGS

1 2 3 4

119 nit li:ka li:ko li:ka Ii :k;:) 120 ginger aIle aUe aIle aIle 121 lemon nimbu:v:> numbi numbi- • nimbu:v:) numbu:v:> 122 beak c5:ci co:co co:ca co:ci 123 sesame ti :lu ti:lu ti :lu ti:lu 124 calf vasu:ra vasso:ro vasu:ra vassu:r;:) 125 rain pa:vsu pa:vsu pa:vsu pa:vsu 126 hay tb:)yk:):lu tboyko:lu tboyko:lu- *kacci - *kacci tb~yko:lu 127 sar:d re :va re:V0 re :VE. re:v3 t'28 step me:!;:) me:!o me:!;:) me:~;:)

129 rope d::>:ri do:ro d::>:r;;l d:):ra 130 pole with iron tenku :4i tokko :t;t4i t:)nko :4i tenku:4i hook to pluck anything 131 rat vindu:ru undi:ru indu:ru indu:ru 132 towel angu :ti aligu :ti • ailgu: ti ailgu: ti ttavv;:):l;:, 133 umbrella sattu:li santu:li santu:li sattu:1i 134 plate rna :t;t 137 cradle panE. pa\!e paHE. pane 138 paddy bha:t;:) ba:to ba:t;:) bha:t~ 139 particle k:):J;l.u ke:t;tu ke ::Q.U ko :t;tti ko:lJ.u . V;l:t;;l 140 sunshine vo:t;:, unno:to vo:t~ 141 drizzle hu:bo ku:p;;l kupp::>

142 season ka:lu ka:lu ka:lu ka:lu s;;lm:;)yu 143 time ve:\u somoyo somoyu- ve:lu

204 Kerala Konkani & Marathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialect r------~------_. r------~------~ "Cal GS C:ll S Kas OS Kas S Marathi 5 6 7 8 9

Ii :ki Ii :k~ li:ka li:ka Ii :kh aIle alle aBe aUe a :le Iimbi :y;:, nimbu:v;) limbi:y:::> - nimbu:v;) Iimbu:

co:ci tso :nci c6:ci tso :ci tso :t5 ti:lu ti:lu ti:lu ti:lu vasr~ vasru vasru vasru va:sru pa:vsu pa:vsu pa:vsu pa:vsu pa;vus tb~yko:Iu (sukki) t~: 1}:;I sukki t:;l :qa gaVa :t ta :l)a - *kacci re:v~ re:v~ re:v~ re:v~ re:ti: me*) meHu me:~~­ meHu pa:yri metta:la eu :<;li - d;:, :r~ d;):r~ d;):rd d;):r~ do:r teIiku:<;li k;:,kke do :qti­ do :1J-ti teIik<;li

vindu:ru undu:ru vindi:ru undu:ru undir )e:su tbhayra:su ans;) ttuvva:la tbayra:su satte satte satte chatri:: vaHe ta =t;} vane ta:th

da:yi d~vb d:;lvb davb <;la:v hindb hindb hindb hindb pallE:. paHE:. paHe pane bba:t;} bha:ta bha:ta bha:t~ ka:1)u k~:l)u ka:qu ka :qu

va :ta va :ta v~ :t;} v~:t~ ku :p~ - ~anna kUl}Qu ~a:na- sirsir pa :vsu pirpi :ri ka:lu ka:Iu ka:Iu ka:Iu ve:\u ·ve:lu-sameya ve:lu-samcya - ve:tu sarna :y evadi

205 Vocabulary: Isogloss stuay of

Southern Dialect Item CGS TK AK QGS

~ 1 2 .:J 4

144 week *a:lca: va:ru va:ru va:ru 145 heat vhunsa:Qi unsa :r.1i unsa:lJi unsa :l}i 146 day-time di:su di:su dissa :ve: Iu di:su 147 delay to:qo:vu toqo:vu to:qo:vu toqo:vu 14& memoty uqga:su uQga:su uqga:su uqga:su 149 pollusion sudk~:b sudko:lo sudk~:l~ sudk~:l~

150 relationship soyri:k~ seyri (relatives) 151 property right *avaga:su *avaka:sam *avaga:su *avaga:su 152 saree kapp~;q", kappo:cjo kapp~:c1a kapp~:cj'"

153 mango seed pa:ri pa:ri pa:ri pa:ri 154 jack fruit pOI}o:su pOlJ.o:su pOI}O :su p01}o:su 155 leech jo!u:v~ jolu jo\u:va jo{u:v:;)

156 camel ot!akam oHagam oHagam OHagam 157 horn si :tiga si :tigo si :ilga si :tiga 158 hoof ga :t;;) hu:!o hu:!o ga:t:;) 159 heal khu:t~ hu:!o hu:!o khu:la 160 village E.Qga:vii ga:vii ga:vii eQaga:va 161 prison *ghu:q.u tjeylo . :t:jeyl~ tjeyl 162 plough *kalappe nailgu:ru *kalappa *kalappe 163 pulley ga:vi ga:Qi ga:cji ga:qo 164 threshing floor °kha:la che:lo °h~:l~ °kh~:l~ 165 boat (country) moficu:v:;) Uloficu:lo mOLCU:V:;) moL.cu:v:;) 166 bucket pa;l£. ·torti pa:l£. po:y~ -pa:l€. 167 broom sa :r1J.i sa:rI}i sa :rlJ.i] 168 floor tne:l:;) tne:lo tne:l:;) 169 flour piHi fiHo fiHi 170 tile koylu:v:;) koylu:vo koylu:v:;) koylu:v:;) 171 cattle shed (gayee) gayye: gayee gayce gott~ goHo gu:Q.u got!o 172 cart bha:qqi ba:I}qi b_a:qqi bha:QcJi 173 water udda:k~ uddo udda:ka udda:k~

206. Kerala Konkani & Marathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialect r------~------~ r------~------. Cal OS Cal S Kas GS Kas S Marathi

5 6 7 8 9

va :ru - ~pb: va :ru h~pt:) va:ru a:thavQa: vhunsa :Q.i hunsa :Q.i hunsa:Qi hunsan:l)i gatam (adj.) di :su - divasu di :su di:su di:su t:)"o :vu " t~ :,,~ :vu t:):4o :vu ta:Q~ :vu u"ga :su ug4a :su uQga:su ug4a:su a:thvan sudk~ :l~ su :t~k~ - p:> :l€: su:tak~­ ho:le - su:ta:ka va:l€: - h:l : Ie:. le:ka le:ki

t~vaga:su hakku hakku hakku kirgi - kapp;} :Q;} kappa:"a - kapQa- sa:Qi kapp~:Q~ kirgi katb katb katt:) P:).Q.O :su P~IP:S P:lIJO :su pa:r;t~:s jo!u:va co :lu-, kanno:!i :)t!~ :g3 oQ.te :lQ.te urH si :ng~ singa si :nga si :itga siIi ga:t~ ga:ta ga:ta ga:ta ku!uvi khuluv:) kho:t gra:m5 thaHi thaUi thalli ga:v :j:jeyl~ :j:jeyla :j:jayl tjeyla :j:jayil *kalappe tne:gilu naftga:ru na:gar .ga:40 ga:43 ga:c;io kappi: ja:la tdo:Q.i tdo :Q.i tdo :Q.i tdo:Q.i galbat baldi ba:ldi ba :ldi baldi balQi: sar.Q.l sa :!Q.i ke :rsulJi: tne:l~ tne:b tne:la piHi- pi:ta pi:!a pi:th no:!o n~:!:) na:!o ne :!:l na!a: tgayce 'tk:)!k€: tk:l

207 Vocabulary Isogloss study of

Southern Diatect

Item CGS TK AK QGS

1 4 2 3 ._-----

174 fire ujj~ ujjo ujj~ ujj~ 175 charcoal inga :t~ iIiga:lu iuga: t~ inga:l::> 176 pillar khamb::> hambo hamb::> khamb::> 177 mat roandu:ri atto :ri mandu:ri mandu:ri 178 net tb::>l1e tbalie tballe 179 stone phatt::>:ru fatto:ru fatto:ru phatto:ru 180 betal ph~qica:n~ kesso :ri foqica:n~ pha pi9Q~ 184 butter fly pakki 185 parrot ki:ru 186 fruit °pha:!a ke!e cf~:la °pha:la 187 unripe fruit ji :vi sa :llga efo :10 ji :vi sa :ilga 188 kitchen vassa:ri L! randu:ce vasse:ri vassa:ri ku:4o 189 verandah tjegga:li tjeggo:li tjegge:li tjegg3:li 190 book tbu:ku tbukku tbukku tbu:ku 191 marriage varqi:ka verqike varqike varqi:ka 192 bride vh~kka:1a voriko :10 v~lika:la v::>kka:13 193 bridegroom vh~:re:tu ere:tu ere:tu- v::>:re:tu vo:re:tu 194 comb danto:Qi foqi fo :Q.i' danto:Qi 195 parched rice carmbu:ro- carrou:r::> carl)l.u :1";) 196 key ca:vi cavi ca:vi ca:VI 197 glass (water) kh::>ll::> !gla:so h~ll::> kh::>ll::>- ::j:tamblar 198 tusk su:l~ su:lo su:t~ su:l~ 199 turmeric hala:di elo:di ete:di ha!a:di 200 month ma:su ma:su roa:su ma:su 201 rice vor~:vu voro:vu voro:vu V::>TO:VU 202 gold bhanga:ra banga:ro banga:ra bhilanga :ra 203 silver ruppe ruppe ruppe rupp€: 204 copper tamb€: tambe tamb€: tamb€:

208 Kerala Konkani & Marathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialect r------~------_. r- __Jo..__--~ Cal GS Cal S KasGS Kas S Marathi

5 6 7 8 9

ujj::> udzdz::> ujjo udzdzo tk~ :ri iIig!o - tk~ :ri iilga :!:;:, iilgb ko :!sa:- khambo khambo kha:mb mandri mandri tsa!ayi: tb:) :1E'. tb:) :le dza :!e. phatto :ru phatt:) :ru daggo:q p~QPa:n~ phapp~:l~ supa:ri supa:ri: na:rlu na:r1u na:ra :1 piggo tmagb tmag:;, :]:;, tmaQl:) pgtgilg~ phulpa:kru ki:ru po:pg:t °ph:) :1:;, °pha :l~ °pha:! h:;,rve vassa:ri saypa :k ghar

tjagli :j:bu:kg pustak va!gi:k:;, vargi :ka varQi:k:) lagna lagna hokka :1:;, vhakk:;, :la vakka:la vh:;,kk:;, :l~ vh~:re:tu vh:): r:) ytu v:)re:tu vh:):re:tu ,

danto:Qi danto ::Qi kaiigva: - f:)l}i: carmu:ro tsarmu:ro kurmura:~ tsurmura: ca:vi tbiga:tu tbiga:tu tbiga:tu tsa :vi: kholb pe:lo dOQ"Qo - pe:b pe:b fulpa:tra

su :10 da:gi da:Q:) h:)ldi.. mande. .. hat:;,di mayno ID:)yno m:)yno mayno mahina: tandu:lu tandu:lu tandu:lu tandu:!u ta.:du:lu bhatiga :r:) bhailga:i'o) bhaiiga :r:) bhaiiga :r:) so:ne: ruppe ruppe ruppe rup:p~ tsa :ndi: tambe tambe tambe tamb~ ta:mbe

209 2 RGI/75 14 , Vocabulary: lsogloss study of

Item Southern Diatect CGS TK AK QGS

1 2 3 4

205 direction di:ku dikku 206 east *k£!a:ka *kalaka: *ka\aka *kal:;):ka dikku 207 west *p:;)l)ji :r:;) *poqenja :ra *poqeiija :r:;) *paqifija :r:;) 208 north t"ooqa:k:;) tboqakku tboqakku tb:;)qakka 209 south *t£ :k:;) *tekk:;) *tekka *tekkQ 210 yesterday ka:li ka:li ka:li ka:li 211 day before PQyri poyri po:vri poyn yesterday 212 tomorrow pha:y falle fa:y phalle 213 today a:ji a:ji a:ji a:ji 214 year v:;)rQ:sa VQ:r~a 215 evening sa :njQ sa :fijo sa :iij:;) sa :iij:;)

210 Kerala Konkani & Marathi

borderline dialects Northern Dialect r------~------_. r------~------~ CalGS Cal S Kas GS Kas S Marathi 5 6 7 8 9

di:ku disa: pu:rva pu:rva pu:rva pu:rva pu:rva

-~ , .. p;)scima pakima paSClm;) pascima pascim tbaQa:ka tb:Jg;} :ga uttara uttar;} utta:r *te. :Iika *te :ilka dak;;il)a dak~iQ.a dak~ig. }):a :li ka:li ka:li ka:li ka:l payri payri payri payri parva:

pha:y pha:y pha:y pba:y udhya: a :ji a:ji a :ji a:ji a:dz var;:) :SJ varasa var~a sa :fija sa:ndza sa :iija sa:ndza sa :yailka :!

*Malayalam Borrowings. tKannada Borrowings. °Dravidian Borrowings in Sanskrit. :tBorrowings from Foreign languages.

\ \

211 :E (;j :E :E .... eIS eIS td S eIS 'ID 0 :>. ID :>. ~ ,'::i '0 ~ .- ~ ...... c ..r:: ..r:: ::;E .-S ro ..... B ...... 0 '';:: ..... ,..s:::::: .- ...... -

Vl 1(1) .- ·s .. en ?: S 1- S Q lW W 1- W td ltd S 1:::S 0 'W :::s ''';:: ..c ..c ...... -...... ~ ~.- ..r:: ~ ..c CiS ...... :a

(/) 0 lC1I .- .-S <'-' ?: S eIS ltd E Q .(1) I- I- W I- I- S .:::s :::s Q IW ;;.-. ;;.-. W ...... :>. ;;.-. ;;.-. ~ ,..s:::::: td ...... :;::; ...... -:>...... '2 Vl - s:: 0 IC1I ·s ·s td I=l ?: ._ ~ 1- ltd S Q lID -- I- ID CI:S S .,:::s :::I Q 10 ;;.-. 0 ...... ;;.-. ,- ;;.-. U ..c td ...... -...... ;;.-. :>...... - :>.

('; w ,..s:::::: ,..s:::::: (/) o_ :>. ;;.-. IC1I "( I 0 ;> Os S ..- S w td .e.; S .::; :::I Q W 0 U ..c: td ...... o-...... ~ :..a ~ .,." § G G <::> toO bJ) bJ) bJ) § eIS td F &::; .- ~ ~ (/) .- S .(1) E w I- "2' ,;> S ._ .. CY ,e.; td ...... B ...... n ...... ;;.-. Os ~ 1:::1 ·s ;> a; l- ID I- .::; s ~Q) 0 14.) ,- ;;.-. ;> • .-;;.-. ' . <: s :::s 0 ';;' ...... ,e.; td ...... - ..... ;;.-. ;;.-......

0- Os ~ 1:::S S Eo-< S 14.) Q) I- 0 I- ?: S :::s .4.) 0 0;;'...... I- ;;.-. ;;.-. .-;>. eIS td .=...... 0 .-...... ;;.-. ;;.-......

(/) lC1I (I) Q 0 ;> Os n 0- .(1) ..-., Q "...... - U .e.; ·s ~.. S ::2 ..c ~ _ 1= .._., _. 5 S .<.5 -- '-' :>. e ::2.._ ro ...... :::s ...... n ...... ;;.-. ;;.-. ;;.-. ~ ...... -..... :>. :>. ;;.-. -.. ~ -.. II< ~ .,.; -.. 0 X en en II< 0 ,.-:.. -.. ;a -- 0 1-0 ;.;. .-"'C .-"'C ~ .... A. ~ X A ~ --:- en 0 0 ~ .... g ~ S ....:_... ~ :§ ;.a .... Q., _... .._ _... S ...... ;a"" ;.a"" ,.e, ;;.-. = :::s :::s '-' _. ID Q) Q) 41 "" ::: ::: - 0 0 --..c ...... 0 --,..s:::::: :..a ::: ::: ::: - ~ >t ~ tt:: en - tt:: Vl Eo-; ~ 212 \

tn d § u

...... g ;;.-.

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- 213 :.a '0 ...... ~ '0 C'j ?: ...... -;::::s 0 :::;. s=. .!:.<; ~ 0 ;::::s ...s:::: .!:.<; .~ :::::s :::::s ..... -- .!:.<; ~ ;.Q .!:.<; ...::.0: ...::.0: ..!:< ...::.0:

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-'-0 223 APPENDIX II

(a) Words Cochin Gowd Saraswat Konkani

1 app;l:4~ touch 2 app::> a sweetmeat 3 app::>:lu papad 4 att~ now. 5 adre name of a star 6 aqha :l}.~ :vi 98 7 aqa:si 88 8 aqha:v~:n~ 58 9 anha:vi:s 28 10 a~~h~: spider 14 aQti :s 38 15 aQ4~ :li knife blade attached Ito a narrow plank 16 aQ :1::> scraper 18 aQs:} :I?!i 68 19 aQst~ :ri 78 20 acca:ri carpenter 21 acca :ri p~k~i wood pecker 22 akka: elder sister 23 agg::> :lu a single long fallen hai r 24 amba:Qi hog plu.~ 25 amba:(J;) guava 26 amb:l* arrow 27. amb:l:t:l a dish 28 ambu:li tender mango 29 amb;) mango 30 ambo:b a pendant like ear-ring 31 amma: mother '32 ammi we 33 amsa:l}.i sourness 34 ambu:s sour 35 anura:dhe. name of a star 36 anku:ri tip of a pestle 37 atiku:ri sprouting twig 224 38 aIi~ :"i shop 39 ailg"i :dhanni shop owner 40 anga :4ika:ri shop keeper 41 anga ::g.Q - anna :l},;} backyard 42 ailgre :ji English Language 43 assa is 44 asvati name of a star 45 ayta:ru Sunday 46 aydanpaydan day-to-day utensils 47 ayda:na utensil 48 aYQ.:l handfan 49 ayyanpPQ :1}.Qsilli a woman whose husban::i is alive 50 ara:* half 51 alpi :Q.i pin 52 alma :ri-arma:li almirah 53 aile ginger .-54 a!iya:* wife's brother 55 alsa:yi laziness 56 avya:va limb 57 avva:!Qbo :y dried Amla 58 avva:!:l Amla 59 a:bu grandfather 60 a:tma: soul 61 a.:dyacce* first 62 a:t~-a:thQ eight 63 a:thsa:su 8,000 64 a:ca:ri Hindu Seer 65 a:ji to-day 66 a:gnQ order 67 a:nu elder brother 68 a: spatriO Hospital 69 a :sle :~e_ name of a star 70 a:svi :ju name of a month 71 a:t'a: eighteen 72 a:~a:4u . name of month 73 a:yi grand mother 74 a:yka to hear 75 a:ra:mbi to begin 76 a:ru* stream 77 a:r=:> :gya health 78 a:la :vdi: to feed 79 a:lca:" weeki 80 a:vsu mother 81 adisaya surprise \ 82- aquga:y pickles 225 2 RGII7S 15 ~4uk~:!i kitchen ~4~:kk~ a bundle consisting of 100 beta1 leaves '85 ~4cJi· foot of vessels 86 ~QQe:bha:vu cousin brother 87 ~qcJe: bhay1}.i cousin sister S8 ~ a dish 146 uqda: amba:q,~ a kind of cake 147 ugki jump 148 ugkiina:ri to jump 149 uq,ga:su rememberance 150 ucva:su sigh 151 UJP fire 152 ujva:qu light 153 ukko :q,ov~r~ :vu boiled rice 154 ukk.,:qi to boil 155 ukka:ri a dish 156 umma:sa newmOon 157 uQ.q,i a dish 158 U1}.cJ~ any round thing 159 unca:ri up,above 160 uiL go : t 0 thumb 161 usk::> anxiety 162 usse pillow 163 ul?!e anything defiled. by contact with mo'ttth -'64 urv:;) :li name of a vessel 227 165 uls~:vu festival 166 ul1a:y to ,speak! 167 uldi to call 168 uvva:ru flood lu:1 '169 u: louse 170 u:b~ to fly " 171 u:b~ steam 172 u:ii~ high 173 u:!i* chisel leI 174 ede:ciJ some, a little 175 eQavam* name ~of ~a month 176 ekti :s 31 177 eka:v3:nQ 51 178 eketa:li:s 41 179 ekke:vi:s 21 180 eksQ :l?li 61 181 ekl~ one em) le.:/ 182 e:kQ one 183 e:ki one (f) 184 e:ku one (m)

leI J 185 e4ga:vu village 186 eka::Q.Q :vi 91 187 eka:si 81 188 eka:sta :ri 71 Ie :/ 189 e :ka:d3:si 11 th phase of the moon /0/ 190 oppu:rba:y affection 191 ~ttekk3 alone 192 o nagaPPQk~i* ostrich 193 o Hakam* camel 194 oqqa:nuU3:y to shout 195 ~:rik:) :ru excrement of the eye 196 0\:) :ku sprain 197 ovvu:t~ 3{ /0 :1 198 o:qi boat; raft 228 tit:! 199 a:v~ I /pl 200 pappa:s~ slipper 201 pappa:yi papaya 202 pappu:q~ 1 203 patt~:t~ thin 204 patt~ :!i a cake 205 pattE: outer skin of banana tree 206 patbrv~4~ a dish 207 patra:v~!i a dining leaf 208 pat E. :k~ :rnu onom. Expr. for giving a blow 209 paH~ belt 210 patya :kapp~:4Q silk saree 211 pa4e:ku:t~ a small snake 212 paqqi female calf 213 pacJcJ~ bull. ox 214 pa9.v~ 1st phase of the moon 215 paceu: aHa:Q.~ green pea 216 paeeu:vE. green 217 paceu :v~ ki :ru grasshopper 218 pakka:mu :yi big ant 219 pakki butterfly 220 pakku:li a rib of cocoa-palm 221 pann~ teat 222 paJ}.q~ long ago 223 p alJ.4iyaiice. Tamils 224 pa - ~iica :r.t~ :vi 95 225 paiica :st<}:ri 75 226 pa - Qnca: 81 85 227 pa - ~iica :v~ :n~ 55 228 pa - ~iicata :!i : s 45 229 pa -~iic~:4~ 5! 230 pa - ~iic~ :vi:s 25 231 paiic~:ve 5th 232 pank~:!u stink (of hair) 233 patiga:yi oar 234 pa:~m:le asthma 235 p~v-a: phatto:ru granite stone 236 pay~i:lo dirty 237 payki:!~ \ contents of a drain 238 paysI 500 239 payya: ungo: to big toe -240 payya: p~:nd~ sole of:,the foot 229 241 payya:va:!o anklet 242 parvo pigeon 243 pallo leaf (smaU) 244 paHe. cradle 245 pavti :ka time, turn 246 pavl}.i ti: ni 21- 247 pavl}.i d;,:ni 11 248 pavJ}.i ca:ri 31 249 pavsakka :lu Rainy season 250 pavla:pa:qa foot print (human) 251 pavli edge of the row 252 pa:te. tin (Al).t 253 pa:qi bank of the river 254 pa:ka wing 255 pa:ua leaf 256 pa:Qqa:va five 257 pa:iicu five 258 pasa:ta granery 259 pa:yu leg 260 pa:ysu a dish 261 pa:ri mango seed 262 pa:ro rock 263 pa:r:l:du mercury 264 pa:la wave 265 pa:le: bucket 266 pa:vsu rain 267 pa:vla foot 268 pa:vla foot (measure by bum. foot) 269 padivu* habit 270 padma:k~ lotus 271 pak~i bird 272 p~Q4~:1e. snake gourd 273 PQccaUi* a dish 274 panna:s 50 275 panne:ra: 15 276 paQji:ra* west 277 paiicagada :y a preparation 278 paiica:mi 5th pbase of the moon 279 payka title 280 paynda:ra* sugar 281 pgyri day before yesterday 282 para: day after to-morrow 283 pavitca seven t (AL.)-Allepey OS. 230 284 p~:4i* one measure (liquid) 285 p~:r~:b~ festival day 286 p~:r~:ti to change 287 pitta:li brass 288 pitti flour 289 pi440 cocoa-palm 290 pimpo:lu banyan (tree) 291 pimpa:ti a kind of spice 292 pinnao safety pin 293 piQ4u dung of elephant 294 p~ssi madwoman 295 piss€: insanity 296 piss:> mad man .297 piss:mda:ri cocoa-fibrous rind 298 piyya:vu onion 299 pir4u: ka a chain worn by married ladies. 300 pirlu:k~ flute 301 pi: to drink 302 pi:la young one 303 pi :li to sqeeze 304 punarVQ:su name 0 f a star 305 punna:v~ full moon 306 PUl?Yu name of a month 307 pUl?ye name of a star 308 purte:ci all (n) 309 purn~p:>:!i a dish 310 p urvu1J.!o small money bag 311 putc~k~:ri a dish 312 pu:tu son 313 pu:ra :lJ,Q Epic 314 pu:to enough 315 pu :rva :bha :drapade name of a star 316 pu:rva:~a:4e name of a star 317 pu:\i ulcer 318 pe4a : va: lJ,a idli pot 319 peska:t.i knife 320 perpi:Qe the threshold incl. the gate: 321 pelta:ntii that side 322 pe\ta.:ndu reverend, revered 323 pe:ja soft-cooked rice 324 pe:si one side pie6e of a mange 325 pe:lu ball 326 pett3 male do g 327 pe*~ box 328. pe:ra guava

'~1 3-29 p::>t:.>:ja :vnu onom. expr. to fall 330 paqga frying pan 331 pakqi turban 332 pak~u fortnight 333 p::>nda:k~ under 334 pa:Q.a:su jack fruit 335 p:'>J}.ti great grand daughter 336 paJ}.tu great grand son 337 p:'>I).ji great grand mother 338 P:'>J}.j:.> great grand father 339 p:'>J}sa :ru:ku jack tree 340 p:.>ss:.> handful;palmful 341 parm:.>:lu good smell 342 p3rv:.>:tu mountain 343 p~lI:.> cheek 344 pavul). four 345 P:'>:l~ belly 346 p:.>:le:ru small plate 347 p3:1:.> Dosa 348 pa:ti :s 35 349 pa:s~:~ti 65 350 pa:yp::l:q~ to pray 351 pa:va to reach 352 p5:va to swim 353 pra:yi age 354 pre:t~ the dead person coming in dream jph,l 355 phapp~:l'" je1}.tu:ka name of a bird 356 phatt~:ri stone (serving a purpose) 357 phatta:ru stone 358 phatra :d~nde :Jj mason 359 phanta: time (no. of times) 360 phanti plait 361 phante:v ratti mid-night 362 phallepalya :ri early morning 363 phalle morning' 364 pha:ti back 365 pha:y to-morrow 366 pha:ri . to steal 367 pha:r3 20 measures (liquid) 368 pha:lgullu name of a month 369 phapp"':13 betelnut~ 370 phatva :J}.3 falsehood 371 phadica:na betel 232 372 ph~l}.1}a seasoning 373 pha:qi vegetable (small piece) 374 ph.,:!" fruit 375 phidd.,:ra front side of the house 376 phugg~:y to soak 377 phulla: puqqi pollen 378 phulli a small stud with one stone 379 phu:di vegina ,. 380 phu:ti split (Nn) 381 phu:nki to steal, blow 382 phu:1Tl flower 383 phempa:ro the white rough skin outside the jack nut 384 pho:qu boil due to burning, scalding, etc. 385 ph::> :qo hood of a serpant 386 ph~:Q~ big piece of vegetable put in the broth 387 ph;) :vu beaten rice fbi 388 bappa: father 389 bappa:bhay~iakka: father'S sister 390 batma:r~ Tamil Brahmins 391 bajji greens 392 bammuJ}.u husband 393 banda::!}.a abdomen 394 banda:1}.a gut 395 baIiga :!i a variety of plantain 396 bauni beauty 397 balla :l}.Qi to cross 398 ba : male cat 441 bu: marble (playing) 447 be:sa to sit , 448 b~<;iki a woman who has shaved her head 449 b:::l kQ_i: pi :13 lamb 450 b:::lkk:> 451 b:> kk:> : <;Ii she "goat 452 b:>kk:> :<;Iu he goat 453 b:>mbu:li navel 454 b:lI}.c;i:l immature cocoa-nut 455 - b:>yk:> :lu straw 456 b:>lIE: net 234 457 b:> :biJ cry, shout 458 b:>:du the effigy of cupid being burn t during holi festival 459 b:> :t3 finger 460 b:> :ncJi plantain flower 461 bo:ro line 462 bo :ro :gu insect 463 bo:man onom. expr. signifying wailing in a loud voice 464 ba.:yi well (n) 465 bya:ri merchant 466 bya:ru merchandise business /bh/· 467 bhath bellows (n) 468 bhacci sister's daughter (for a man) brother's daughter (for a woman) 469 bhacc;) brother's son (for a woman) sister's son (for a man) 470 bhaJ}.sire cloth used to remove hot vessels 471 bhaitga :r3 gold 472 bhassa :ta space adjoining the oven 473 bhayya: husband's elder brother 474 bharku:J}.3 sickness 475 bha:ta paddy 476 bha:ge rent 477 bha:ji to fry 478 bha:Q3 the rice pot which is always kept f':lll 479 bha:QcJi vehicle 480 . bha. :s;) :tu space adjoining the oven 481 bha:yra outside 482 bha:vu younger brother 483 bha:vu sister'S husband 484 bhaYQi younger sister 485 bharJ).i jar 486 bha :ra :sya adulterated; mixture 487 bharaJ}.i 2nd star 488 bha:ri to fill 489 bhitta :r( inside, within 490 bhiJ}.biJ}. ~a: Iu: ku pitch darkness 491 bhilk:> hole 492 bhi:k magri beggar 493 bhi :mu :gu ground-nut 494' bhu:t3 the remains of a jack fruit after the removal of the carpels 235 495 bhu:ta ghost 496 bhu:ja shoulder 497 bhu:k:,,:mbu earthquake 498 bhu:ka hunger 499 bhe:r;u1e ladies finger 500 bhe:ti to break 501 bh:lggaQ_€. kind of vessel 502 bh::>vri eyebrow 503 bh:lvv;) :ru beetle 504 bh:l :r;) bundle of cocoa-palms 505 bhii:yi earth (ground) 506 bhii:yi land

507 tappha:ta a vessel in the form ofa open palm 508 tag€. ceiling 509 takka :ka :Q_i a dish with butter milk 510 takka:mba:!3 a dish with butter milk and unripe fruits 511 tamilu Tamil language 512 tamba:li chutney 513 tambi:Q_€. red 514 tamb€. copper 515 tavva:!i then 516 ta:pu serious illness 517 ta:ta big plate 518 ta:l).i to drag 519 ta:ra:v:)* duck 520 ta:li the marriage badge 521 ta :1;:, throat 522 tassi like that 523 ta:Qi trunk 524 ta :o..a grass· 525 tg:y 3rd phase of the moon 526 ta:la:yi big pool (constructed) 527 ta:!i to fry 528 ta:l€. small tank 529 tip~e nick name for Tamil Brahmin 530 tiksa:Q.i pickles 531 tiksa:Q.i pungency 532 timm;J:y to ma,ke wet 533 tinnisl: 300 534 tissa:r€. third 535 ti: she (dist.) 536 ti :thj phase of the moon 537 tf:ka pungent 236 538 ti:ni three 539 ti :nta ink 540 ti:nsa:su 3,000 541 ti:s 30 542 ti:ri tendril 543 ti:la:lag9-u a sweet prepared with Til 544 ti:!u sesame 545 ti :le :la til oil 546 ti :1:> a round mark worn in the forehead 547 tummi you (pI.) 548 tu:r;tte:y to cut, break (thread) 549 tussu husk 550 turumba:ti a type of hair dress 551 tula:m* 3rd calendar month 552 tu:pa ghee ,553 tu:ki to weigh 554 tu :!a :si a variety of plantain 555 tekka p3:r;tjira :mull:> south-west 556 tekk~ ke!ka :mulb south-east 557 te:r;tQ.u :le a kind of vegetable 558 teIiku:Q.i a pole with iron hook to pluck fruits etc. 559 te:raya:pa:na a kind of leaf 560 te:ra: thirteen 561 te :ra :v:> the 13th day obsequies 562 te:13 oil 563 te:vi:s 23 564 te : veta :li:s 43 565 tepp3:n3 53 566 tella: bya :ri oilman 567 tess3:~ti. 63 568 te: they (m. dist.) 569 te:k3* south 570 t::> ppakka : ri gardener 571 t::>ppi cap 572 to (;10 :pu dhoti 573, to'rno tender unripe fruit 574 torn3k~:ri to unfold. to open 575 to: he (dist.) 576 to:p3 garden 577 to:«;1:> :vu delay 578 to ::r;tQ.3 face , 579 to::r;tQ.a mouth \ 580 to:Y3 dal 581 t:> :ra ' a kind of vegetabl e 237 582 ti: they (n) .583 tii: you (Sg.) 584 tf:: : it, that 585 tya:J)~:vi 93 586 tya:sta:ri 73 587 tya:si 83 588 ty:> : they (f. dist.) 589 tray:> :da :si 13th phase of the moon Itbl 590 thappa.:!a blow (n) 591 thatiga: there 592 tharlare: to slip' 593 thE-mb:> drop (of liquid) 594 th:>gge some (n) /d/ 595 daddu:b man 596 dadd:>:4u ringworm 597 dakk~:y to show 598 damtu:ka 1/24 of a tola 599 danil?te - denu~te the 23rd star· {iOO dantumba :ra a kind of eatable 601 dant~ mortar 602 dant:> :~i comb {)03 dal}{la :r:> the nerve in the centre of the plan- tain leaf 604 dal}Qi metal bolt 605 da~4:> handle 606 datiga:li 2 measures (liquid) <507 dassa:9~ 10! 608 dayji congnate 609 darb:> darbba grass 610 davga:y to drive (car) 611 da:mu money 612 da:ntu tooth 613 da:sa:su 10,000 614 da:ve 10th 615 da:yi ladle 616 da:vla small ladle 617 dande:li servant 618 dassa:mi 10th phase of the moon 619 davva:ri· to put 620 dO):ra:k~i grapes 621 d~:li to grind 622 dirba :liku :ru a kind of grass 623 divli a small oil lamp 238 624 divv;,:qu snake 625 di: to give 626 di:ku direction 627 di:ga long 628 di :ilku gum of the jack tree 629 di:su day 630 di:ru seedling 631 dudiya:ph~:!a pumpkin (ripe) 632 dudda:c;, milkman 633 duddi pumpkin 634 dU99U money below a rupee 635 dukki pain 636 dUl}.9U a sweetmeat 637 dusse:ri again 638 dusse.:re 2nd (n) 639 du~te ferocious .0640 duvv;, :ru smoke , 641 du:da milk 642 du:ram distance 643 denpa:ra noon 644 de:9~ Ii 645 de::Q.!u stalk, stem 646 de:ha body 647 de:ru husband~s younger brother ·648 de:vu God 649 d~nnise -d;,nnisi: 200 650 d;'I}qu a stick given during upanayanam 651 d ;,vva : pa :vsu hail 652 d;, :ni two 653 d;,:n sa:su 2,000 654 d;,:ri rope 655 d;,:laya: udda:k~ tears] 656 d;, :laya: patti eye lash 657 d;, : laya: patte eye lid 658 d;, :1;, eye 659 d;,:va: kaH;, Ice ·660 d;, :va: ka :lu winter 661 d;,:vu dew 662 dva:d~:si 12th tithi 663 dvi:p~ island jdhl 664 dhak1;i ba:yl~ second wife 665 dhakti mavsi father~s second wife 666 dhamp~:Q.e lid \ ~67 dhanni owner 239 ./ 668 dhara:ri-dhara:yi quick, fast 669 dha: ten 670 dha:ny~ grain 671 dha:ra ka4ac;) milkman 672 dha:ra:va:!;) a variety of Amla 673 dha:r~ blade of the knife 674 dha:v:) the 10th day obsequies 675 dh~nu* 5th calend ar month 676 dh~:y curd 677 dh~:ri to catch 678 dh~:v€. white 679 dhiftgu:!i to push 680 dhi:ru strength (used in a certain com~ pound) 681 dhu:y to wash 682 dhu:ra: far 683 dhu:ra:pa:n~ tobacco 684 dhu:li dust 685 dhu:v~ daughter 686 dh;)Q.u bow 687 dha.:v~ to run 688 dha.:pi to shut

689 dha.:vii I run It I 690 tukli fisti cuff 691 te:b! table 141 692 long thick needle used to stitch sack 693 4aitgarpu : li boil in the eyelid 694 4ukka:r~ pig 695 4umma:n~ boils over bead 14hl 696 dh~rkaYl;) a variety or-crow

697 4h;):Iik~ stork Icl 698 caturda:si 14th phase of the moon 699 ca!!u a kind of flat vessel with a handle 700 cakkara: palm jaggery 701 cakk~:l~ button 702 cakku:li a kind of eatable prepared from rice flour 240 703 camma:ru cobbler 704 camk:l:lu mole 705 cand~:n~ sandal wood 706 carigp~:1)~ goodness 707 carka: spinning wheel 708 carmbu :r:l -carmu :r:l parched rice 709 carsi: 400 710 ca:b;;, chew, bite

711 ca:m~ skin of anima\

712 ca:m~ hid e (of animal) 713 ca:ndu the paste used for tilak 714 ca:rig~ good 715 ca: k~:ri to repair 716 ca:ye tea 717 ca:yp;;, part of the house 718 ca:r sa:su 4,000 719 ca:ri the outerskin of the Jack fruit 720 ca:ri four 721 ca :li to mix (while frying) 722 ca:li perforation 723 ca:ti da:yi perforated ladle 724 ca:!i :8 40 725 ca:vi key 726 c~rnm~:k;;, to walk 727 c~ytru the name of 1st month of a year 728 c;;,vli pigeon pea 729 c~vv~:ti 4th phase of the moon 730 c~vv~:q~ 4t 731 c~:q~ to climb 732 c~:r~ to crawl 733 c;;,:r~:y to move (tr.) 734 cipp~: t~ spoon 735 citt~: l~ deer 736 citr€. the 14th star 737 cikk:l:lu mud 738 cimiti a small quantity held between the thumb and another finger 739 civ~:l tongs 740 civ1)€. mouse 741 cint~:rl~ file:"' (a weapon used for smoothing the surface of the ~wooden furni­ ture) 742 cinna: not bad, good 241 2 RGI/75 16 743 cinn~'bhinn:. into pieces 744 cinni k~::Q~ng~ sweet potato 745 cifica:mb~ tamarind 746 ciiica:ro the tamarind seed 747 ciiice :ru :ku tamarind tree 748 cinIiam the first month of tn! l\1alayalam year 749 ciilllan a variety of plantain 750 civ:Qe a type of lamp 751 ci:iic~ tamarind fruit 752 ci :rd:qi press in between 753 ci :ri bag (word used only by the old people) 754 cunno lime 755 cuUi stalk 756 cu:lo the calling for prayer of the muslims 757 cedavd hurt, wounded 758 cend re :mu - cend ru moon 759 cerqu child 760 celli .girl 761 ce:qi prostitute 762 ce:qu a non-GSB girl 763 CE.:QQ£ drum 764 cE.1b a Gowd Saraswat Brahmin bo)' 765 ceQo a non-GSB boy 766 CE.:ro ridge of a field 767 cobda: fourteen 768 cogvaiico Ealava among the Malayalis 769 coggo shirt 770 corku :l~ small vessel resembling the big bronze pot in shape 771 covpd:n:;> 54 772 covti :5 34 773 covte 4th 774 corvi cooking pot made of bronze 775 covka1)Qd square 776 co:y to see 777 COVSd:sti 64 778 covra::Qd :vi 94 779 covra :sta :ri 74 780 covra:si: 84 781 co:ru thief 782 co:lam* maize 783 co:li blouse 784 co: \e the refuse in the nose 242 785 c:>:vi:s 24 786 c;):veta: ti:s 44 787 Ci:vi a scolding 788 ci:v5 teat 789 c5 :ci beak, bill

jj/

"790 jamb~:y ka :4i to yawn -791 janna:t:J maize (not in frequent use) 792 jangu :lj pinch in the thigh 793 jayp~:t~ nutmeg 794 jalye :ri if, but, though 795 ja!ka:Y:J jealousy 796 ja:ng~ thigh '797 ja:n~ know 798 ja:yi a type of jasmine 799 ja :lavidya: magic 800 ja :lavidya :ka :ri magician 801 ja:v~ co-sister 802 ja:v;) Let it be so; alright .803 j;)nn~ :r};) window 804 j;):da:ni weight 805 j;):qi heavy 806 j~:n~n~ birth 807 ji :b;) tongue 808 ji :re cumin seed 809 ji:vi sa:ilg;) unripe green vegetable or unri pe fruit 810 ju :yi a type of jasmine 811 jegg;) :li verandah 812 jeHa: tangle 813 j :Jppu :c rna: ta Rosary 814 j:Jr:J disease 815 j ;)rq;) dandruff "816 j :Jrq;) wrinkle 817 j:>rb cockroach 818 j:Jlu :v~ leach kas GSB. c:> :tu -kann:J:~i 819 j;):qu ear-ring (pair) "820 j:J:li k~ :ri to work 821 ja :v~ :yi son-in-law 822 jye:~tu 3rd calendar month 823 jye:~tf'- the 18th star .824 jva:la: flame 243 !jh/ 825 jhayt& many 826 jha:q~ bush 827 jha:qi to sweep 828 jhara:y to grind 829 jh~:ra:y to sharpen 830 jh;:,:qu storm 831 jh;:,:}i the cloth cradle /k! 832 kapp~:Qe cotton saree 833 kappa:r.d that portion of hair which is always removed 834 kappu:su cotton 835 kappu:ru camphor 836 kapla : phaqa :p~:qi head ache 837 kapla : b;:, :r;:, fate 838 katt~:ri to cut 839 katta:ti piece of cocoanut 840 katta:!i kernel 841 katt;:, cocoa fibre 842 kat!;:, hog plum'S core 843 kadati a variety of plantain 844 kajj~:la collyrium 845 kajj;:,:b glow worm 846 kajj;:,:b burnt wick 847 kamba:ti wool 848 kamma;l~ lily 849 kant;:,:Q.& scraper 850 kannacJ~ Kannada Language 851 kanna:qi mirror 852 kanni the 2nd calendar month 853 kaIJ.t:J thorn 854 kaIJ.4~:1J~ pestle 855 kanka :IJ.Q bangle 856 kasa:pi butcher 857 kayc& - kayri news, matter 858 kay!;:, crow 859 kay!:) :lJ.Q a small bronze frying pan 860 kara1J.t~ current 861 karkatakam * 12th calendar month 862 karkacJe to tremble, to quiver 863 karmba:la a kind of fruit 864 karvi:ru oleander 865 kalk~:ri coal 866 kalla:y to mix 244 :867 ka!gira:ti moonless night 868 kavv;;,:q;;, door 869 ka:ti slough of snake 870 ka:tu bundle .871 ka :qi to take 872 ka:<;Ii to open 873 ka:g;;,:tg paper "874 ka:nu ear 875 ka::Qge to buy "876 ka : I)V;;' :r;;, to remove, to descend 877 ka:s£. bronze 878 ka:s;:,:vu tortoise 879 ka:yli pan 880 ka: ril :phu :lg clove 881 ka:ra:tE: bitter gourd 882 ka:r;}::Qg reason 883 ka:rti:gu 8th calendar month 884 ka:l ! ( quarter) 885 ka:li yesterday 886 ka:lu season 887 ka:!E: black 888 k;;,d€. :J;} chair 889 k;;,mbi telegram 890 k;}ssi how 891 k;}r;;,:<;Ii to rub gently 892 k;}rbe :Vli a variety of leaf used as spice 893 k;}qi scabbies 894 k~rt£. cocoa nut shell 895 k;}Ip;}fiji a kind of lamp given in the hand of the bridegroom during marriag~ 896 k;}vsa: pakku:F fragrant screw pine 897 kgvI€. pappu:q;) Ii 898 kg:Qi a preparEltion wiih butter milk 899 k~:r;}:qi bear (animal) 900 kg:r~:qi to scratch (the ground, etc.) 901 k;}:r~:qi refuse in the cocoa fibre 902 k~:ri to do 903 kg:rE: camel 904 kg:rE: stain 905 kicc~ndg:ri musk rat 906 kimus nine 907 kira::iJ.gul six '908 ki:qi worm '909 ki :<;1;) worm (breeding out of putrefide things) 245 910 ki :ra:Q~ , ray 911 ki:ru an insect 912 ki:ru parrot 913 kutti:r~ young one 914 kutpa:ysu a liquid dish with cocoanut , ric e andjaggery 915 kuttu:k~ piece 916 kuqumbi kudumbi community 917 kuqffibi::Qi kudumbi female 918 kuccu:k~ -i; 919 kuggu:!i cuckoo 920 kumbam* 7th calendar month 921 kumba:st~:ri a bird with red feathers 922 kumb~:ru wasp 923 kunn~ hill 924 kU:Qb~ kudumbi male 925 kU1)qa: mUDqi naughty 926 kU1)q~ bran 927 kuilku:s~ vermillion 928 kusq::> a kind of snake 929 kunkqi :pi :l~ chicken 930 kusuilga :y::> hatred 931 kurqi blind woman -932 kurq~ blind man 933 kurb crab 934 kulle:r~ spoon 935 ku :!takka:ri friend 936 ku:qi the sacred room in the house 937 kU:q::> room 938 ku:k~ potato 939 ku:s~ sting of a scorpion, poison 940 ku:ra:Qi axe 941 ku:r~:q;} black ant 942 ku:r!u waist 943 ku:va:le white pumpkin 944 keppi deaf woman 945 kelisyaiic~ barber 946 kev~l€- one (code word) 947 ke:su hair (of head) 948 ke:ri street 949 ke:li plantain tree 950 kepp~ deaf man 951 k€dda:Q.a: when 952 kedqa:y always 953 kel~:k;}* east 246 954 k£.:!E.. plantain fruit 955 k:Jppu:rb big earthen pot 956 k:Jtt~m b~ri bajji green coriander 957 k:Jtt~mb~:ri coriar.d~r 958 k:Jgu knot 959 fort 960 k-::>mp-::>:ru elbow 961 k;:,mb;:, cock 962 k;:,fij;:, :li handful (when both palms are put together) 963 k;)savan * potter 964 k;:,yti sickle 965 k;)ylu:v;) tile 966 k:JrI}<;b a cylindrical vessel 967 k;:,rlanc=:> blacksmith 968 k=:>lb', fox 969 k=:>lusu:l)E.. wolf" 970 k;:>lsu:b small earthen pot 971 k:J:pu anger 972 k:J :!i crore 973 k=:> :<;lu bitter (indeclinable) 974 k:J:<;lu nimba: ru:ku neem tree 975 k=:>:<;b a kind of medicinal water 976 k:J:mbu the papaya leaf with its petioId or stalk 977 k~:nd who? 978 k:J:I)u a particle of cooked rice 979 k;):ri very big ladle 980 k::>:l::> flowering bud 981 kr~ttj :kE.. 3rd star 982 k§av£;) shaving 983 k~a:mam famine 984 kha<;l<;la :v~ sar.dals 985 kha<;lva ::t;lE.. rein& 986 khakk~ arm pit 987 khamb::> pillar 988 khamma:s below; cheap 989 khard~ branch 990 khaI}qi twenty 991 khaI}Q E. sword 992 kha:QQ~ the small pit like structure in the plate to prepare idl i 993 khalla:k;} down = below 994 kha: to eat 995 kha:q;) beard 247 996 kha:mbu a kind of lamp 997 kha:f.1i ditch 998 kha :fici gap 999 kha:r:1 christian 1000 kha:l~ low 1001 kh~tkata:y to boil 1002 kh~nt~:y where? 1003 kh~rk~ri rough 1004 kh~:Qi the rice about to become smooth while being cooked 1005 kh~:r~:pi to scratch (when itching) 1006 kh~:!~ threashing floor 1007 kh~:li drainage 1008 khicqi a variety of paysu 1009 khi :ri a kir:d of sweet JUICY dish with wheat and jaggery 1010 khi :li hatch 1011 khubb:1 oyster 1012 khul]ti a small wooden piece used in the grinding stone 1013 khurQi a stunted varOiety of cocoanut 1014 khu :1).ti to cut 1015 khu:l~ heel 1016 khe:l~ to play 1017 khe:lu toy 1018 kh:1Hu:l~ small basket 1019 kh:1H:1 big basket 1020 kh:1mpi hut 1021 kn:1r:1 :ju scab 1022 kh:1rk:1: t:1 anything defiled by contact with cooked things 1023 kh:1(v:1:tu saw (n) 1024 kh:1lli jack leaf 1025 kh:1:<;h:. shackles 1026 kh:1:Q.:1 a particle of salt 1027 kh:1:re spade 1028 kh:1:r:J :ju scabbies 1029 kh:1:1u water obtained from salted mango 1030 kha:ki to cough 1031 gabb:1 plantain stem 1032 gadd:1 shrub 1033 gaQQ~:v~ ass, donkey 1034 gajja :r:1 tamarin d see d 1035 gagg~:ri tinkling ornament a gird1e of small bells 248 1036 gagT;) skirt 1037 gaYQ<;b:tu earthworm 1038 gaJguI) tQ mumps 1039 ga:t~ hoof 1040 ga:Q:l wheel 1041 ga:nda sandal wood 1042 ga:ska:4i to bite 1043 ga:yi cow 1044 ga :Ja ten 1045 ga:li to filter 1046 ga:l£ vulgar (Alleppey) 1047 ga:vi pulley 1048 ga!gati : onom. expression quickly (to drin~) 1049 gajja:ni field 1050 gQrduddi a kind of vegetable ]051 gQn;le:mp~:QQ to fall 1052 g~lga!i onom. expr. water falling 1053 gave :ta drawer (of a table) 1054 gimmdkka ;lu summer 1055 gimsa:l.tt (pil1ow) cover 1056 gil)Qi big vessel with a spout 1057 giI)Qu:ld small feeding vessel with a spou 1058 gi :ntu song 1059 gi:!i to swallow 1060 gudg:l tender jack fruit 1061 gUQQ;) short 1062 gujj ;) earthen pot with a long neck 1063 gujra :ti Gujrati Language, Gujrati people 1064 guggu :ma owl 1065 gUl)j for 1066 gUl) ti nut 1067 gurpa :l~ the board used for a game with cowry 1068 gurba-.: udda:ku rose water 1069 gurba: udka: phu:)a rose 1070 gurbi :I)i pregnant lady 1071 gurtham blessing 1072 guIle :ra a type of fruit 1073 gu: excrement having bad smell 1074 gu:h:} cave 1075 gu:ld cowry 1076 gu:ti tablet ]077 g;)!!a :r1j a kind of worm 1078 g;)HiilgQ a kind of medicinal spice 1079 g;)!!;) cattle shed 249 1080 g;:'QQa:pp;:, sweet cake 1081 g;:,«)sa:lJi sweetness 1082 g;:,vt;:, neck 1083 g;:,nd;:,:!u crowd 1084 g;:'Y1)Q;:' buttock 1085 g;:,rk;:, :~!:l a kind of medicinal spice 1086 g;:,:bi: phu:l;} cauliflower 1087 g;:, :<;i:l jaggery 1088 g;:,:vu wheat 1089 ga.:vii country 1090 gi:t mhd:l)d to sing 1091 gha :l)i stink 1092 gha:si to rub 1093 gha:yu wound 1094 gha:ri a kind of eatable prepared with black gram and fried in oil 1095 gha:li to put 1096 gh:lssi vegeta bIe broth l097 gh:l:Qa:yu the big cluster of banana bunches coming out of the tree 1098 gh:l:rd house 1099 gh:l:~ti to rub 1100 ghu:Qu cage ; prison 1101 ghu:v:l:li turning 1102 gh;:,ssa :1€. a kind of vegetable 1103 gh;:,:!u one mouthful (of water) 1104 gh;:, :c;ii :ni mare 1105 gh;:':Q;:' horse 1106 gh;:, :1)i kite (bird); centipede 1107 gh;:,:su bunch 1108 gh;:,:r;:, carpel of jack fruit 1109 ghii:v3 to rotate Iml 11 to matti clay 1111 mattE'. head, brain 1112 madya:n;} mid-d:lY 1113 maggh;:,ssa : 1E'. a kind of vegetable 1114 mac;iQd:Y to drive (cycle) 1115 maQc;i:l: td woven-cocoa-palrn 1116 mack:l:!;} a round cake prepared with pulse 1117 majj:l:r:l female cat 1118 makaram* 6th calendar month 1119 maggi:ri thet<. 1120 maggi:rc€. next 1121 magg::> the cleaving line in combing hair 1122 maglaya:n;} back 250 1123 manta:ri old woman 1124 manta:r::> old man 1125 mandu:ri mat 1126 mand::> phyleria 1127 mank;):t~ wrist and the part of the hand below 112& manc;) cot 1129 mank;}:Q;) monkey 1130 maIik~:Qi she monkey 1131 mank::>:Qu he monkey 1132 mangala:ru Tuefday 1133 mass~:F fish 1134 mayd;}:r~ back side of the house 1135 maysu:r ke:le a variety of banana 1136 malba:ri Malayalam ; Malayali 1137 mallaHi any shallow open earthen vessel 1138 malavi1I~* rainbow 1139 mavsi mother's younger sister ; father's younger brother's wife; father's second wife 1140 ma:tram only 1141 ma:4a: washerman 1142 ma:gu 11 th calendar month 1143 ma:mu rna ternal uncle 1144 ma:ms~ flesh ; mutton 1145 ma:4i washerwoman 1146 ma:ntu father's elder brother 1147 ma:r:di to tie 1148 ma:1)a:y woe den plank 1149 ma:1)4i plate (used for covering) 1150 ma:su month 1151 ma:ri to beat 1152 rna :rgasi :r!?uJ 9th calendar month 1153 rna:la: garland 1154 ma:li upstairs 1155 rna:li to wear flowers 1156 rna:l::> the place where firewood is kept 1157 rna:v~ the central trunk like portion 01 jack fruit 1158 m~tti pearl 1159 m~H;} like (resembling) 1160 rn;}4te:l~ hammer 1161 m~ni:!?u man 1162 m~ng;}:l~ eight 1163 m~snga :sa :itg~ drumstick 251 1164 m~yda:n~ maidan 1165 m~:r~:t;l~ death 1166 m~:!~:b~ sky 1167 mithunam* 11 th calendar month (MaJayalar ) 1168 miHu:s salty 1169 mitsa :ryi saltishness 1170 miQke :sa :ilg~ a kind of vegetable 1171 minn;):l~ lightning 1172 miriya : k~:lJu black pepper 1173 miriya: sa:itg~ chillies 1174 miriya :happ;:,:! u appalam eith chillies 1175 missi European lady 1176 mi:!~ salt 1177 mi :naln* 8th calendar month 1178 mi:si Jlloustache 1179 munu knee 3 1180 mukka:l 4 1181 mukvanc~ fisherman 1182 mukka:ri front 1183 rnuggu :lu roof 1184 mumbu:r;} mosquito 1185 muiigi dumb lady 1186 muilgu :si mongoose 1187 mung€. dumb 1188 mUlig:l dumb man 1189 murtha:m~ previous

~- 1190 muli:ku !' a kind of preparation 1191 mullaillh radish 1192 mu:ta unne 1193 mu:gu green gram 1194 mu :fiji the upanayanam 1195 mu:su fly 1196 rnu:Hi fist 1197 mU:$~i fist (measure) 1198 mu:yi ant 1199 mu:ra:qe root of the plantain tree 1200 mu:la the 19th star 1201 rou:1a root 1202 rnu :1a five 1203 metti a kind of leaf 1204 rnekka :!i to undress 1205 mevryi wife's sister

1206 mevry~ wife's brother 1207 me:qam* ninth calendar month 252 1208 me:j~ table 1209 me:ji to measure 1210 me:ji to count 1211 me:ha V.D. 1212 me:ta step 1213 IDotti: laQQ u a sweetmeat 1214 m:>dde middle, centre 1215 m:>Heku:sa cabbage 1216 m:> ~~::> egg 1217 m::>Q.uva :li a type of bird with a black body and white wings 1218 m:>Quv::>:tu washerman (not frequent) 1219 ID::>qva:!i washerwoman 1220 m::>gg;) :r€. jasmine 1221 m::>gghe the 10th star 1222 m::>ffim::> breast 1223 m::>ncu ;va country boat 1224 m::>:d:> :ku a kind of sweetmeat 1225 m;):Q~ cloud 1226 m;):qa to break 1227 m::>:Q£. corpse 1228 m::>:ru peacock 1229 ill;) :liya : kha :1).i valley 1230 m::>:b mountain 1231 m::>:vu soft 1232 ma.:yi maternal uncle's wife 1233 ma.:yI mother-in-law 1234 ma.:vfr father-in·law 1235 me!a.:y3 curd 1236 mra.:ga: r;):ma fur of animal 1237 mragasi:re the 5th star 1238 mra:ga domestic animal Imh/ 1239 mha:ri harijan 1240 mha:ru untouchable Harijan 1241 mh~:q.3 to say 1242 mha:Si she buffalo 1243 mh;):va: mu:su honey bee 1244 mh;):vu honey fni 1245 nattu • grandson 1246 naggu:qi naked female 1247 naggu:q€. naked 1248 naggu:q::> n'aked male 1249 nant~:na: otherwise ; ex cept excluding 1250 naIika :pu : cJ u nostril 1251 naIika: phulli nose ring 253 1252. nanku :!~ nail 1253 nanku :!3 claw 1254 nayt~ mulsim 1255 naytya:li p~lli mosque 1256 na!k~ the vessel with a snout 1257 navv~:Q~ 9! 1258 navva :1]~ :vi 99 1259 navva:v€. 9th 1260 naVVg nine 1261 na: ; no (Sg.) 1262 na:ti grand daughter 1263 na:t~:k~ drama 1264 na:gu kada!i a variety of plantain

1265 na:1]y~ coin 1266 na :nc

1275 n~vsa:su 9,000 1276 n~vsi : 900 1277 n~:y not so 1278 n~:di river 1279 n~:mi 9th phase of the moon 1280 n~:!i narrow pipe 1281 n~:v~ new 1282 nibb~ :r salted mango J302 n;):Q.c£ pickled tender mango 1303 n;) :!i - na :!i wooden or metal rod to prepare papad 1304 n;):t;) pipe 1305 na:v~ name /nh/ 1306 nha: bathe (non-hon imp.) to bathe 1307 nh~:y back water 1308 nhe :s~ to wear dress 1309 nhe:sa dress 1310 Qa :vi 90 1311 flu: influenz.a /s/ 1312 satt~ :ve 7th 1313 sattu:li umbrella (cloth) 1314 satte umberlla made of palm leaves 1315 satsi: 700 1316 sac;lQu :ku co-brother 1317 sakka :Qi - sakka:\i in the morning 1318 sampa :diccuka :ri earn 1319 samma:na gift 1320 sanda:Qa a kind of idli 1321 sal}pu:ka blow pipe 1322 sankac;lam affliction 1323 sank;) :c;lu float ]324 sank;):vu bridge 1325 sanga:ti friend 1326 sass:;:):m:;:) mustard 1327 sass:;:):n1:;:) sweet or sour chutney 1328 savti shadow, shade ]329 say!:;) eagle 1330 sa :ti:s 37 1331 sa:ta seven 1332 sa:tsa :su 7000 1333 sa:ts:;:):~ti 67 1334 sa :ti 60 1335 sa:k~i witness 1336 sa:Qi ~ variety of silk saree (not in use now) 1337 sa:qi:sa: 6! ]338 sa:ku Eng. sack 255 1339 sa:mba:ru sambhar - 1340 sa:n~ small 1341 sa :iija evening 1342 sa:Iiga long, stick like unripe fruit 1343 sa :st~ :ri 77 1344 sa:ru rasam 1345 sa:re manure 1346 sa:rni broomstick 1347 sa:li skin 1348 s~pp~ :na 56 1349 s~pt~:mi ·7th phase of the moon 1350 s~ba:va without any particular work 1351 s~tta :lJ.~ :vi 97 1352 s;)tta :si 87 1353 s~tta:vi :s 27 1354 s~tta :v~ :n3- 57 135'5 s~tti :s 37 1356 s~tteta:F :s 47 1357 s~tte:ra : 17 1358 s~tta :Qa 7! 1359 s~tt~ :ri 70 1360 s~ty~ truth 1361 satte 6th 1362 s~qQa:la loose (adj) 1363 s~gte:y all 1364 s~mudru sea 1365 s~sta:ri 76 1366 sassa:ra cheap 1367 sass~:Hi 66 1368 s~sse: - sassi: 600 1369 s~ssi 86 1370 saha:yu help 1371 sarpa :li chain (wearing) 1372 s~rma:!a a string of lamps (used in temples) 1373 s~rseri : onom. expr. falling with force (water) 1374 salpa little 1375 sava:y 11- 1376 s;)va :yti : ni 31- 1377 s~va:y d::J :ni 21- 1378 sav!}. E. sparrow 1379 sgynya army 1380 sa: six 1381 sa:mg:yu time 1382 sa :sa :su 6000 256 1383 S~:~ ti 6th phase of the moon 1384 s~:yta together. along with 1385 sijj~ :y to boil (solid things) 1386 sikka:y any leaf made into a paste to remove oil from hair 1387 sikk~:y to teach 1383 simpi a kind of dish with rice flour 1389 simhi lioness 1390 simhu lion 1391 sisss~:ri crocodile 1392 sirpu:t~ twig 1393 sirb chameleon 1394 sivv:;) :l)i stitching 1395 sivv~ :I).ka :ri tailor 1396 siyya :le tender cocoanut 1397 si:t:;) cooked rice 1398 si:k~ to learn 1399 si :ilga horn 1400 si :lam* practice 1401 si :vi1le pakk e thatched roof 1402 sutta :li jute 1403 sukkarba :t€:. a variety of banana 1404 sukka:y to dry 1405 sukra:ru Friday 1406 smikii: ki :4i a kind of worm 1407 surna :li sweet dosa 1408 sulk::> spear 1409 su:t:;) thread 1410 su:tram formula ; plan 1411 su:n~ daughter-in-law 1412 su ::Q.E. dog 1413 su:rya: sun 1414 su:ru toddy 1415 su:lu a kind of worm 1416 su:!::. tusk 141? su:v:;) needle 1418 seHiya:r chettiar caste 1419 senva:ru Saturday 1420 se:Qti great great grand daughter 1421 se:Q.tu great great grandson 1422 selJ.ji great great grand mother 1423 se:Q.j:> great,great grand father 1424 se ::Q~ dung 1425 . se ::Q.i cow dung cake 14.26 se :1;)- moss 257 2 RGI/7S 17 1427 se:!::>:vu , cold (n) 1428 s=>ppu:r kl.1 :k~ a variety of potato 1429 s=>pp=> pial 1430 s=>kni lizard t431 s~nna:ru goldsmith 1432 s=>nna :rliilg~ orange 1433 s=>r;tQa :t=> trunk (of elephant) 1434 s=>ilkr::> sandstone 1435 s=>ss=> hare 1436 s=>llu to peal off 1437 s~lsi ·1 measure (liquid) 1438 s=>yri female relative 1439 s=>yri :k~ relationship

1440 s~yr=> male relative 1441 s~r;);pu serpant 1442 s~nig;) paper kite 1443 s::>:di to search 1444 s~:Qi to leave 1445 s::>;ma:ru Monday 1446 s;) :r;t~ cocoa fibrous rind 1447 s;) :ru chain of gold beads containing two lines 1448 s=> :ru chain made up of gold beads connected by chain 1449 s;) :\a: sixteen 1450 s~:yi scraped coconut 1451 s=> :vi:s 26 1452 s::> :veta:li: s 46 1453 sa :cerqii baby 1454 si :v~:y cause to stitch 1455 si:vi to stitch 1456 sii :r;t ti dried ginger 1457 sth~:l~ land ·1458 sne:hu love 1459 sr~ :v~:J)_~ the 22nd star 1 1460 sra :V;):I]. u 5th calender month 1461 slaYQ~ hair pin 1462 sva:ti the 15th star, 1463 sva:su breathing (n) 1464 sya :r;tQ :vi 96 1465 sy~tabi~E. th~ 24th star lsI 1466 siilga:ri adorn 1467 siSs€. lead 1468 si :Jiki to sneeze 1469- seI}cJi small tuft 258 1470 sel)q:> big tuft 1471 se :1;:, cold (n) 1472 se:!i cold (disease) 1473 se:Q;:' small bits of the jack fruit 1474 se:l:> :vu coldness 1475 s:>nku conch 1476 se: 100 fhl 1477 happ:>:lu papad 1478 hatta; bo:r:> the lines to the palm 1479 hatta: ta :lu :v;:, palm 1480 hatta: 8;:,rpg:li bracelet Lit ; hand chain 1481 hatti cubit 1482 hatva:ti a lamp with a handle 1483 hantu:l);:' mattress (thick) 1484 hantu:ti to spread 1485 hantu:lce blanket 1486 haiiju :li thin rope 1487 haiij:> long thick sturdy rope 1488 hanga: here 1489 havanam a small home 1490 ha:tu hand 1491 ha:di passage 1492 ha:q~ bone 1493 ha:qi to bring 1494 ha :8;:' to laugh 1495 ha:ru pythorn 1496 ha:ru chain of gold beads 1497 h:;)msu. swan 1498 hast;:, the 13th star 1499 h;:,sti elephant 1500 h;:,sti: pil)qu dung (of elephant) 1501 h;:,st:> :ndu ivory 1502 h;:,riya:1) ti green snake 1503 h;:,rde chest 1504 h;:, :1;:, :di turmeric 1505 hiHu an etable like idli 1506 hi:n,gu asafoetida 1507 hubbe the 11 th star 1508 hu:m;. sweat 1509 hetti bitch 1510 hevva:le ~ater snake 1511 h~rQ~ chebulic myrobalan 1512 h;,!du:ve yellow 259 1513 rabba:y to stop 1514 rajjafllia :lJ.a courtyard 1515 ravda:y cooked vegetable 1516 ramda:y cooked vegetable 1517 ran ka!!a :ra bush 1518 ranta:rla lantern 1519 rantpi male cook 1520 rantpi :lJ.i female cook 1521 ranna ::Qi oven 1522 ra:ba to stand 1523 ra:ti night 1524 ra:tla 42 tolas 1525 ra:na forest 1526 ra:ndi to cook 1527 ra:si heap 1528 ra:v two (code) 1529 ra:yu king 1530 rakka:y to pour 1531 raksaQa protection 1532 r;)gg~:ta blood 1533 r;):Q:Qi weeping 1534 rasba:!e a variety of plantain 1535 rasmi ray 1536 ra:4a to weep 1537 rukka:sa :li bark 1538 ruppaytu :ka tola 1539 ruppa:y money ; rupee 1540 ruppe silver 1541 runda:y breadth 1542 ru :p~nattille ugly 1543 re:v~ :ti the 27th star 1544 r~

1547 r~ssu juice 1548 r~l)ta:sa a kind of eatable 1549 r~:ta road 1550 ro:ga disease 1551 ro:gi sick man 1552 ro:ma hair (of]body) 1553 ro :hi ::Qi 4th star 1554 re:VQ sand 260 /1/ 1555 labbana :va :ti perfume stick; jass stick 1556 laQQu a sweetmeat 1557 laggi near 1558 lagge:n~ more '1559 lande :gudgo portuguese jackfruit 1560 la:n~ soft (surface) 1561 Ia:si to burn 1562 ]~gn~ auspicious time 1563 l~ssu :Q.~ garlic 1564 lisko muslim 1565 Ii:k~ nit 1566 luvv~:Q.i harvest 1567 Ie1}Ql dung of sheep etc. 1568 le:k~ arithemetic, calculation, principle 1569 le:su handkerchief 1570 Ie :]a auction 1571 bkk~:Q.q~ iron 1572 bngo stick marks 1573 10 :r.ti butter 1574 b:vu light (heavy) 1575 Iha:yi parched paddy Iv! 1576 vattu:\i small (dining) plate 1577 vane dining plate 1578 vaquku:le round 1579 vaQQallo Cello bachelor

1580 vaggu :\E. I bat ,1581 vagmu:yi big black ant 1582 vavtolb porter 1583 vansa:t~ a room where the mortar for milling paddy is kept _ 1584 vasa:ro a part of a house-the covered verandah 1585 vasu:r~ calf 1586 vass~ :ri kitchen 1587 varQi :k;) marriage 1588 valti white ant 1589 valte:ma\b ant hill 1590 vaynn;) :I)~, bdnjol 1591 vaysa :mb~ :!~ a kihd of vegetable 1592 va :ti wick (of a light) 1593' va :t;) way 1594 va:ti to split 261 1595 va:4i to serve (food) 1596 va:ci to read 1597 va:gu tiger 1598 va:na mortar 1599 va:1) ti distribute (vb) 1600 va:s;:) bamboo 1601 va:ru day of the week 1602 va:ru yard (measure)

1603 va :re air. wind 1604 va:yu gas 1605 va:ylu the side hole in the oven 1606 v~jje luggage 1607 v~ss~ :rti girl having period time 1508 v~r~i:k~ annual rite 1609 v~ysa:ku 2nd calender month 1610 v~yra:gy~ renunciation 1611 v~:c~ to go 1612 v~:r::l the striking of the clock 1613 v~:r~~ year 1614 v~:l~:ki recognition 1615 v~:y yes 1616 viccu scorpion 1617 vigr~ :h~ idol 1618 vindu :1;:) swing 1619 vindu :!;:) kingfisher 1620 vil)ce loom 1621 viQ.c;:) weaver 1622 viskala:y to unfold, open 1623 viss~ :r~ to forget 1624 visva:su belief 1625 visa:ke the 16th star 1626 vi:ki to sell 1627 vi:IJ..Qi to throw 1628 vi :Q:a: veena 1629 vi :I)i to twist. to weave 1630 vi:s twenty 1631 vi:~~ poison 1632 vujj;:) fire 1633 vusse pillow 1634 vuH~:n Eng. woolen 1635 vu:4i:du black gram 1636 vejju hole 1637 vegg~:\E. different 1638 ve:4i a kind of earring 1639 ve:l)i daughter's or son's mother-in-law 262 1640 ve:iici to select 1641 ve:l~ splinter 1642 ve:lu time 1643 ve:le time (no. of times) 1644 ve:yu daughter's or son's father-in-law 1645 v::>jje:li porter 1646 v:)kk~:d~ medicine 1647 v:)ggi fast; quick 1648 v:)1J.:) :ku a measure a vessel 1649 voro:vu rice 1650 volle wet 1651 volsi the narrow Iportion adjoining to the kitchen 1652 vo:t~ sunshine 1653 vo:qi to pull 1654 v;:):qi to draw '(cart) 1655 vo:"o an eatable 1656 v::> :l}. u :v.;) chin 1657 v::>:1J!U lip 1658 vol~:y to comb 1659 v;:):1J i lane 1660 vo :.rik~ to vomit 1661 vo :.riki vomit

1662 vr~ :1J~ sore 1663 vriscikam* 4th calender month 1664 vha:I)~ slipper 1665 vhi :10 sickle 1666 vhunsa :1Ji heat 1667 vhurvu:re measles 1668 vhu1 vulmu :yi a variety of fast runnin~ 5ml.ll black ant 1669 vhokk~ :1~ bride 1670 vhonni elder brother's wife 1671 vhoHi ba :yla first wife 1672 vh::>Ue big (n) 1673 vh::>:,,:;) big 1674 vh;:, :1J.! i the udder 1675 vho:.Q ti lap 1676 vh;:, :yri a particular small room in a GSB house 1677 vho:re:tu bridegro~m 1678 vha:v~ to carry' \ /y/ 1679 y::>: to come 1680 yhi: she (prox) 263 1681 yhe: tbey(m prox.) he (sg. hon.)' 1682 yh::>: he (prox.) 1683 yh::>: they (prox. f.) 1684 yhl: these (n) 1685 yh€.: This (n) +

264 (b) -UNCONNECTED TEXT

1 ekk" :b m~ni : ~ u angetta: - One man comes here. ekk:> :1:> aIigetta: -2 d::> :gaja :p.~ tbaIiga v~tta:y Two persons (men or man and woman) go there. 3 d::> :gi jai;tiy::> thaIiga ~tta:y Two persons (wo'man only) go there. 4 te :gaja :1J~ thailga nidde :vnu Three persons are sleeping thert'. p;:)!ye:y' 5 te :gi ja.Qiy::> nidde :lye.:y _ Three persons are sleeping. nidliya:y <6 jhayte daddu :le thaIiga gelle Many men went there. 7 saggatay daddu :le All the men. 8 ede: ja :t;la :k(~) (h)a :ve thaIiga I saw some men there. dikki :Ie 9 ·daddu :le k:>:1}. na:y N a men ate, (here). 10 daddu:b k::>:t;t na: No man is (here). 11 thaIiga bayb k:;):t;t na:y No women are there. J2 ba:yl~ k::>:lJ na: No woman is (here). 13 cerqu k::>:1}. na: N a child is (here). 14 cerqu :v~ k:>:t;t na:y No children are (here). 15 ekk::>:b lagge :n~ aIigetta: One more man comes here. 16 vegg:;):\::> angetta: Another man comes here. 17 ekka:li thaIiga vatta: One(f) goes there. 18 te :gija.Qiy::> thaIiga ge1y:> Three women went there. 19 jhayti jat;tiy:;) thaIiga gely::> Many persons (f) went there. 20 edy::> ja1}iy::> - edi : jaJ)iy:;) a :ji A few persons(f) may come to-day. e:vuya:t 21 edi: jal)iy::> a :ji eto: ly:;) A few persons{f) will come to-day. 22 edy::> bayb a :ji etta:y A few' persons(f) are coming to-day 23 ekk~:li lagge:n;:) e:vka: One more person is yet to come. 24 ekk~:li lagge :n~ e :vu :Iika: One more person(f) must come. 25 e: k~ su :t;te pel Hi: v;:)tta: One dog goes that side. 26 . d:;) :ni su :1}i pel tii: vatta:y Two dogs are going that side. 27 ti :ni su :1;11 pel tii: v~tta:y Three dogs are going that side.

28 jhayti su :I}.i Many dogs. 29 s;:)g~ su :I}i bh::>Iikita:y All the dogs are barking. 30 edi su :111 thinga tabliye:y A few dogs stood there. 31 ekk~ :l{e) IA,gge :na tailce One more (dog) goes along with kutta :ntu vatta> " ... , them"" 32 e :ku phatt::> :ru v::>Ho One stone is big. .33 do:ni phatta :r~ voHe Two stones are big. 265 , 34 ti :ni phatt~ :r~ Three stones. 35 ede: phatt,~ :r~ sa :n~ A few stones are smaII. 36 jhayte phatt~ :r~ sa :n~ Many stones are smalL 37 s~gg~ phatt~ :r~ *e khello You (pI.) ate mango. 54 tanni ambo kheUo They ate mango. 55 a :Va ambo khatto :13 I(m) will eat mango. 56 ammi ambo khatt~ :li We (non.mas.) will eat mango. 57 tummi ambo khatta:li You (non. mas. pI.) will eat mango_ 58 ammiJtummi/te: ambo khatta :Je. We(m)You(m.Pl.) They(tn) will eat. mango. 59 a :vQ ambo khatta:li I(f) will eat mango. 60 ti: amb::> khatta :li She will eat mango. 61 tyo: amb::> khatta :lyo They(f) will eat mango. 62 cerQu ambo khatt~ :le The child will eat mango. 63 cerqu :va amb::> khatta:11 Children will eat mango. 64 kay!aya: mo tve sa :n~ t~ The crow's eggs are small. 65 kaylaya: m::>!!::> sa:nu t~ The crow's egg is small. 66 kaylaya: m::>tto sa:nu t() The crows' egg is small. 67 kay!aya: mo t te sa :n~ t5 The crows' eggs are small. 68 ta :ra :v5: pakk~ runda ta The wings of the ducks are broad. 69 ke:\i : pa :na tU :nda ta The plantain leaf is broad. 70 migge:l ha :t~ di :ga ta _ My hands are long. 71 migge:l ha :tu di :gu t~ My hand is long. 72 avIige:l d::>gga:li gba :ra laggi ta Our houses are near-by. 73 avnge:l dogga :li gha :r5 laglagi:c Our houses are near eachother ~ tQ 74 tugge:l(e) su:1J& Your dog. 75 tuvnge:l(e) su :IJ€: Your (PI.) dog. 266 76 tagge:l(£) sU:Q.£ His dog. 77 tailge :1(e.) su :Q.€. Their dog. 78 igge :1(£) su :Q.€:. Her (prox) dog. 79 tigge:l(€:.) su:l}E. Her (dist) dog. 80 makka e :k~ su :1).£ ass~ I have a dog. 81 tukka e:k~ su :Q€. ass~ You have a dog. 82 avilka e:k~ su::Q€' ass~ We have a dog. 83 tuvnka: e:k~ sU:1}€. ass~ You(PL) have a dog. 84 takka e: k~ SU:1} £ assa He has a dog. 85 tikka e :k:;) su :1}£ ass:;) She has a dog. 86 takka:y makka:y sU:1} i aSS: migge:l(~) bu:ku ta This is my book. 94 yhe: migge:l(e) bu:k~ tQ These are my books. 95 yh~: migge :ly~ gayy~ tQ These are my cows. 96 yhf. migge:l(€.) cerQu ta This is my child. 97 yhi: migge:li cerc;lu :va ta These are my children. 98 yhi: tugge:li ci :ri n: migge:1 bappa tQ He is my father. 101 t::>: migge:l ma:mu ta He is my uncle. 102 tugge:l amma :k~ s:ru ta Her husband is an officer. 107 takkekk;}:li bh;} :YQi ass;} He has a sister. lOS' avnge:l a:bassa-avnka a:bah Two s~ll girls went there. 118 d::> :ni sany::> celli :y::> thanga Two s.mall girls have ~one thel·e_ gelle:li ass~:y

267 1I9 d~ :ni sany~ celli :y~ thaIiga Two small girls had gone there. gelb:ly~ t~ 120 d~ : ni sany~ celli : y~ thanga Two small girls will go (will be vatta :ly~ going there). 121 d~ :ni sany~ celli :y::> thailga Two small girls go there. vatta:y 122 de :ni sany~ celli :y~ thaIiga Two small girls were going there. vatta:ly:> 123 d~ :ni sany~ celli :y~ thaIiga Two small girls are going. vatta:y t5 124 t::> cell::> th~ :ru t5 That boy is fat. 125 ti celli s:>ppu :ri t5 That girl is slim. 126 tagge:l cel1~ kunj:> ta His son is blind. 127 migge:li celli th~1}. ~i ta My daughter is lame. 128 tagge : 1 cello ke pp~ t5 His son is deaf. 129 jhayti cang5 gha :ra Ie :kha:r Many good houses are destroyed. kelli 130 jbayti cang5 gha:ra le:kha:r Many good houses were destroyed. kelle :li 131 jhayti cang5 gha :r5. Ie :kha:r Many good houses will be karta :li destroyed 132 jhayti cang{) gha :ra Ie :kha:r Many good houses were being k:> :rnu assilli t5 destroyed. 133 jhayti cang::') gha :r5 Ie :kha:r Many good houses are getting ja :vnu vatta:y destroyed. 134 tii :ve yhe: k~ :rka: You must do this. 135 tii :ve yhe: k~ :ru: pa :I]a: You should not do this. 136 yhe..: tii :ve.. k~ :rya:t You may do this. 137 tii :V'e ye: k~ :ru: jamna: You cannot do this, 138 te: karsi Don't do that. 139 makka :ji anga: ujjetta: I feel bot to-day. 140 tukka 8i: khatta: You feel cold. 141 t:>: ca:k~i :I]i jaIl::> He is very fired. 142 a. v5 ca: k§i :I]i jan3 I(m) am very tired. 143 ti: ca: klili :1Ji jalli She is very tired. 144 a.va ca: kljli ::r;ti jalli I(f) am very tired. 145 ammi cii: k~i ::q.i jalle W.e(m) are very tired. 146 ammi cii: klili :I]i jaUi WeCf) are very tired. 147 migge :I(e) gha :ra ca :nga ta M~ house is good. 148 tugge:l d~ :!~ balla :v na:y Yo~.;r eye is not bad. 149 a. va dhara :ri vatta: I go early. 150 to: t~:Q~:vu k~:rnu ta ett~:b He will come late. lSI makke :ki ca :ngi ku :ra :cji I require a good axe. Ja:vka: 152 tanka jhayte kha :I]a ja :vka : They want plenty of food. 268 153 a;v~ di :gu t~ I (m) am tall. 154 a:v~ di :gi t~ I (f) am tall. 155 b cE.lb di:gu ja:vnu vaqt::>:b That boy will grow talt 156 1:> ru :ku di:gu t~ That tree is tall. 157 ti s~rsi di :gi t~ That plant is tall. 158 t€. rukka: t~:qi th::>:ri t~ That tree trunk is thick_.. 159 khand::> s::>ppu:ru t~ Branch is thin. 160 gh~:r~ ubbi rabbill€.. The house is high. 161 gh~:r~ u :fic~ t~ The house is on high ground~ 162 t::> pa :r::> u :iic~ t~ The hill is high. 163 gh~:r~ v::>:q~ t~ The house is big. 164 gh~:r~ sa:n~ t~ The house is small. 165 t::> m::>:l::> u :iic~ ta; That mountain is high. 166 to mo:!::> sa:nu t~ That mountain is small. 167 y€. ga.:va.: ed€.: ja:I).~ sanl1~:y In this village some are young: ede vo4Q~:Y some are old. 168 y€. t~:laya.: edi: mass~:ti In this pond some fish are large sany::> edi: v::>QYo some are small. 169 t€. ranna: ed €.: ru :k~ di :g~ ed €. In that jungle some trees are -tal} guQQe some are short. 170 e:k dh~:v€.. phu:l~ One white flower. 171 e:k dh~:v phu:l as thaJiga: One white flower is there. 172 do:ni holdu:v lugg~:t~ Two yellow clothes. 173 ti:n paccu:v palle Three green leaves. 174 jhaytE'. ka:tE. sav1JE'. or jhayti Many black bird s. ka: ti p~klji 175 tE'. phu :1~ tambi :q~ t5 That flower is red. 176 tE'. lugg~:t~ holdu:v n~:y That cloth is not yellow. 177 yi phull~ dh~:vi t5 These flowers are white. 178 migge:l dh~:vE. blavs~ tikka Give my white blouse to her­ di: -migge:l dh~:vi c::>:Ji tikka (dist). di: 179 avJige:l ku:ra:QYo ekk~: Our axes are similar. m~H ass~:y 180 avilge:l kh::>He vegg~:le ta Our baskets are different, not:: ye: n~:y these. 181 sUlke ku:ra:Qi: p~si di:g~ t5 Spears are longer than axes. 182 ku:ra:qi sulkya:p~si guqqi t~ Axe is shorter than a speal. 183 t::>: s~gta: p~si balla:v t5 He is the worst of all. 184 t::>: ajjep~si baUa:v ta He is worse than him (prox). 185 to: tijje posi balla:v ta; He is worse than her. 186 to: tance p~si bal1a:v t~ He is worse than them. 187 t::>: mijje p~si balla:v t~ He is worse., than me. 188 t::>: amce p~si balla:v ta He is worse than us. 189 to: tujje pasi balla:v t~ He is worse than you. 190 to: tumce p~si ballav:ta H;e is worse than you (pl.)._ 269 191 yo m~ni:~u' tajje p~si b~:lassib This man is stronger than that t~ - b~l~vantu t~ man. 192 lugg~:q dhu:vnu attasil p~si Wash the clothes and make them dh~:vi k~:ri whiter than they are now. 193 veggo:l£ kuqu:k ce:rtako:rnu Join a piece of wood to this and -ekkaqa ko:rnu yo rukka: make it longer. ku Hu :ko di :g(u) k~:ri 194 tugge:l gho:qo ca:tigu t~ Your horse is very good. but mine jaly£:ri migge:lo s~gta: is the best. p~si ca ::rigu 195 yho m~ni:~u This man. 196 to mani:!?u That man. 197 yhe do:g ja:l}~ m~ni:l?~ These two men. 198 t£ d o:g ja:l}.~ m~ni:l'l~ Those two men. 199 t£ m~ni:l'l~ Those men. '200 yhi ba:yl~ This woman. 201 ti ba:yl~ That woman. 202 yho d oggaja:r.ri bayb These two women. 203 tyo doggaja:I).i baylo Those two women. 204 yho bayb These women. 205 tyo bayb Those women. 206 yhi d::>:ni sU:I).i These two dogs. 207 yhi SU::I).i These dogs. 208 ko:t:t~ b~QQi kal\i Who (Sg.) took the stick? 209 kO:Q~ b~QYo kalYo Who (dual) took the sticks?

Who (dual) (pI.) took the stick?

211 kO:Qa:l celye:n te. majra: Whose boy brought that kitten? pilla: aUe 212 til: a :ji v~tta:li You(f) were going to-day,. 213 tii: a:ji v~tta:lo You (m) were going to-day. 214 tummi a:ji v~tta:le. You (Pl. m.) were going to-day. 215 tii: pha:y etto:lve. Will you (m) come io-morrow ? 216 tii: pha:y ett~:live Will you (f) come to-morrow ? 217 tummi pha:y ett~:ni v r­ Will you (PI.) conie to-morrow'? 218 tii: kEdna:y -disdisa: v~tt::> :lve Are ycu(m) ~oing everyday ? 219 tii: disdisa: vatta:live Are lOU (f) gcirg e'-eJydsy ? 220 tummi etta:l ma:sa: -crnce Will you (Pl. f.) be going next '(142) rna : sa: vat1;a: liv €. month ~ 221 a:v~ ka:lratti gdlo:nt~ :- I (m) went last night. '(143) ge.lb:lti 222 (h)a:v3 ka:lratti gelle:nita I (f) went last night. gell~:lit5 -223 (h)a :v5 'ka:1 denpa:ra: I (m) came back yesterday after­ p~rtu:n ay15 noon. 270 224 (h) a:v~ ka:ldenpa:ra: p::>rtu:n I(f) came back yesterd ay afternoon. ayli 225 tii: ka:1 denpa:ra: p::>rtu:n You(m) came back yesterday after­ -(144) ayb noon. 226 tE-: g£1lE- ma:sa: partii: gElIE 'I hey did not go back last month. (145) na:y 227 t::>: thanga ca: murtha:ru He was there a long time ago. (146) assilt~ 228 attg se:!::>:v assa It is cold now. (147) 229 ka :li selav::>:t assiltg It was cold yesterday. (148) 230 pha:y selav~:t ast:l:b It will be cold to-morrow. (149) 231 pha:y selavo:t as jalya :rj~ If it is cold to-morrow, I shall not (I 50) ha:v v::ccunna: go. 232 attQ baQka: va :re t~ The north wind is blowing new. (I51) 233 ka:li paQ.jira: va:r£. ta assille: The west wind was blowing yester­ (152) day. 234 ka:li tii: gh~r~?c:!e: gEll~:na: Why did you(m) not go home (153) itya: yesterday? 235 ka :li tii: gharkaqe: gelli na: Why did(f) you not go home itya: yesterday? 236 ka :Ji tummi gh:;,rk~Qe: gel] E :na : Why did you (PI) or (m.hon. Sg) itya: not go home yesterd ay ? 237 tii: kE-dda:Q.a: gh~rkaQe gel1o:b When did you (m) go home? ,(154) 238 tii: kedda:IJa: ghark~Qe gel1e:li When did you(f) go home ~ 239 tummi kedda:lJa: gh:;)rk:lqe When did you (ro. pl.) go home 1 gE-lle:le .240 tii: keddai:.Q. makka c:Jyt::>:b When will you (m) see me '? (155) 241 tii: kedda:Q. makka c:::ytQ:1i When will you (f) see me '? 242 tummi kedda:.Q. makka coytQ:le When will you (h.m.Sg.) or (m. PI.) see me? 243 a :vg tukka maggi:r c::> :yna _. l'll(m.f.) see you later. (156) a:vQ t.~kka maggi:r co:vu 244 ammi tukka maggi:r c::> :ynQ - We will see you later. co:vii ' 245 ii:v5 tukka.:y tugge:l bha :va:k I'll \ see you and your brother (157) Q:y pha:y co :ynQ-co:vii to-morrow. 246· t:): jhayt& ghaqiya: uUgyb He talked a long time. (158) 271 247 t::>: jhayt€. ghad iya: hassi:b He laughed a long time. (159) 248 t€.:/ammi/tummijhayt€. ghaqiya: They/We/You (PI.) laughed a Ions:­ hassi:l€. time. 249 a:v~ takka jhayt€. ghaQiya:­ I (m) waited a loog time for him. (160) s~m~ya: rakku:n rabbi:l5 250 a:v~ takka ed€. s~m~ya: rakku:n I (f) waited a little while for him_ (161) rabbi:li 251 a:v~ bappa: p::lsi murth~:m I (m) shall go home before father._ (162) ghQrk~qe v::>tt::>:15 252 a:v~ v::>ccu:n jatt~:ri t;:; t::>: He will go home after me. (163) gh~rk~Qe v::>tb:b 253 takka kh::lot::l:y dikki:b tii:ve Where did you find him? (164) 254 ekk::> :langa: b€.ss~:la:: One man is sitting here. (165) 255 ty::> bay!::> thanga rabbunn~: y The woman are not standing. (166) ass~:y there. 256 tujjelaggi ti :ni su :.t;Ii bE-slye: y Three dogs are sitting near you. (167) 257 a:vQ anga ta ass~ I am here. (168) 258 a:v~:y tu:v~:y anga tQ aSSQ:y I and you are here. (169) 259 t::>:v::>:y a:v~:y anga t~ ass~:y He and I are here. (170) 260 ti: gh~ra: bhitt~:ri t~ ass~ She is inside the house. (171) 261 t;): gh~rk::lqe ast:>:b He will be in the house. (172) 262 ka:li t€.: gharkaQe assill€. They (m) were in the house: yester­ (173) day. 263 ka:li ty::>: ghark::lqe assilyo They (f) were in the house yester day. 264 pha:y te: gh~rk::lcje ast~ :l€. They (m) will be in the house (174) to-morrow. 265 pha:y ty:>: ghark::lQe ast~:_ly:> They (f) will be in the house to-morroW. 266 to: gh::lrkaqe assilb He was in the house. (175) 267 to m~ni:~u rakaQa: muthiye:ri The man is standing on a log. (176) rabbi:la: 268 canni rukka:ri t~ rabba:ta: The squirrel lives in a tree. (177) 272 269 ka:r~:qj ranna:ntu rabb;J:ta: The bear-lives in the woods. (178) 270 tt: udka:ri-udka:ce:ri assa It is on the water. 271 tt: udka:nt assa It is in the water. 272 phatra :na By the stone/with the stone. (181) 273 ta:J}t makka phatra:n marl~ He hit me with a stone. 274 phatra :Jaggi Near the stone. (182) 275 phatra: laggi b~ cJ i assa The stick is near the stone. 276 phatra: p;:>nd a:1 0 Under the stone. (183) 277 phatra: p~nda:k d ivv~:q assa There is a snake urder the stone. 278 phatra:ri -phatra:ce:ri On the stone. (184) 279 rukka: pelta :ntu Beyond the tree. (185) 280 t~: rukka: pelta:ntu rabbi:la: He is standing beyond the tree. 281 gha:rg ngyfice Iaggi ta The house is by the river. 282 ru :ku udka: p~~ta: Wood floats on the water. (187) 283 phatto:r udka: buqqa:ta: The stone sinks in the water. (188) 284 pakf?Y~ uf-ca:r ubba:ly~ The bird s fh!w up. (189) 285 ph:): t a rukka :ri thakun khalla: The fruit fell from the tree. (190) pall£. 286 su :J}£ dhavl£ The dog ran. 287 su :1)£ dha:vnu gell£ The dog ran away. (191) 288 su :I).~ dhara: dhavl€: The dog ran fast. 289 eQga :vu laggi t~ The village is close by. (192) 290 The river is far away. (193) 291 ti: tajje pelta :nt~ bess:):lya: She is sitting next to him. (194) 292 migge:l ku :ra :cJi khalla: Put my axe on the ground. . (195) devva:ri 293 tugge:l ku:ra:qi phatra: Don't put your axe under the­ (196) ponda :kg d :1vvo:rnakka : stone. 294 mussa: gu:qu' pa:\aya: laggi Put the honeycomb near the bucket.. (197) d :)vv:),:ri \ 295 kh~t ~aya: c~:vnakka:· Don't look at the basket. (198)

273 2 RGI/75 18' 296 vxcu:n gh~:~a: bhitt~:ri be:s;) Go and sit inside the house. (199) 297 kh;)ppiye: ba :yra rabbu: nakka: Don't wait outside the hut. (200) 298 pagara: laggi ra: b~ Stand near the wall. (201) 299 a;v:.J migge:l amma:k c;)viica: I (m) came (here) to see my (202) ay15 mother. 300 t;): kh;)mpiya: thaku:n- He came out of the hut. (203) thiku:n ba :yrayl;) 301 t;): tukka c;)vca: ayl;) na: He'did not come to see you (Sg.). (204) ~02 t;): tumka c;)vca: ayb na: He did not come to see you (Pl.). (205-6) • 303 celli udda:k ha:qu:k g£.lya: The girl has gone to bring water. (207) 304 cdbudda:k pivca:k p;)rtu:nayb The boy came back to d rink water. (208) 305 migge:l bappa: bha :yr~ b;)vca:k My father has gone out for a walk. (209) g£.lla: 306 p~ska:ti sindu:ce b:;)ge:k assilta:; The knife is to cut things. (211) 307 a:v:.') sara: v~tta: I am going early. (211) 308 t;): t;)q;):vu ja :vnayb He came very late. (212) 309 t;) m:;)ni:~u dhara: v:::ltta: The man goes quickly. (213) 310 yh£. mani: ~~ s~nt~ na:5' These men do not walk slowly. (214) v~tta:y -c~vnk~:ta:y 311 d;):gi jaQiy;) bayb :;)ms:;)ra:n~ Two women went hurriedly. (216) g£.ly;) 312 cerqa:k dhara:y C;)vnku:k The child cannot walk fast. (217) jamna: 313 yh£. celiye:k dhara:ri c;)vku:k This girl can walk faster. .(218) jatt~:le - jatt~ :ne 314 manta :re s~nt~ cavk~:ta:y Old men walk slowly. (219) 315 udda:k s~nt~ vh;)lta: The water (current) flows slowly. (220) 316. ca:ng~ va:re marta: The 'wind is blowing hard. ·(221) 317 t;): ekk;):b m~ni :!ilU t:.J He is a man. (222)

274 318 t~: migge:l bappa t~ He is my father. (223) . 319 ti: tugge:l amma t~ She is your mother. ,(224) 320 makka p~Ha: bu :k~ lagg~:li I am hungry. >(229) 321 makka p~Ha: bu:k~ laggalli I was hungry. ·(230) 322 makka p~Ha: bu :k~ lagt~:li I will be hungry. '(231) 323 makka:y tukka:y p::>Ha: bu:k~ You and I are hungry. '(232) lagg~:li 324 tukka:y makka:y bu: k~ laggalli You and I were hungry. '(233) 325 tukka:y makka:y bu:k~ lagt~:li You and I will be hungry. '(234) 326 takka:y makka:y bu:kQ laggQ:li He and I are hungry. (235) 327 tukka bu:k~ lagg~:li You are hungry. . '(239) 328 tanka bu :kQ lagg~:li They are hungry. ,(242) 329 tikka bu :k~ lagg~:li She is hungry. (243) 330 takka bu :k~ lagg~:li He is hungry. 331 a:v~ ull~yHi: I am talking. '(246) 332 a:v~ ullQyta:15 -ul1~yta:n::> I (m) was talking. (247) 333 a:v~ ull~yt~:15 -ulI~yt::>:n~ I (m) will talk. f248) 334 a:v~ ull~ytQ:li -ull~yt~:ni I (f) will talk. 335 til: ull~yta:b You (m) were talking. (249) 336 t~: uli~yta: He is talking. '(250) 337 ra:mu ulI~yta: Ramu is talking. ·(251) 338 si :t~ ull~yta:'" Sita is talking. 339 cerqil ulI~yta: The child is taiking. 340 a:va.b.~bb~ galta: I am shq_uting. (252) 341 a:v3 b::>bb~ galta:nta I (m) was shouting. (253)

275 342 a:v;> b::>bb::> galt::>:I:; I (m) will shout. (254) 343 a:v~ hass~:ta: I am smiling. (255) 344 a :v~ hast a :lt~ I (m) was smiling. (256) 345 a:v~ hasta:lit~ 1 (f) was smiling. 346 a:v~ hast::>:l5 I (m) will smile. (257) 347 a:v~ hast~:li I (f) will smile. 348 tii: hasta:lt~ You (m) were smiling. (258) 349 hi: hasta:li t;} You (f) were smiling. 350 tummi hast a :1£ t;} You (m. PI.) were smiling. 351 tummi hasta:li t~ You (f.P!.) were smiling. 352 t::>: hass~:ta: He is smiling. (259) 353 g::>:vindu hass~:ta: Govind u is smiling. (260) 354 g::> :vind u:y kril?1)u:y hasta:y Govind u and Krishnan are laughing. , 355 mass~: li p::>vta: The fish is swimming. (261) 356 su : 1) e bh::>riki: ta : The dog is barking. (262) 357 gh::>:q::> b::>bb::> galta: The horse is neighing. (263) . 358 m::> :ru b::> bb::> gaIta: The peacock is screaming. (264) 359 bebb;) r~4ta: The frog is croaking. (265) 360 kaYl::> r~Q.ta: The crow is crowing. 361 mu :su guriij;) :ta: The bee is humming. (266) 362 parv::> guriij~ :ta: The pigeon is cooing. 363 s~v.Qi - p~k~y;) ki\kileta:y- Birds are chirping. kil bile: ta:y 364 k::>mb::> r~Qta: The cock is crowing. 365 ga:y hambe :ta : The cow is bellowing. 366 simhu g~rj~ :ta : The lion is roaring. 367 k::> 11::> ku:y k~rta: The fox is howling. 368 att~ pa :vsu p~Qta: It rains now. (267) 369 ka:li pa :vsu p::>U::> :lt~ I trained yesterd ay. (268) 370 ka :li pa :vsu p~Qta :lt~ It was raining yesterday. 371 pha:y pa :vsu p::>Qt::> :b It will rain to-morrow. (269) 372 ti: bunce :ri P~Qt~:li She will sleep on the ground. 276 373 a :jratti pa :vsu p::>4t::> :1 If it rains to-night, I sh~U not go. (270) jalle :ri it:v v::>ccunna: 374 ekk::>:1::> makka c::>yta: A man sees me. (271) 97S ekka :lj makka c::>yli A woman saw me. 376 su :l}aya:k katkit: vindra: A dog cannot see a mouse in d~rk.. (273) dikku :emna: 377 tukka maIda dikku: ettav€ Can you see me ? (274) 378 ii. :va cercJa:k c::>yta: I see the baby. (27$) 379 ii. :ve tukka dikki:b I saw you (m. Sg.). (276) 380 ii. :ve tukka dikki :li I saw you (f. Sg.). 381 ii. :ve tumka dikki :le I saw you (m. Pl.). (277-78) 382 it :v€. tumka dikki:li I saw you (f. Pl.). 383 ammi takka dikki:b We saw him. (279) 384 ta :Q-e makka dikki :1::> He saw mc (m). 385 tanni makka dikki:b They saw me (m). 386 ii. :v£. tanka: dikki:l€. I saw them (m). 387 ammi cendre :ma: - cendra : We saw the moon. (280) dikki :1::> 388 tugge:1 bappa:n tukka ecJga :va: Did your father see you in the (281) dikkki :lve . village? 389 it :v~ s::>rpa: c::>ytit: I see a snake. (282) 390 s::>r::> :pu makka c::>yta: The snake sees me. (283) 391 tii: itya: thanga c::>yta: Why do you see there ? 392 a :VE. takka thanga bess::>l!::> I saw him sitting down there. (285) dikki:b 393 bappa tagge:l cer4a: c::>yta : Father is looking at his baby. (286) 394 ammi d::>gga ja :Q-~ takka c::>yta :y, We two see him; he sees us two. (287) t::>: amka d::>ggit: ka:y c::>yta: 395 na:. ta :I).€. amka d::>gga :ka:y No. he can't see us two, and now (288) c::>mttt::> :13 277 399 a v&: dikki :1& I saw it myself. (292) 400 a :v~ tajje aftga :ri phulla I throw flowers at him. (293) u44eyta: 401 te: tikka phatt:):r so :cyu marta:y They throw stones at her. (294) 402 te: tanka phaU:):r so:cy marta: They will throw stones at them. (295) Ie. 403 te: su :cyaya: ba44i so:cy They will throw sticks at the dogs. (296) mart:):le 404 a :v~ cellye:k g:)jni: pe!t:)yto :15 I (m) will send the girl to the field_ (297) 405 ta :cye tange:l ce.lya: peHb :,vna: He did not send his son. (298) 406 tii :v& tugge:l ku :ra :Q_i You did not bring your axe. (299) aHe:na: 407 tii: tugge: I kho :re ka :q.iya :t You may take your plough. (300) 408 mijjegucyi do :ni su :cyaya: ha :4i You bring me two dogs. (301) 409 makka yho vhotyo sarsyo petto:v Don't send me these big plants. (302) nakka: 410 makka tugge:l ku :ra :gi kt::dda:cy When will you (m) give me your (303) ditto:b axe? 411 ta :cy& tagge:l ku :ra:4 i takka Why did he give him his axe? (304) itya: dilli 412 tii :v e makka tyo sarsyo petta: Did you send me those plants? ylyove 413 to cello ge.lb The boy is gone. (306) 414 ce.lya: vargi:k jalli The boy is married. (308) 415 cello e:k cerga: dikk:) :ta: The boy finds a child. (309) 416 to: ekko:l bappa jatta : That man becomes a father. (310) 417 migge:l celiye: bharku:1) My daughter is ill. (311) jalya:. savkya na: 418 su :Qaya:n makka ga :smarb The dog bit me (m). (312) 419 avnka su :cyaya:n ga :smarb The dog bit us. (313) 420 mijje payya: su :cyaya :n A dog bit my leg. (315) ga:smarb 278 421 su :I).aya:o cer"a: ga :smarb The dog bit that child. (316) 422 rnigge:l bha:va:n ti:ni cittaFi: My brother killed three deer. (317) marH 423 rnigge:1 do :gaja :lJ.anna :ni ti :ni My two brothers killed three deer ~ (318) cittala marH 424 a:v e:k citta!a: dikkilye :ri, takka I will shoot a deer If I see one. (319) marto:l:; 425 to: kh~:y Where is he ? (320) 426 to: thafiga b£ss~ :ta: He sits there. (321) 427 tu :v€'. takka kh~nt~:y dikki :10 Where did you find him ? (322) 428 a :v€'. tukka thatiga:y dikki :10 I found you there too. (323) 429 tukka ka:y na: ammi S;;)gg;;} You have hone and we are an (324) khatta:y eating. ' 430 tujjegul).i ed£. ass~ ; att~ avfika Here is some for you; now we can (325) s~gta: kha :vya : all eat together. 431 bappa:n makka dill€'. t£.:, tukka Father gave it to me ; (he, did) not (326) na: (give it) to you. 432 bappa makka ed€'.: lagge:n Father will give me somemore. (327) ditto:b 433 a :v;} migge:1 do :gaja:1). bha :va : I'll give some to my two brothers. (328) ed£. : ditto :13 434 a :v~ bess~ :lya: I (f) am sitting. (329) 435 ammi s~gg~ aIiga beslye:y We are all sitting here. (330 436 ammi s~ggek~a :4~ ja :vn hatiga We are all sitting here together. (331) beslye :y 437 ammi saggekka :4a ja :vnanga We all are standing here together. (332) rablye :y 438 ti ba :yl~ rakku:Q_ ekka:4 k~rta: The woman gathers firewood. (334) 439 tyo bayb mu:lekk;;r':Qa k;;}:rna: y Those women do not gather roots. (335) I 440 dadlya :ni ph~:!;} ekk~:4 kelll Men gathered fruits. (336) \ 441 dadlya :ni ph~ :!~ ekk~ :Q~ kelle: Men did not gather fruits. (336) na:y 442 tii: celiye: Iaggi phullekka :cJ~ Tell the girl to gather flowers. ko :iu: sa :figa 279 443 til: celiya: laggi phull~ ekk~ :4~ Tell the girls to gather flowers. k::) :ru: sa :ngQ 444 celiya: laggi phul1~ ekk~ :gQ Te1J the girls not to gather flowers. k::> :rnakka: mul). sa :ilg:} 445 d::>ggaja:1). ekk:} :"Q jalye :ri ca :ri Two men make four hands. (339) ha:t jatta :le 446 e:k daddu:b:y bayb:y kh::>H::> A man and a woman are not (341) kQrna:y making baskets. 447 te.: s~g ~ ~ _Q tange:l kh::>py:.) They all like to make thejr huts. (342 ) k::>:l u: a :!h:::lyta:y 448 lc::)I).a:n sangi:l tukka: Who told you (that) ? (343) 449 ammi sailgi:l talya :gi tii: gell::> We told him you (m) had gone (344) mul).u away. 450 kedda:1). sailgi:l tii: makka: When did you tell me ? (345) 451 ka :li ammi sQgta :ni sangi:l Yesterday we all told you. (346) tukka: 452 kedda:1). tummi s:::Igta :ni sangi:l When did you all tell him? (347) takka: 453 tann s:::lgta :ni sangi:l makka: They all told me. (348) 454 a :ve sangi:l tanka s:::Igta :nk:::l :y I told all of them. (349) 455 kedda:1] sailgi:l tummi tanka When did you (PI.) tell them ? (350) 456 tanni s:}g~a :ni tumcila: itti What did they an teU you (Pl.) ? (351) saiigi :l€: 457 bappa:n tanka s:::Igta :Ii.k:::l:y Father told all of them to go away. (352) v::>cca: sangi :le 458 celya:n amka marl::> The. boy hit us. (354) , 459 c€-lya:n makka marl::> The boy hit me. (353) 460 a :ve te cdya:k e:k b:::lQiye:n I hit the boy with a stick. (355) marl::> 461 ammi cdya:k bQgya :ni marl::> We hit the boys 'with sticks. (358) 462 te: dadlye:n tukka ka :li Did the man hit you (Sg.) yesterday? (359) marb:lve 463 te dadlye..:n tumka ka:li Did the man hit you (Pl.) yesten:-ay ? (361) marb:lve.. 464- tanni makka marl::Jna: They did not hit me. (362)

280 465 tanni amka marl~ na:- They did not hit us. (363) 466 s~rpa: ayku: jamna: (A) snake cannot hear. (364) 467 t~: dn :ni s~rpa: rna :ru pu :r~ The man might kill two snakes. (365) 468 ta :1)£ sailgu :ca: visvasijja :yna: I do not believe what he says. (366) 469 tii: k~i :Qi jaldikku:n tuk You ought to sit down because you (367) bessu ka: ta are tired. 470 tE: mar1~dikku:n mak k~:payb I am angry because you struck me. (368) 471 t::>: gh~rk~Qe v~cc~ : Let him go horne. (369) 472 ta :1JE makkhamca: saiJgi : I€'- He asked me to eat. (370) 473 ta:!}E mak jernca: sangi :l£. He asked me to take meal. 474 a :va takkhamca: sangt::> :15 I will ask him to eat. (371) 475 a:v tukka khamca: sangi :l€- I asked you to eat. (372) 476 it:v tuk khamca: sangt~ :]3 I (m) will ask You to eat. (373) 477 a:v rabbu:n c:::>yHi.: I am standing and looking. (374) 478 a:v bessu:n c::>yta: I am sittin.g and looking. (375) 479 a:v bessu:n jevta: I am sitting and eating. (376) 480 t:::>: bessu:n jevta:b He was sitting and eating. (377) 481 a:v d::> :ni p:;;)ysa:r sailgi :l£., I have told you twice, once should (378) e :ko ponta: pu :r~mu, be enough and I will certainly not tisse:r p~ysa:r saIigunna: tell you for the third time. 482 takka soggi~~~ petta jatta: Everybody likes him. (379) 483 ekke :kelya: laggi :yi ekke: Each man had an axe ; (380) ku :ra :qi assi :lita th~ggaQe: some had two. jaQa :lya: d~ :ni 484 bappa:y bha:vu:y etto :lmu1) I expected my father and brother ; (382) a:rhoyl£ t.~ kO:.Qaylna: neither came. 485 k:::>.:1Jki: etta: makka dista: Some, one is coming-J think he is. (383) t::>: k':):1J. tE.: Oh.'what is his name ? 486 khoncE ph~ ;l~ tukka ca: il?tam Which fruit do you like best ? (384)

281 487 tajlyassilli ~kki: ku :ra :q.i tanka He gave them his only axe; now (385) dilli anital eksari: na: he has none. 488 pa :iic~ ma :s~ m urth:;):m to: Two months ago he was almost (386) buQQ.:;) :s jalb :It~ jaIy£. :ri drowned but somebody rescued. ko ::g.ki unea :ri ka :gso Ho 489 it:v sangi:l s~m3: n~y jalyE:. :ri. Stop me if I say anything wrong. (387) tava!i: rabb~:y 490 a:v pirnce murth:;)m khatta: I eat before I drink. (388) 491 a:v javce murth~m a:bu mdb My grandfather died before I was (389) born. 492 to: makka C:lvnu:c ass:;), takk He keeps on looking at me; I shall (390) itti ja:v ka: mul). nimgu :ka ask him if he wants anything. 493 to: t£. ga :va: asjalyE:. :ri takka If he is in the village, I would like (391) dikka: mUQ ass~ to see him. 494 a :v te : sa: nk::> :rn di :n:;) I'll shorten it. (392) 495 a :v te : ka :tc kellt I blackened it . . (393) - 496 a:v takka ka:li sa:y~ kalli I dyed it into black. 497 te: votta: so!ya: ka :!e jatt~ :Je If you leave it III the sun (it) (394) will go black. 498 pikkall£. pallE:. khalla: p~Qta:y Ripened leave~ fall down. 499 ka :yna: dusse :ri sukt~ :lte All right, it will get dry again. (396) . 500 a :v te : ujja :ri dovvo: rn I'll dry it for you by the fire. (397) sukko :vn di :ntukka : 501 s~lJX) lagge:n vocea: am ka : Let us go further. (398) 502 to: itya: ayb na: Why has he not come ? (399) 503 thoggag.e vele: takka sukanna: Perhaps he is sick. (400) ki: ittimuQ k:;) :!!8.: 504 th::>ggaqe vete: makkanga Perhaps I shall have to,stay. (401) rabbuka: jatt~ :ne 505 tii: ti b~g.q.i m~Qsive Can you break the stick ? (402) 506 mo :<;lu: jamna : jalyE:. :ri a :ve:k Though I cannot break it, I wi11 try. (403) c::>:yn:;) 507 e:y, m;)l)l} u:t ass~te : Oh. it is broken already. (404) 508 udda: pi:v jall£.v£. tugge:le Have you finished drinking water ? (405) 509 V:;) :y. pak~e- jalye :ri edt Yes, but I want some more_ (406) lagge:n ja :vka:

282 510 tii : takka murth~:m dikkill"vE. Did you see him before ? 407 511 na:, takkajje murth~:m No. I never saw him before. (408) dikb : I" : na: 512 gh~rk~4e pavca:ni:k b: Having reached his house he fell (409) nidde:b down asleep. 513 di:ss~g:;}t:l: nidta:lt~ t,,: He was sleeping all day. (410) 514 a:v tukka saha :yiccu k" :ru : I shall send s.ome.one t.o help y.oU. (411) k:l :J}.a :k:;}:y b:;} :t~ :yn:;} 515 t,,: phu :1~ 00 :t~ :yt" :1" He will send fl.owers. 516 ti: ph:;} :l~ 00 :t~ :y~ :li She will send fruits. 517 ka :li t:l: mass~:l dh:;}rt_a:b Yesterday he was fishing. (412) 518 YE. gavka:r~ b:gya na:y These villagers are not friendly_ (413) 519 make:k na :ncu c" :mka :mulJ. I w.ould like t.o see a dance. (414) dista: 520 attQ daddu :1E. nancta:y The man are dancing n.ow. (415) 521 kE.dda:1) na :ncasb :b When will there be a dance ? (416) 522 bay}:, m" :J}.U: a :ra :mbita:y The w.omen are starting t.o sing. (417) 523 mh~J}.lJ. i rabbi :li (intr.) The singing has st.opped. (418) 524 ti mh:;}J}.1) i a:v rabb~yli. I stopped their singing. 525 a:v m"l)c€. rabb~yl€' I st.opped singing. 526 ta :l)€. m"J}.c€. rabb~ylE. He st.opped (his) singing. 527 t€.: s~gg~ jallE. t~ It is all .over n.ow. (420) 528 tagge :1 na :vittE. What is his name? (421) 529 tugge:l ga:v kh:;}nt~:5' Where is y.our village ? (422) 530 tugge:l ga:v kh"iic" Which is y.our village ? 531 tii: kh:;}nt:;}:y thakun etta: Where d.o y.ou c.ome fr.om ? (423) 532 tii: kh~ri,t:;}:5' v:;}tta: Where are y.ou g.oing ? (424) 533 . tugge:l ga :va : 'pasun sailg~ :sive W~n't y.ou tell me ab.out y.our makka: village? 534' ittu:l dhu :r:;} tE. : How far is it ? (426) 283 535 itti c;:> yta: tii: What are you looking for ? (427) 536 tii : bhitb :ri ettav£ Will you come inside ? (428) 537 tik mijjelya: emca: jatt~ :lv£ Can she come with me ? (429) 538 tukkijja :vka: What do you want ? (430) 539 tii : make:k b;}4(li a::Q Qissive Won't you bring me a stick 7 540 tii: takka utdit:l :Iv£ Will you(m) call him ? (432) 541 tii: tikka uIdit;:> :lv£. Will you (m) call her ? 542 tii : Ie: s;}nt~ sang~ :sv£ Won't you say it slowly ? (433) 543 te : S~ :rive Is that true ? (434) 544 v~ :y, s~riIl1u1). ti;} dista: Yes, I think so. (435) 545 k~si k~l ta te: tukka: How do you know ? (436) 546 kh~nt~:y thaku:n ayki:n te: Where from did you hear that ? (437) tii :v£ 547 k~:1). kelle te: Who did that ? (438) 548 a :v tukka vi~vasijja :yna - I do not believe you. (439) makka tujje :ri vi~va;s na: 549 tii: k~si ayl aitga: How did you (m) come here 1 (440) 550 tii: k~si ayli anga: How did you (f) come here ? 551 tukka hindi uib :vca: Can you speak Hindi ? (441) jatt~ :nve 552 tukka k:lftk;:, :l}.i ulb :vca: Can you speak konkani 1 (442) . jatt~ :nve 553· tukka malba :ri u1b :vca: Can you speak Malayalam ?, jatt:~nv£ 554 tukka angre:ji uIb:vca: Can you speak English? jatt~ :nve 555 tukka tamilu ulb :vca: Can you speak Tamil ? jatt~ :nve 556 tukka gujra :ti ull;:> :vca: Can you speak Gujrati ? jatt~ :nve 557 itti sailgi :le tii :ve. What did you say ? (443) 558 ittu:l sara: ull;:): nakka: Don't talk so fast. (444) 284 559 te.: itya: pasun ulla :yta :y What are they talking about ? (445) 560 a :v talya: nimgu :ve. Shall I ask him ? (446) 561 talya: sa :Iig;) ve Shall I tell him ? (447) 562 te.: talya: sangt;,} :lve. Will they tell him ? (448) 563 tugge:1 bappa kh;) :y Where is your father ? (449) 564 tukkamma assave Is your mother alive ? (450) 565 tugge:1 amma:1 na :vitte What is your mother's name ? (451) 566 tukka bappa as~ve. Is your father alive ? ,·(452) 567 tugge:1 bappa:l na :vitte What is your father's name ? (453) 568 tugge:1 vareJi :k;) jallive Are you married ? (454) 569 ta :l)e te bayle :lya: uIb: yea: He must not speak to that woman. (455) pa :I}a: 570 ti: tagge:l rna :yive Is she his mother-in-law? (456) 571 Where were you (m) born ? (458) 572 tugge :1 akka kh;):y Where is your sister (elder) ? (459) 573 ti: meBi She is dead. (460) 574 tuk bh;) :YD i na :ve Don't you have sisters? (461) 5.75 tuk ittu:n eerqii :v ass;):y How many children do you have ? (462) 576 eendru udde :lve. Has the moon risen ? (463) 577 pha:y sakka :cyi v;:')ggi v;:')cca :ve. Shall we start to-morrow early (464) morning? 578 atta pa :vsu P.oQ!=> :lve Will it rain now? (465) 579" a :ji pa :vsu P::>Qt::> :lve. Will it rain today ? (466) 580 rand;):p jaU;)ve. Is cook lng.over· \ ?. (467) 285 581 jaIle :na atta jatt~ :ne Not yet; will be over soon. (468) 582 ujj~ cii :ja :vnu jalt~ :ve Is the fire burning well ? >(469) 583 it :v ranni ujj~ sampu: v~tta: I am going to make fire. (470) 584 edE.: rakku:4 lagge:n ha :Qu: Tell him to bring some more fire '(471) sa :ilg~ talya :gi wood. 585 tukka savkhyamve Are you quite well ? ·(472) 586 na: makka :ji sukhanna: . No, I am not well to-day. (473) 587. migge:l hatta: savky~na: My hand is hurt. :(474) 538 tukka k~si ke :Q~ lagg~ :le How did you hurt yourself? (475) 589 a :ve:k rukka:ri thakun ~U5 I fell down from a tree. 590 b: gaQgaQe: ~ :Q.u hatta: ke :4~ He fell and hurt his arm. (476) lagg~ :le 591 . takka p=> : t:) dukk~ :ta: He has stomach ache. (477) 592 yi ha :di kh~nt~ :y v~tta: Where does this track go ? (478) 593 ti: makka rakku:n rabt~ :live Will she wait for me here ? (479) a:ilga: 594 tii: mukka :ri v=>cca:t You may go ahead. (480) 595 tii: ka :lratti kh~nt:):9 nidde:b Where did you sleep last night? (481) 596 mak : te n~di v~ccuka: I want to go to the river. (482) 597 a: v~tta: I am going. (483) 598 ye. th~:1 ca ::ilgn~ : y This place is not good. (484) 599 tatikijja:v ka: What do they want ? (486) 600 tak ijja ~v ka: What does he want ? (487) 601 tii: ko :.Q.~ Who are you? (488) 602 Who is he' ? (489) 603 te su :Q.aya:n tuk ga :~mado :lve Did that dog bite you (Sg.) ? ·(490) 286 · 604 te su ::Qaya:n tunka Did that dog bite you (Pl.) ? (492) ga :smarb :lve. 605 ka:li te. kbompiya: makka Did you see me (m) in the hut (493) di-kilb :ve. yesterday? 606 ka :li te. kh:)mpiya: amka Did you see us in the hut yesterday? (495) dikkile :ve. 607 tii: mijjilya: ayl~na: itya: Why didn't you (m) com! to me. ? (496) 608 tii: . amcilya: ayb na: Why Jidn't you (m) com! to us 1 (498) itya: 609 ta :t;te. k':>:Qa :lya: ulb :-vca : He cannot speak to anybody. (500) pa::Qa: 610 tanni amcilya: ulb :yca: They cannot speak to us. (501) pa :t;ta: 611 b: taiicelaggi u11o: yea: He wants to speak to them. (502) a:th~yta: 612 ti: migge:l bappa :lya : She likes to speak to my father. (503) ull;) :yea: a: th~yta : 613 to: do :ndissa: lagge:n rabbu: He desires to stay for two more (504) a:th~yta: days. 614 migge:l bappa: a:v e~ :Q~ My father wants me to stay more. (50S) rabbuka :mul). sang~ :ta: 615 su :rya: ketka :ri udde :ta: The sun rises in the east. (506) 616 cendru ratti udde :ta: The moon rises by nigh t. (507) 617 n~:dy:) s~mudra:n v:)ccu:n The rivers go down to the sea. (508) payta:y 618 t';): dhavca: v~tta:l';) He was about to fur. (509) 619 majj~:r uQkima:ru: v~tta: The cat is about to jump. (510) . 620 pa:vsu p:) : The rice is almost cooked. (512) 622 d~nd;} ja :ysijjalle The work is aIm ost finished. (513) 623 a:v takke:k"! p~ysa:r mar1~ :}ta I hit him once. (514) 624 a:v marta: assi1l5 takka: I kept hitting him. (515) 625 a:v takka jhayte. gha4iya: I kept hitting him for a long time. (516) mart~: assi115 287 626 a:v takka k€.dna:y ma:r,:} : pass;} I hit him often. (517) 627 a:v takka b:;)la:n marl:::l I hit him hard. (518) 628 tanni arnka mariena: They did not beat us. (519) 629 ailga g~nd:::l:l galee thariga The group here hit the other group (520) g~r:d~:! ga1ca:k;} iHi:k peH;} tpere with brickbats. rnarta:y

630 ramma: kri~l)a: gha:lnu ma:ri Ramu; strike Krishna! (521) 631 g~ :vindu g:::lpla:k rna :ru :yat Govindu may hit Gopalan. (522) 632 rarncendru lek~ma1}a:k Ramachandran desires to hit (523) rna :rka :mut;t c~yta: Lakshmanan. 633 va :sudevu na :ra :yal) a :k Vasudev hits Narayan frequently. (524) ke dna:y marta: 634 makka ka :li pe~fu p~H~ I was hit yesterday. (525) 635 tukka pha:y peHu p:::lQt~:b You will be hit to-morrow. (526) 636 tii: ga :va: v~cceve :le:y rnijje Why did you (m) follow me to the (533) maglya:n itya: ayb village? 637 a:v tujje maglaya:n ayb na: I d:d not follow you. (535) 638 ammi tumce maglaya:n aylena:y We did not follow you (Pl.). (537) 639 ti:n dis jaUe: pa :vsassa It has been raining for three days. (538) 640 ti: jhayte dis jalle: su :kh She has been suffering for a long (539) nattille paHe :li time. 641 tii: khanta:5' assilb Where had you been ? (540) 642 ra :ti sagga :li kavva :9;} vakta: Whole night the door was kept (541) assa open. 643 tanka saba:r t~ :9:::1:v k:::l :ru:k They could not wait any longer. (542) ja:yna: 644 c~v kUDU : rabbu:n t;): For continuous walking he got (543) ksi :t;l.i jalb tired. 645 tavtava\i:y pa:vsu P~:t;l.u nha:y On account of incessant rains tl-.e (544) bharIi river is· flocded. 646 ku :ra :Q.i m:;)Hi The axe is broken. (545) 647 ku:ra:Q.i maHe:Ii The axe was broken. 546) 288 648 ku :ra :4i rn~4t~:li The axe will be broken. (547) 649 cerqu gh::> :4aya: phaHi:ri The child fell from the horse­ (548) thakun gargaQ-e: paHE.. back. 650 peska:te:na pha:!~ katta:rle:li The fruits were cut with knife. (549) 651 santa :ntu ekka bayle:k A woman was cheated in the (550) phatva :1).a p~Hi market. 652 makka tan nata :ne peHu p::>H::> I hit myself. (551) 653 tukka tannata:ne pegu P::>Qt::>:l::> You will hit yourself. (552) 654 tak ka tannata :ne pegu p::> U::> He hit himself. (553) 655 tanka tannata :ne: pettu paqta :l€. They will hit themselves. (556) 656 a:v tannata :ne nhatt::> :13 I will wash myself. (557) 657 tukka tannata :ne k€. :c;la lagga :1E.. You have hurt yourself. (558) 658 t€.: p~r~spa :ra j::>gg::>:1). gh€.tta:y They are fighting with each other. (559) 659 a :v~:y tii :v~:y j::>gg:>:1). mUHy::> You and I strike each other with (560) marta:y closed fist. .660 yi avnga:li umho:\nu dha :vi Wash these clothes and make (564) ka :ri them white. 661 savka :p~:li gha :lnu. yi avnga:li Applying soap. wash these clothes k::>cca :vnu dh~ :vi ka :ri and make them white. 662 bhaQqi paq<;l:> rabbi :{::>: a :v~ The bullock has stopped I will (565) takka cay k~ :yta : make him go. 663 su :1).£. dhavta: a:v takka Dog is running I will stop him. (566) rabba :yta: 664 a:v tajje kar€. :n att~ kha :v~ :yna I will make him eat noW. (568) 665 a:v tajjekare:n ka :li kha :vaylE.. I made him eat yesterday. (569) 666 a :v takka pha:y kha :v~yt::> :13 I will make him eat to-morrow. (570) 667 a:v takka ka:li ka :ppi pi :vayli I made him drink coffee yesterday. 668 a:v takka pha:y ka :ppi I (m) will make him drink coffee (571) pi:v~yb:13 to-morrow. 669 ammi takka ka:li ka :ppi pi :v;)yli We made hi;U drink coffee yesterday. 670 ammi takka ka :li p::>: \::> We made him eat dosa yesterday. kha:v~y{::>

289 2 RGI/7S 19 671 ammi takka pha:y P::> :10 We wilt make him eat dosa kha : vayta:1£. to-morrow. 672 a :vi se:1) ~ ka<;1 ta : Grandmother sprinkles cowdung water. 673 t~ : p~Q~m b~rayta: lIe draws a picture. 674 to: barpa barayta: lIe writes a letter. 675 a:v pa :tham vacci :Hi : I read the Jesson. 676 a :v£. gi :ntu mh:;)H:;) I sang a song. 677 tii :ve gi :ntu mh.:,U:;) You sang a song. 678 ta :ne gi :ntu mh;:)U::> He sang a s<;mg. 679 a:v gi :ntu m;:)1)ta: I (m/f) sing a song. 680 it:v gi: :-ttu m;:)1) to :15 I (m) will sing a so ng! 681 tii: gi :ntu mha :1)a You sing a song. 682 tu: sa :i1ga You tell ~ 683 tii: ulld:Y You speak! 684 tummi ulld :ya :y You (PI.) speak! 685 tii: va :ca You go ~ 686 tun1lni vacca:y You (PI.) go ! 687 tii: y;:): You come! 688 tumuli eyya:y You (PI.) come! 689 tu: bE, :sa You sit! 690 tummi b£ssa:y You (PI.) sit! 691 tii: gha :]i You wear it ! 692 tummi gha :ly£:y You (PI.) wear it ! 693 til: takka SJ :<;Ii You leave him! 694 tummi takka s;) :<;1y€.:y You (Pl.) leave him! 695 a:v te peq;:Jffi c;:)yta : I see that picture. 696 a:v udda: pitta: J drink water. 697 a:v jevta: I take meals. 698 a:v kha :l)a khatta: I eat tiffin. 699 a:v gi :ntayka :ta: I hear the song. 700 a:v b;:Jrpd bardyta: I write Jetter. 701 a:v bu:k vacci :ta I read the book. 702 a:v du:d mayta: I measure the milk. 703 a:v kappa:<;1 ka :l)g£tta: I buy clothes. 704 a:v ga:y ivikki :ta I sell the cow. 705 a :v takka s;:)vta: abuse him. 706 a:v te: svi :karicu kdrta: I accept it. 707 a:V takka kh::> : <;1aya : galta I arrest him. 708 a :v jo :1i a :ra :mbi :ta: I begin the work. 709 a :v khJIl::> bhetti :ta : I break the glass. 710 it:v ka :g~:t lassi :ta : I burn the paper. 711 a:v te luggQ:d sukk~ :yta: I dry the clothes. 712 a :v tf. ka'vVQ:4 ditta: I close the door. 713 a :v to v:;)ro:vu sijjayta : I cook the rice. 714 a:v ph~ :t~ katt~ :rta: I cut the fruit. 715 a:v c=>y15 I saw. 716 ff:v pill5 I drank. 717 a;V jev15 I ate. 718 a :ve kha ::ry:) khdle I ate tiffin. 7]9 a :ve gi :ntayki:l€. I heard songs. 720 a :VE. gi :ntayki:b I heard the song. 721 a :VE. bu :ku b:)r:)yb I wrote a book. 722 a :VE. bu :ku vacci:b I read a book. 723 a :Ve pejje: v=>r", :vu ghalb I put rice for gruel. 724 t"': takka dh=> :rnu velb He caught him. 725 t=>: tikka dh=> :rnu veUi He caught her. 726 a :VE. j~ :li a :ra :mbi :Ii I began the work. 727 a :v£ kh=>lb bhetti :1:) J ,br9ke the glass. 728 11 :v£ bhgr:ryi bhetti :li I broke the jar. 729 ta:l}E. udda: all£ He brought water. 730 ti :1) £ bu :ku Iassi:b She burnt the book. 731 tanni mandu :ri lassi :li They burnt the mat. 732 ammi bu :k:; lassi:le We burnt the books. 733 tii :v£. kagt~ lassi :li You burnt papers. 734 a:v udda: pitt:) :15 I (m) will drink water. 735 ;l:v udda: pitt~:11 I (f) will drink water. 736 ;l:v tanka udda: pi:v~yt;):I5 I (m) will make them drink water. 737 a:v tanka kha :Dg kha :vgyt~:li I (f) will 'make them eat tiffin. 738 ;l:v tikka kha :veyt;):15 I (m) will make her eat. 739 a:v tat'lka gi:nt aykayt6:li I (f) will make tht!nl hear the song. 740 til: p;J Q~m c;)yta: You see a picture. 741 t:): bu :ku vaoci :ta: He reads the book. 742 t€.: kha :1) khatta:y They eat tiffin. 743 amm i thanga v~tta:y We go there. 744 tummi bu :ku vacci :ta:y You (Pl.) read a book. 745 a:v nhatta: I take bath. 746 tu: nhatta: You take bath. 747 • t:): nhatta: He takes bath. 748 ti: nhatta: She takes bath. 749 cergu nhatta: The child takes bath. 750 ammi nhatta:y We take bath. f] 751 tummi nhatta:y Yay (Pl.) take bath. 752 t€.: nhatta:y • They (m) take bath. 753 ty:): nhatta:y They (f) take bath. D 754 a:v nha1l5 I (m) took bath. 755 a:v nhalli I (f) took bath. " 756 tii: nhall:> You (m) took bath. 757 tii: nhaUi You (f) took bath. 758 t:>: nhall:> He took bath. 291 759 ti: nhalli She took bath. 760 tE:: nhalle It took bath. 761 ammt nhalle We (m) took bath. 762 amminhalH We (f) took bath. 763 tummi nhalle You (m. PI.) took bath~ 764 tummi nhalli You (f. PI.) took bath. 765 te: nhalle They (m. PI.) took bath. 766 ty::>: nhaly:) They (f. PI.) took bath. 767 i'i.:v nhatt:):15 I (m) will take bath. 768 i'i.:v nhatta:li I (f) will take bath. 769 tii: nhatt:J:b You (m) will take bath. 770 til: nhatt;) :li You (f) will take bath. 771 t:): nhatt::>:b He will take bath. 772 ti: nhatta:li She will take bath. 773 cerQil nhatt;) :le The child wiU take bath. 774 ammi nhatt;):le ¥Je (m) will take bath. 775 ammi nhatta:lI We (f) will take bath. 776 tummi nhatta :le You (m. PI.) will take bath. 177 tummi nhatta ;lY:J You (f. Pl.) will take bath. 778 te: natta:l e They (m. PI.) will take bath. 779 ty:J: nhatta ;JY:J They (f. PI.) will take bath. 780 tl: nhatt~:li They (n. PI.) will take bath. 781 ti: nhatta:y They (n. PI.) take bath. 782 ti: nhallI They (n. PI.) took bath. 783 a:v ayl:Jna: I (m) did not come. 784 a:vaylena: I (f) did not come. 785 ammi aylena:y We (m) did not come. 786 tummi aylena:y You (m. PI.) did not come. 787 te: aylena:y They (m) did not come. 788 tii: ayl:ma: You did not come. (m. Sg.) 789 til: aylena: You (f. Sg.) did not come. 790 ti: aylena: She did not come. 791 t::>: aybna: He did not come. 792 te: aylena: It did not come. 793 ammi ayl£na:y We (f) did not come. 794 ty:): aylena:y They (f) did not come. 795 a:ve:na: I don't come. 796 ammi e:na:y We don't «;ome. 797 til: e:na: You don't come. 798 t::>: e:na: He doesn't come 799 ti: e:na: She doesn't come. 800 te: e:na:y They do not come. 801 tI: e:na:y They (n. PI.) do not come. 802 tY:J: e :na:y They (f. PI.) do not come. 803 tumrni e :na :y You (Pl.) do not come. ...292 804 a:vemna: I won't come. 805 tii:vemna: You won't come. 806 ti : 1). emna: She won't come. 807 ta:1). emna: He won't come. 808 ammi emna: We won't come. 809 tanni emna: They won't come. 810 mak emca: jamna : It is not possible for me to come. 811 su :k~iccu k~ :ri Take care! 812 k~s~I k;};i!;J What a suffering ! 813 ca: maja:ta assillE: How funny! 814 ca: r~sp~t tQ assilli How interesting ! 815 ca: dissd:ta: How lovely! 816 se :ri t~ssi ja :v~ O. K. allright f 817 nutt;:, p~:c;lg;:, Keep quiet (f) ! 818 us~:l~ Get out! 819 k~ss~:l ';ph~dr~:v mu:r;t C::J:Y What a nuisance 820 ujj::J ujj::J Fire ! fire ! 821 a:v bhitt~:r e:vyatv£. May I come in '? 822 a:v bhitt~:r ettave Let me come in ? 823 ka :li a:v dikki:b m~ni: ~u atta The man whom I saw yesterday ayb-ayla: has come now. 824 a:v tujlya: sangi :li ba :yl~ ti: ta She is the lady about whom I spoke to you. 825 ti: a:jayliv£. Has she come to-day ? 826 t::J: atta ett::J:b He may come now! ' 827 t::J: att;} v~re:n d aitgassilb He was here until now. 828 ta ::r;tE: a :ji emma: si: dista: It seems that he won't come to­ day.• 829 k;:,ilka1;l bha:se:k b~rp~ na:mu1;l They say that Konkani has no sailgta:y script of its own. 830 ti::r;te a:ji emna:mUlJ [sangu:n She sent word that she won't come pett~ylE:. to-day. 831 makka thailga v::Jcca: jamna: It seems that I will not be able si: dista: to go there. ~32 ti:DE: a:ji emca: jamna: mUQ I know that she won't be able to makka ka\ta: come to-day. S33 t £.: caitge:k p a: c;lamu1). tii: ja: Do you know that it is a good

D~ve film? 834 a:v ja:1;l~ I know. 835 a:v ne:t).~ I don't know. 836 tii: takka v;}\katv€- Do you remember him? 837 takka:v dikki1Iass~: jalya: I have seen him, but I don·C. v;}:t~:ki na: \-emember him. 838 kalce:y ayce:y pe:p~r5: Bring yesterday's and to-day's ka: Dge :vn a:Qi papers. 293 839 ye V::lqa :ci: g£lle v~q;a :ci: The harvests of this year and luvv:::ll)y::> m~:sanna: last year are not bad. 840 sa:n::l cdle balla:v n::l:y Young boys are not bad. 841 yh;) bu:ku ca:ilgu n3:y jalya :ri This book is not good but that t;): cinna: is good. 842 y::> bu:ku ca:ilgu n::l:yjalye:ri If this book is not good, bring t::>: ha:Qi that one! &43 y::> bu :ku ca :ilgu n::l: y jaly€.: Though the book is not good,. ri:yl a:v t;) ka:I)ge:vkajalb I had to buy it. 844 a:v aylya:ri tu: emna:ve Won't you come, if I come along ? 845 a:v aylya :ri :yi tu: ett;):lnav€. Won't you come even if I come ? 846 tii: aylye :ri a:vetta: If you come, I will come. 847 tii: aylya:ri a:va:y etta: If you come, I will also come. 848 a:v thailga vaCC::l:pass~ I use to go there. 849 ta:1} e ailga e :va :passille - He used to come there. 850 attg a:v kocci:ta ass;) At present I am in Cochin. 851 tii: thailga v::>ccana: phu4e a:v When you go there tell them that pha:y ett::>:lmul). sa:liga I will come to-morrow. 852 te: ba :yr::l g£1ye:y He (han) has gone outside. 853 t::>: appaJ)ya:le duvve:kuta: He has travelkd thro'out the world, bhu:mi sagg::l:li bh;)vvilass3 taking his' own daughter with him. 854 tii: appal)ya:l duvve: kuga: Will you take your daughter also, v;)rt::> :lve along with you? 855 ti: nidde:vn paHe:li ki raQta:li Was she sleeping or weeping? 856 ti: etta ki vatta: Is she coming or going ? 857 tii: a :ji ett::>: I ki emna: Will you come to-day or not ? 858 tii: k::lrt::>:b ki karna: Will you do or not ? 859 tii: nidt::>:b ki nidde:vna: Will you sleep or not? 860 emca:lu ra:mu ta The coming man is Ram. 861 thatiga rabbilb mani: ~u migge:l The man who was star.. ding there bha:vu ta is my brother. 862 makka :ji e :namuI) aSS::l I want to come to-day. 863 makka:.ji e:vka:nakka mUl) I don't want to come to-day. aSS3 864 tukk thaJiga v::>ccuka :mlll} assay€. Do you feel like going there ? 865 makka:lna: tii: kasi I don't know as to how will you atigett::> :lmut;l come here? 866 ti: aIiga :ci She belongs to this place. 867 t:l: atiga :C:l He belongs to this place. 868 a:ve te: thaIiga:ci davv::lr!e I kept it there itself. 869 a:v taVV::l: 1 e :n3 I will come then. 870 tukka ailga rabbu:yat You may stay here itsdf. 871 te.: tal).€.: saflgilve Did he himself say so ? 872 tii:ci ka:rite: You yourself do it. 294 873 te: tii:c kJrka: You yourself must do it. 874 ave:c k;):rka: tf:.: I myself must: do it. 875 tii: aUa:c k;) :rka: tf:. You should do it now itself. 876 a:v tavali:c ay15 I came then itself. 877 kcdda :lJa:c ett;):}5 Sometimes I shall come. 878 a:v te s~gg~ t~si: viss;) :r15 I have completely forgotten it. 879 k~ssi ka ::rygett~:le jalye: t~si: You should give it in the manner di:mka: in which you got it. 880 tii: k;)ilk;)::ry;)vc Are you a konkani (rn) ? 881 tii: k;)ilk;):1).ivc Are you a konkani (f) ? 882 tii: k:)ilk;:':1).i sikki:lvc Did you (m) learn konkani ? 883 tii: k;)nk;)::ryi sikki:livc Did you (f) learn konkani ? 884 t;): bappa: man~: ass~ . He resembles his father. 885 tc s~gg~ ekka: acca :ri ba: rta They are all moulded in the same kdlc:le: mould. 886. kh;:,ilc:J ki tugge:l bu:ku Which is your book ? 887 tugge:l bu:k kh::l: Y Vlhere is your book ? 888 k;):1)ki t:) cdb Vlho is that boy ? 889 y:J bu:ku k:J:1)a:b Whose book is this ? 890 ittu:l amb€. ja: vka tukka: How many mangoes do you want ? 891 t;): itlya:v;) ki How manyth boy is he ? 892 ti: itlya :vi ki How manyth girl is she '? 893 te: itlya :ve ki How manyth child is it ? ~94 ittu:l p::lysa:r ayb tii: How many times did you come ? 895 itlya:v:J p;::,ysa:r ayb tii: How manyth time did you come? 896 Pdynda:r ja :yv€. tukka: Do you want sugar? 897 itli:c di: Give me this much only. 898 ti s;::,ggi di: Give me the whole of it. 899 a:v ailgayle:l tavva:li tii: nidde: Vlhen I carne here you (f) were paHe:li sleeping. 900 a:v kedna:y angaylye :ri til: Whenever I come here you are nidde :vnass;) sleeping. 901 itte:y m;):1 jaly€.:ri cinna: Whatever may be the cost, I want makka te: ja :mka: it. 902 k:J:1).;J:y jaly€. :ri cinna: t;?ss;::,:le Whoever it may be, I dont like perumatta makki~tanna: that behaviour. 903 khayI: gdya :ri cinna: k~a:m::l Wherever you go you have to be ja:v ka: patient. 904 kh;)fic;):y jalye :ri tukka Whichever you (m) like, you take _ ja:vka: jalb:b tii: ka:Qi it. 905 a:v itle: c;:,yly€.:ri mak However much I try, I am unable k ~amijjamca: ja :yna to be patient. 906 k:J:1).d:y emca: pu:r:J a:ji Somebody may come to-day. 295 907 k~:lJe t£: kellE. jalya: t~:uHa: Whoever has done it should get up. 908 t::>: e:k ak~;::)r:;)s~ri ullayl na: Re did not utter a word. 909 t::>: ull;;}yb:b: na: He didn't at all speak. 910 t::>: sikv;::) :~lJattill::> t~, He is an illiterate. 911 rnakkatt;;; nakka tE.: I don't want it now. 912 a:v ka:y sangilna: I didn't say anything. 913 makka:y nakka: I don't want anything. 914 rnakka v::>ccuka: att~ I should go now. 915 ta:~ nidde:vka: att;;; He should sleep now. 916 tii: thanga v::>cca:najj;::) You must not go there. 917 t£: tukka k::>:ru: jatt:;):lE. You can do that. 918 ~ujja:n jamna: t£: You cannot -do that. 919 ye madri:n;;) ulb:vca: In this manner he began to talk. a :ra :mbi :1f.. 920 a:v takka dusdusse:ri sangi:l£ I requested him to be calm; he n::>t::>:ra :mu~ ta :1)£ aykilna: refused to do so. 921 t::>: ;;)ssi:lJemca: pu:r::> Re may corne by this way. 922 tii: ittu:l v;;)ra:iice nidde:vca: At what time do you go to bed? v;;)tta: 923 v;::) :r5 vayta:y The clock strikes. 924 te:rcha na: a:v ayl1a:mu~ tii: Not sure; don't thjn~ otherwise ka: 5' a: tho :vnakYa: jf I don't turn up. 925 rnakka rak ku : n ra b bu: nakka: Don't wait for me. 926 rabbu: nakka: be:s;::) Don't stand; take your seat. 927 bhitt;;) :ri y::>: na: itya: Why don't you come in ? 928 e:k d::> :ni p;::)ysa:r sangi:l a:v Once or twice I said to him. tajlaggi 929 t::>: t €. :ci k;;)rta: d USs;;) : ri He repeats the same thing. 930 a:v ca :cJa ka:5' sangilna: I didn't say anymore. 931 ani nakka: tE.: pu :r::> No more, that is enough. 932 tii: itva: b::> :1:'oa gaIt ;;)ssi Why do you shout like this ? 933 na : jalye a:v emna: assillE. Otherwise J, would not have corne. 934 t;::)si: k;;)re :nmuIJ uttar di Promise me to do so ! 935 Jatta jalya: k::>:ru: c::>:y Try to do this work! 936 tii:v tasi: ti :rt:;) k::> :rr. sa1igi :lve Did you say so co~c1usive]y ? Q37 va:y ; pak1?e takka tE.: ayku: Yes; but he didn't wish to hear it. rna:n na: assilt5 938 tii: tikka bhittave Are you afraid of her ? 939 lugta: ang;::) :cJi laggi: t5 The cloth shop is quite near. 940 yE.: c::>:y anga thakun c::>ylye :ri Look! you can see it from here. dikku ett;;): 1 E. 941 c::>: y makka ye gaqava: i1?!anna: Look here! I don't like fools. 942 rnakka rnisra viva :h;;) i§!anna: I don't like inter-caste marri age. 296 943 ca: dukkg :tave tukka: Does it give you much pain ? 944 a:v ka:y k~:rka:ve tukka: May I be of any help to you? 945 nakka til: buddimugi ja:vka: No ; don't trouble yourself. nakoka: 946 tii :cve gellg:b thanga: Had you yourself gone there ? 947 koa :li vh:lH~ jh~ :Qassilb Yesterday there 'Was a heavy storm. 948 tE:: ca: ja :q:)t~ It is very heavy. 949 rnakka bha :gyg na: I don't have luck. 950 tE:: lan~: rn::>vu: assg I t is very \>mooth and soft. 951 tE:: ca: etapp;} t;} It is very easy. 952 takka piss€. t~ He is mad. 953 t::>: piss::> t;} He is a mad man. 954 tE: luggg:Q rna :r<}:g t;} That cloth is costly. 955 tajja m::> :littE: \-Vhat is the cost of it ? 956 takka ca: 111::> :lu v::> :IJU t~ It is very cheap. 957 TIl::>:1 di: vhu :ng t~ The price is very tight. 958 rn::>:l di: se:lg t~ The price is very loose. 959 takoka gha :lJi etta: It gives a bad smell. 960 takka ca: p~rm:l:l etta: It gives a good smell. 961 thailga vo:) :ccu: nakka: payki :!~ Don't go there it is dirty! t5 962 tajlya: Vg :rg tE:: Take it to him! 963 tE:: p:l:sta:pi:sa: bg:lg:y Send it to the Post Office 964 ittu:l sgntg i tti tii: Why are you slow ? 965 v::>ggija:v:l Get ready quickly! 966 y::>: v::>cca: Come, let us go ! 967 rngrpg :Qi ka :lJge.:vnuy:l: Bring me an answer! 968 tE: luggg:q s::> :qi Leave the curtain ! 969 janng :rla: kavvg :Q~ ka :qi Close the window ! 970 takka rabbu: sa :ilg a :vetta: Ask him to wait; I am coming 971 te mgQvg:!i:k uldi Call that Dhobi woman! 972 dha :vnu Vjccu:n te v::>ydda: Run and call the Doctor ! uldi. 973 ta :IJE: tagge:l kuqurnba :kg He has done SOlne good to their ittE: :put)i caIigpg :lJg kelle :1E: family; he has done no wrong assg nantg :na: balla :vpg :lJg to them. ka:y kelle: na: 974 e:vnu c::>:y Come and see! 975 ayku:n V~:Cg Hear and go ! 976 til: cgmkgtg: ra: bg You keep on walking 977 ti: bessunu: assg She keepS- on sitting. 978 a:v v::>ccunu: assg I keep on going. 979 kgss~:l ja :ti kit,,: To what caste does he belong? 980 a:v camma :rg t~ I am a shoe maker by caste. 981 t::>: bya :ri - bya :re :li t;} He is a business man. 297 982 to: bhaitgra: bya :ri t;) He is a gold merchant. 983 to: pargavco-bharc::> t;) He is a man from outside. 984 ti peska :ti turmbe :li The knife is rusted. 985 te: turmbemce sa :d~ :n~ tg That thing is liable to be rusted. 986 t::>: keQapp;;) tg He is bedridden. 987 ye: gh~ :ra :danni k::> ::Q.~ Who is the owner of the house ? 988 ye: aIigQi: dhanni k::>: I);;) Who is the owner of the shop '? 989 cerQup~:1). thaku:n t::>: aIiga He lives here from his childhood. rabb~:ta: 990 it:v v::>ccu:n takka dikku:n te: Having gone, J saw him and told sailgu :n ayl3 him and came away. 991 ta :Qe sailgi :le ta :Qe emna :mUl) He said that he won't come. 992 tii: ailgemca: najj;;) You should not come here. 993 a:v aylna: jalya :ri tii: ~kb : If I d4:)fi't turn up, you(m) go alone. V;;):c;;) 994 a:v aylna: jalya :ri tii: ekli: If I don't turn up, you(f) go alone.

v~:c~ 995 makk::>:payb dikku:n t;) I scolded you as I was angry; please so: ville kayraya: ka<;lsi don't mind. 996 ajja ittu:l ki How much for this? 997 ittu:l ah~ yE: How much is this? 998 l~kt;'mi :n~ sangi:1E Lakshmi said this. 999 peska :te :n~ katl~ :ri Cut this with a knife. 1000 ramma:n sangi :le Ramu said. 1001 itya: u!dilli makka: What did you call me(f) for? 1002 itya: ul dill::> makka: \X!hat did you call me(m) for ? 1003 e:k kholb udda: a:<;lu:k~ To bring a cup of water. 1004 pampa :i'i.c vi :tam di: - Give them five each. ekke: kelyak~:y pampa :iic di : 100~ pampa :i'ic ja :vnu k::> :rneyya:y Come here in groups of five. 1006 s~lp~ maglaya:n s~ :r~ Move a bit backward 1007 s~lp~ lllukka :ri yo: Come a bit forward ! 1008 laggi yo: Corne near! 1009 thaIiga voccu:n takkailga voggi Go to him and tell him that I want yo :mu sa :i:tg~ him to come here immediately ! 1010 takkattg: emca: sa :Iig::l Ask him to come now itself. 1011 allllna:n mo :ru :ni:k tavali: to: He came here immediately after aIiga pavb his mother's death. 1012 tii: takka ja :l)~ ja :vka: mUl)l)a You need not know him. 1013 tukka takka co:vka:mul)Qa:ve Don't you want to see him? 1014 a:ves~ na: Not necessary ! 1015 tii: thailga v~cna :phuge tavali: As soon as you go there send him takkatiga ~IUi: b~:!~:y here! 1016 tajj~rdh~ makka di: Give me half of it ! 1017 to: ~rdh~ hassi:b He smiled half heartedly. 298 1018 ii:v nimgu:ni:k t::>: sangu: When I asked him he hesitated to ma9-ijallo reply. 1019 murmuri:v nakka Don't murmur ! 1020 T;}l).l).i ro: l).akka Don't babble ! 1021 e:k v::>He r~h~syd mhdHe:l mattd He said it as if it is a great secret. ta:1). saIigi :le te: 1022 voc magd: dakk~y1£_ ta :l).e He pretended as if he was going. 1023 tak ekl::>:c pu:t ta aSSd He has only one son. 1024 tanka: v::>He b :gyan ta They are very affectionate. 1025 kug!i: ta :!::> ta tikka: Her voice is like the cuckoo·s. 1026 phu :ld rna :1::> ani v::>cc::> Let her wear the flowers and go. 1027 kal).to kh::>rnb::> :1::> takka: The thorn pierced him. 1028 takka su :Vd kh::>mb~ :li ~eedle pierced him. 1029 takka kal).!e kh::>mbd:le. Thorns pierced him. 1030 tak suvv::> kh::>mb;} :ly::> ~ eedles pierced him. 1031 ti: mungi ta She is dumb. 1032 t::>: mung::> ta He is dumb. 1033 t::>: rankatara: mag;} aSSd He is like a savage. 1034 haSSd :s::' DDn't laugh ! 1035 Pd<;lsi Don't fall down 1036 nhassi Don't bathe ! 1037 c::>ysi DDn't see ! 1038 aykg :si Don't hear! 1039 m;}rsi Don't die! 1040 mars! DDn't beat! 1041 rabb;} :si Don't stand 1042 bess;} :si Don't sit 1 1043 nidde:si Don't sleep ! 1044 b;}r;}ysi Don't write ! 1045 hha :yr;} VOCCU:5 hi DDn't go out! 1046 atta khassibi Don't eat now! 1047 ull;}:sbi ull;}:sbi Don't talk ! Don't talk ! 1048 sang;} :sbi Don't tell ! 1049 pissibi i DDn't drink 1050 takka ekku: eku pu :tu He has only one son. 1051 takka ekki: e:ki du:v;} Re has Dnly one daughter. 1052 tak ekk;;l: e :k;;l cerqu He has only one child. 1053 tuttu:l saba:r ka:y k;;l :!na: I don't know that thoroughly. 1054 a :ji makka kh;}yi: V;;lcca: na: I don't feel like going anywhere today. 1055 a :ji a::v kh;;lyi: v::>ccunna: I wo~\ go anywhere today. 1056 a :ji a:v kh;;lyi: gellina: I did nDt go. anywhere tDday. 1057 a :ji it:v thariga gelle :li I had gDne there tDday. 1058 ti: thanga gelle:li astd:li She would have gone there. 1059 th::>gaqe ve :te: it:v V;}ttd :ni Some times I will go. 299 1060 jalle jalye :ri a:v V;)tt;) :ni If it is possible I will go. 1061 tii: anga phu :<;le ayle:li ass;)ve Have you come here before ? 1062 s;)lpa rabbu:n aylya: pu :r;:) It is enough if you come a bit late. 1063 maggi :ri aylya: pu :rna ve Is it not enough if I come after- wards? 1064 vocc;:) ka:y na: Let it go ; doesn't matter. 1065 e:v;:) ka:y na: Let them come; doesn't matter. 1066 bess;:): ka:y na: Let her sit; doesn't matter. 1067 te: thanga ass;:) Let it be there ! 1068 pha :nti ga:ln rabba:y Stand in a row ! 1069 ekke :ke:H: eyya:y Come one by one ! 1070 d;:)gd;:)g ja:1J. eyya:y Come two by two ! 1071 tii: dusse :ri sa :ilga You say again! (for a second time) 1072 e :klaya: sa :ilg;) Say it again! 1073 ekk;): ve: Ie sa: ilga Say just once ! 1074 sangt;): be: s;) Keep on saying ! 1075 dusse :ri dusse :ri sailka: (You) should say again and again! 1076 . maggi :ri sailka: (You) should say afterwards! 1077 y€:.: me :lnattil ve :te:y ani e:k This is not available I will get some ka : l)g E-tta :ni other thing. 1078 jhayti kuppi :y;:) assa :y c;:) :y See there are many small bottles tantu :li d:J:n ti:n a :qi bring two or three. 1079 d:J :ni ;)Ql);)m alya: pu :r:Jve Are two enough ? 1080 nuppu :r:J Not enough! 10&1 d:Jnni: a :qi Bring both! 1082 tinni: a :qi Bring all the three! 1083 s;)gga :<;li Bring all ! 1084 s;)gte eyya:y All of you come! 1085 s;)g!a:ni e:vka: All of you should come ! 1086 ti :Qe nant;) :na:· tummi sagt;):y Excepting her all of you should say. sanka: 1087 tigge:l t:J :Qq;) rund;J: assa Her face is broad. 1088 makka pu :r:J jalle I was fed up. 1089 s;)n t;) sa: itg;) Say slowly. 1090 santa s;)nt;): sailga Say very slowly. 1091 te: bvu: assa That is very light (heavy). 1092 t:J bu:ku da:tu: assa That book is very thick. 1093 ti pe: ti - pe: ta j;;)qi: ass;;) That box is very heavy. 1094 yi: tuttu:l j;) :qi n;):y This is not that heavy. 1095 hakka j;;):qa:Qi na: This has no weight. 1096 saba:vayb:J3 I (m) have come just like that. 1097 tukka c:Jyca: ayle :ni I (f) have come to see you. 1098 ve : 1u jaIl:J It is time. 1099 atti.l bhiQbi.t;l ka :tu :ku ti.l It is pitch dark now. 1100 to: gh;;)ra:n gha :r;;) vatta: He goes from house to house. 300 1101 itt€::y di: Give anything ! 1102 sangu:n c~:y ayk~jja: ayk~ Tell him; if he heeds let him hear na :ja: v~cc::> if not let him not. 1103 ayku:n c::>:y i~ t~ asja: ayk~ Ask (?) him; if he likes let him hear na :ja: s~ :Q_i if not leave it. 1104 ja :vka jaly€. :ri e :v::> na :ja: v::>cc~ If he likes let him come if not let him not. 1105 ja:vka jalya: y::>: na:ja: v~:c~ If you like to come do so if not go. 1106 tukka ja:vka jalya: a:v e :n~ If you like I shall come.

1107 c makkitte:y ja:vkajalya: e:n~ If I need anything I shall come. 1108 ja :vka: ki nakka: " Do you want or not? 1109 a:v sangu:ce sangi:le_k~sijalya: I have said what all I can say; t~si k~:ri do as you like ! 1110 sangily€. :ri sangl€. :na: jaly€. :ri It is all the same whether said ekk;) :le :k~ or not. 1111 te: t~si:c t~ H is like that. 1112 kh~nt~: 5' bhitt~ :ri v~tta: (UptiI) where do you go ? 1113 u: thanga bhitt~ :ri U ptil there. 1114 sailgilya; ayku :ka: You should heed what is said 1115 t~l1~:v~:y mu:t~:y k€.:!na: I don't know the head or tail of the­ matter! 1116 k~!tajalya: sa:ilg~ na:yle nakka: Tell if you know otherwise not necessary! 1117 takka dikkil jalya: sa :ilg;} Say if you happen to see him ! 1118 tajje :lya: ma :tr~m sa :ilg;}: "egg;}:! Tell it only to him; don't say it k::> :Q.;) :y asjalya: saIi.gu: anybody else happen to be with nakka: him! 1119 t~: nant~:na: vegga:! k::>:1}.a:lya: Don't say it to anybody else but sangu: nakka: him! 1120 laggi v~ccu: nakka: ti: k:::lD.cta:li Don't go near here; she will hit you (with her horn) ! 1121 thaIiga vassimu1}. sangi :lnave Didn't I say, not to go there '? 1122 itya: gdl:::l:b Why had (you) gone there ? 1123 takka laggu:n v::>ccu :nakka: Don't go touching him ! 1124 tajje laggica :n;} V:::l:::lCU :nakka: Don't go by the side of him! 1125 sama: mukka :ri rabbu :nakka: Don't stand just opposite! 1126 ye: pimce udda: na:5' This is not drinking water. 1127 ye: nhavce th;}:1 n;}:y This is not the place to bathe. 1128 murtham ange:k gha :rassilmu.Q. They say that once there was a saiIgta:y house here. 1129 thailga t;): rapta :lmuI). ayki :le I heard that he was staying there._ 1130 s~lp~ s~lp~ k€.!ta: I know a little. 1131 di: ja:vn k;}:\na: I don't know well. 1132 title ca: ja:vn k~:lna: I don't know it very well. 1133 title:y ja :qa :ni saiIgi :Ie All the persons (assembled) said~ - 301 1134 a:v vatta: assa , I keep on going. 1135 a:v vatta: assilll I (f) kept on going. 1136 ede: lagge:n be :sa tidde Sit for some more time; should you bhitta:ri v~ccuka :ve go this soon ? 1137 ajje bhitt;:) :ri essi Don't come beyond this ! 1138 tanHi bhitt;:) :ri v;:)ssi Don't go inside that ! 1139 kelle :na: jalye :ri :yi vir~ :dna: It doesn't matter even if you have g;;~>nd~ : 1 ga:I nakka : not done; don't make noise. [1140 ka:Ji k:l :l).a :gul).i ka :I).getta :Ie t£.: For whom did you bring it yester- day? 1141 tijj e gUJ;l i - tijj i gUl}. i For her. 1142 tajje gUl).i For him. 1143 kas~l bage:k t::l: gf.ll::l What for did he go ? 1144 kh~nt~:5' melt~ :ne te: Where will it be available? 1145 kh~nt~:5' me!ta:n£ te: Where was it available? 1146 khant~:5' thakun khanta:5' Where from where to did he walk! bhitta :ri t,,: e::>mki:b 1147 kh~:5' tL: ; makka di: Where is it, give me ! 114.8 c::>yta: ti: rca sailgu: sa :dYd na:5' Let me see; I can't say for certain me~t;;l:n ki na:muI}. whether it is available or not. 1149 anga :mu davv;}rIe :le khanta:5' J kept it only here; where did it gellE'. tE'.: go ? 1150 a11ga dikku: e:na: You cannot see it fron"} here. 1151 ittE'.: jaJy£ :ri .~g :ri d~: ni bhittg :ri Corne what may; one among the e :kg ti :rcg k~ :rka: two should be done for certain. 1152 Jaglagi:c b£ :Sg Sit nearby each other! 1153 dhurdhu:r b£ :sa Sit apart from each other 1154 ti: bhu :k~ laggalli t~ They are the hungry ones. 1155 aydg :ng bhettg :1E'. The vessel broke. 1156 ti:1} E'. aydg :ng bhctti :1E'. She broke the vessel. 1157 t~: rnakka k~ppg:ta: He is angry with me. 1158 takka k~ :petta: He is getting angry. 1159 makka k::> :paylO I was angry. 1160 ta: 1}e e :na :phuqe tii takka When he comes you should get k~ppuka: angry with him. 1161 makka tajje:ri k~:payb I became angry wi th him. 1162 ti: na :rlu kanti :ta: She scrapes the cocoanut.' 1163 amb~ pessu:n ha :cJi Cut and bring the mango into pieces! (ready for eating). 1164 takka thu: ko:rka: He wants to SpIt. 1165 aydgna:k siss£. pu :si kgrta: He is plating vessels WIth lead. 1166 roakka vouku: etta: I feel like vomitting. 1167 kappa ::Q.i ka :Q_o : vca: gella: to: He has gone for a haircut. 1168 t~: s~rI& It is finished. 302 1169 ph;)pp:J :1;) k::m;lu:k ;)Quka:ti I want the nut cracker to cut ja:mka: aricanut. 1170 t::): g~Q.g.;)Q.e: ta : He roBs down. 1171 t:>: g;)Q g;)qa :yta : He rolls down (some one else). 117:L su :t;) pa :vna : The thread IS not enough. 1173 su:tg pavna: The thread won't be enough. 1174 u]s~ :vu a :ra :mbg :b The temple f~stival began. 1175 a :vE uls::) :vu a :ra :mbi :b I began the festivaL 1176 uls:;) :vu a:ra :mb;::) :ta: The festival begins. 1177 t:>: uls:>:vu a :ra :mbi :ta: He -begins the festival. 1178 anga thakun a :ra :mbi You start from here! 1179 j::) :li a:ra :mb;):y You start the -work ! 1180 til: kha: You eat! 1181 til: takka kha :V::l :y You feed him ! 1182 te: di: vhu :nass~ ni :v;) It is very hot; let it cool down. 1183 te: di: vhu :nass;) ni :v~ :y It is very hot; pleas~ cool it. 1184 ke :su sukb na: sukka:y The hair is not dried; dry it. 1185 mijjelya: tukka diyca: ruppa:y I don't have money to give you; n::l =5" talya: sailgu:n di :vayt;):]3 I shall tell him to give you. 1186 v;)r;) :vu sijj;):b The rice is cooked. 1187 _8. :v£- v:w:;):vu Si_Udyb J boiled (cooked) the rice. 1188 ti: p't:.u:];) ill_alta: She \vears flowers. 1189 ti: tijj::~karE-:n ma:!;):yta: She gets it worn by somebody. 1190 ti: tigge:1 duvve:k phu:h She puts flowers on her daughter's l11Y..:! d :yta : heau. 119] a:v k:J :l~ phulla :yUi: I blossom_ the bud. 1192 phu:b phulb :ta: The bud blossoms. 1193 a:v han'a :li I failed. 1194 ti: ga:\E- ditta: She talks in a vulgar manner. 1195 a:v ca~'k~ :Hi: I walk_ 1196 a:v uls:) :vu C::lV kg :yta: I celebl"ate the festivaL 1197 uls:) :-vu cay k::l :va: yUi : I cdebratc the festival tluo'some one else. 1198 a:v rabba:ta: I stop. 1199 a:v takka rabba :yta: I stop him. 1200 a:v takka rabba:va:yta: I stop him thro' some body else. 1201 a:v kha :yn;) I will eat. 1202 a:v takka kha: V;) :yna I will feed him. 1203 a: v takka kha :v.;) ;-va :yna I wIll feed hIm in some other house. 1204 mandu:ri lassa :li The mat burnt. 1205 a :vE. mandu :ri lassi :lj I burn~ the mat. 1206 a:v€- mandu :ri lass:;Iyh I burnt the mat thro' hIm. 1207 mandu:ri lass:;I:ta: The mat burns. 1208 a :v~ mandu:ri lassi :t8:: I burn the mat. 1209 a :v~ mandu :ri lassaytii: I burn the mat thro' him. 30'3 1210 mandu :ri last;}:li The mat will burn. 1211 a:v mandu:ri lassi:t;}:li I will burn the mat. 1212 ti: mandu:ri lass;}yt;} :li She will burn the mat thro' some- body else. 1213 kh;:,lb bhett;:, :1;:, The blass broke. 1214 kh;:,lh bhetti:ta: The glass breaks. 1215 kh;:,Ib bhetgt;:,:b The glass win break. 1216 a :VE. kh;:)ll;:, bhetti :l;:, I broke the glass. 1217 a :v~ kh;:,ll;:, bhetti :ta: I break the glass. 1218 ti: kh;:,ll;:, bhetitg:li She will break the glass. 1219 t;): kh;)Il;) bhetit;) :1;:, He will break the glass. 1220 ta:l}E. kh;:)lb bhettgyb He broke the glass through some­ body else. 1221 t;:): kh;:)ll;:) bhettgyta: He breaks the glass through some­ body else. 1222 t;:): kh;:,lb bhettgyt;:):b He will break the glass thro' some­ body else. 1223 bha:va:lya: sailgu:n t;:,: bhett;}: He will break the glass by telling vgyt;:,:b his brother to break it thro' some"", body else. 1224 j;):li edi: sgggg kelh The work is almost over.

304 I (c) CONNECTED TEXT A. Cocbio Gowd Saraswat Konkani put/a:li kambi(son's telegram) e:ku sikv~ :I}.Q.attilb mha:ru assill:>/ one learning-one-who Harijan . was. has-not tagge:l pu:tu dhu:r~ ga:va; His son distant village-in sikku: gello:lo/ e:k~ di:s~ learn-to had gone. One day putta:li k~Inbi aylij takka son's telegram came,. to-him vaccu:-k: k~:l-na dikku:n te to-read known-not because that k~mbi-ye: ka:g~:t ghe:v-nu laggi :-gh~rk~4e of-the-telegram paper having-taken neighbouring- house-to gelbJ thailga : -ce dadlya-n~ ka:g~:t went. Of-there the man paper vaccu:n dakk~ylE./ ··bappa: makka having read showed. father to-me p~nna:s ruppa:y peH~:Y" te fifty rupees send that mha:ra:n ye: ayku:k~ takka the-farmer this to-hear to-him tagge:l pu:tu tajje laggi a:gii~ his son him-near order k~rta: mUQ a:tho:vnu ruppa:y pett~yl does-that having-thought, rupees sent na: I cede di:s upra:nte not. Some days after putta:li k~mbi dusse:ri \ ayli/ son's telegram again/second came. dusse:ri ye:ci lekka:n vaccu:n Second, this-itself manner having-rea4, .. _ 305 2 RGIn.') 20 ayku:k~ ta :1Je ruppa:y pet t~:yl to-hear he rupees sent na:! tisse:r pavti:k k~mbi not. Third time telegram ayle ve:!e:yi to: laggi: gh~rk~Qe came at-the time he neighbouring- house-to velie:} ve:le:yi thang e:ki took at-the-time there one manta:ri t~ assilliJ ti :1J€' old woman only was. She takka k~mbi vaccu:n ayk~:yli to-him telegram . having-read made-to-hear

ubappa ...... makka p~nna:s ruppa:y father to-me fifty rupees peB~:Y"! ti :1JE vacci:le ayku:n send. She that-which read having-heard IDiba :ra :11 a:th~yle, tagge:l putta:n the-hacijan thought his son khalpaQe:n b~r~:yle muQ. ani: k~ in-a-Iower- wrote that and capacity putta:k~ ruppa:y pett~:vnu dille/ to-the-son rupees having-sent gave.

II

kay/o ani tagge:l ku:1tuka :r~ (CTOW -and its Friends)

paQQe:k~ ga:va: laggi e:k~ Long ago one village in near one

san~: ra:n~ assille/ t& very-small forest was. That ranna:ntii e:k pimpla :ru:k aWn;,/ forest-in one banyan tree was.

tE. rukka:ri jhayti s~v.Qi That tree-in many small birds 306 / rabbu:n assilli/ taiicelaggi lE- baving stayed were. Them-near that ruk.ka:ri e:ku kay}:> assilbl tree-in one crow was.

t~syast~ :na : ekka disa:r e:k Like-that-w.hen- one in-day one was be:4a:n~ t£. p~k~iya: dh:>rc£. hunter that birds to-catch bage:ka ja;vnu te. rukka: for being that of-tree

p:>nda:k e:k ~ne palle/ below one net put. t£. sQvQiya :n emce bage :ka t£. That birds to-come for that b:>lya :ntu Y.lr:> :vu siv4a:vnu gballo/ inside-net rice having-spread put itya: maly£. :ri tj: . 8:tv.Q.iya :ni Why because those birds

..voro:vu khamca: e:na: phuqe tl: rice to-eat come-when they

t£. mlyii: JlOQ.t~:1I ; ta.vva:\i that inside net will-fall then takka dh:>:riyat tanka:/ .,..~, to-him lll3.y-catch to-them. But t£. kay!aya:n. ye: ciikki :le/ that crow this saw. ta:Q.& v:>ccu:n t£. savQiya: He having-gone that birds Jaggi saligi:le:, ··tummi tf,: near said you that khamca: v:>cca: najja t£. to-eat to-go should not that be:da:n tlmlka dkl:ru:k k£;l1e :le hunter, . to-you to-catch that-which-did

danda ·t~ U.Uj te: trick only that That ayku:nu ti: te: : khamca: having-heard they that. to-eat 307 gelle na:y I te rukka:ri: went not. That in-tree-itself rabbi:li/ te veHe:ri ·dhu: r stayed. That at-time very-far thakun ede parve ubbu:n from a-few pigeons having-flown

etta:le./ tanni dikki:b y~ were-coming. They saw this v~r~:vu/ te: s~gg~ t~ rice. Those all that v~m:vul khamca: khalla: emca:ni:k rice. To-eatj . down when-came te rolya: p;;,He/ tavv~:li that inside-net fell. Then te parvya :ntii rayya:n sangi :!e that pigeons-among king said uammi att~ ooIya: p;;,He we now inside-net " fell antu thakun bha:yr~ v~cca:k in-this from outside to-go e:ki . vaH;):Y dikku: e:na: one way-and to-see does-not-come. b be:4u jalye. :ri ye: that hunter but this c~:y etta:/ atta anuni see comes. Now we s;)gta:ni eksani: ubbu:ka:"/ ye: all to-gether should-fly. This saJigu :ni :k te. parve SQgg~ when-said those pigeons all eksani: ubb~:le/ tanni ubbu:nik to-gether . flew. They when-flew te rolle :y ghe:vnu , gelle! that !!." net-and having taken went. t~ be:du t~si ~yta: " . : That " Hunter like-that itself . keep-on-seeing rabbi:b/ paIo;;e parve ubbu:n stood. But pigeons - having-flown dhu:r gelleJ far-away went. 308 te rukka:ri ' bess~lle kay}aya:n That in-tree one-which-was- crow sitting parve ubbu:n V:3tta :y dikki:le.1 pigeons having-flown go saw. tance laggi t& b;)ll& dikku:n Them-near that net having-seen

t~ kay}o ~isay:;) pavl::>J that crow surprise reached. to: te parvaya: -maglaya:n He that of-pigeons behind

bha:yr:) .s~:rnu gell;)! te " outSIde ha ving-started went. Those parve dhu:re:k rnQyda :na·: vxcu:n pigeons far-away-one in-Maydan having-gone devle! tailka dikku:n taIige:1 descended. To-them having-seen their sailga:ti e:ku vindu:ru aylo friend ,one rat came thanga:/ te parvaya: rayya:n tl;tere. That . of-pigeons king te vindra :laggi tanka p~ne:li that rat-near to-them that-which-fell pha tVQ :l}.Q sag!i: sangi:li/ te deceit all said. That vindra:n' te: boll£:. cabbu:n rat that net having-bitten kattQrll/ tf.: c::>:vnu to cut. That ha ving-seen that kay!::> thailg ayl::>j te crow there came. That

kaytaya:n taiicila: sangi:ne~ uroakka:y crow to-them said me-too tuvnge:l ku:! tukka:ri ja:vnu ka:4ka:"J your friend . having-made- should-take.

sQlpa a:l~:ciccQ k::>:rnu .tanni A-bit having-thought having-done they te kaylaya :ka:y tange:l kuHa: that to-crow-too " their in-company 309 , kaH:>j t~ssi tanni rabbu:n took. Like-that they having-stayed assil ve:le:ri e:k disQ was . by-the-time one day t& kaylaya:n t& vindra :Iya : that crow that to-rat e:vnu Qssi saiigi : Ii!-I ··YE- having-come like-this said. This

ga:va: k~a:me:i lagg;):I£1 a:v in-village famine fell. I aiiga thakun v:>cca: wtta:" here from to-go go.

t~: ayku:n t& vindram That having-heard that rat saiigi :1£ a:vQ:y etta mu!}/ said I-too come that. t:> kay!:> vindra-:ka :y ~fici : That crow to-rat-too in-the-beak ghe:vnu ubbu:n dhu:rassil e:k ha ving-taken having-flown far-away-that-was one kasava: laggi ghe:vnu ge.11:)/ tortoise near baving-taken went. t&: tE-gga:)' thailga sukba:n They three-too there _-comfort rabbi:l&/ lived. tQssi asta:na: ekka disa:r Like-that while-being ODe day e:k citta :la kharse:vnu dha:vn one deer baving-breathed- laaving-run heavily ayli!- thanga:/ tanka dikku:n came tlaere. To;..them having-seen t& citta!a:n sangi:l€: ·-ntakka that deer said to-me dh:>:ru:k bc:qQ dha:vn etta:y I to-catch -hunters having-run come. tummi kQSi: makkanga rabbu: You -somehow to-me-here (that) staying 310 th~:l di:mka:'" 'tanni te .,lace should-give. They that cittala :k~ :y thaJiga rabb~yne/ to-~eer-too there made-to-stay.

e:k di:sa: te cjtt~:!a One day that deer kha:Q~ khamca:k gelle :le portu:n food to-eat had-gone retum emca: to:Q:>:vu jallo 1 te: to-come delay happened. That dikku:n to kay!o ubbu:n because that crow ha ving-flown takka s:>ddu:n gell~/ te him b.aving-searched, went. That kaYlaya:n bolya: p;)He:le cittala: crow inside-net that-which-had to-deer -fallen dikki :le/ t:>: sara :ri e:vnu saw. He very-fast having-come te vindra :ka :y ghe:vnu gell:>1 that to-rat-too having-taken went. tance maglaya:n to ka:so:vu:y Their behind that tortoise-too

gello/ vindra:n bolle katt~rlel ' went. Rat net cut. tid,de bhitt~:ri to be:Qu In-the meanwhile that hunter pavlo thanga:/ be:Qa: dikku:n reached there. Hunter having-seen

citta:l~:y vindu:ru:y dha:vnu gello/ deer-too rat-too having-run went. kayl.) ubbu:n rukka:ri gello/ Crow having-flown in-tree went. te be:4a:n te kasava: That hunter that tortoise dikki:lo/ citta:l~ me:tnattil koppa:n saw. Deer not-available in-anger ta:Qe te kasava: 'dho:rnu he that tortoise having-caught te 'dh:>Quva: ta!uva: mandi:l:)/ that of-the-bow in-end tied. 311 e dikku:n ba:ki assilya:k~ That having-seen remaining to-them-who-were satikaQ ayne/ kay!aya:n e:k~ sorrow came. Cro~ one upa:yam dh.:l:n kanel citt~:l~ way having-found took. Deer dha:::vnu v~ccu:n te be:4a:n ~aving-run-far having-gone that by-hunter

vocce vaHe:ri s~lp~ dhu:r going in-way a-little distance

VOccu:n p~nel be:cJu tE.: having-gone fell. Hunter that dikku:n tagge:I dhoJ}Qu thailga ha ving-seen his bow there dovv::>:rnu te cittata: laggi having-kept that deer near ge11o/ tidde bhitt~:ri kaylaya:n went. In-the- mean-time crow te vindra: thanga son~/ that rat there left. vindra:n te kasa:va: kOH~ Rat that of-tortoise knots tUQ~~yle/ t::> ka:s::>:vu dha:vnu cut. 'That tortoise having-run , laggi: t~:!aya: gell::>j be:4a:n near-by into-tank went. Hunter laggi payee murth~m citt~:t~:y near to-reach before deer-too dha:vnu gell::>/ be:4a:n ghu:vn having-Tun went. Hunter having-turned . covca:nik kasava :k~:y dikkil nat when-saw tortoise-too saw not.

t~ssi to ka:so:vu:y citt~:t~:y Like-that that tortoise-and deer-aml vindu:ru:y kay!::>:y k::>:rnu sukha:n rat-and· crow-and together comfonably rabbi:le/ stayed. 312 III

manka:{la ani pll: {u (Monkey and the Wedge)

e:k dika:ri d~ggaja:Q ekk~:4 ja :vn One at-direction two persons having-joined

y:ku ru:ku ~rt~ k~rta :le/ oqe tree sawing were-doing. tanni edE ~rt~ko:mu jamca:nik They sOfIle having-sawn when-finished

ve:!u denpa:r jaU,,! ~rt~kdle:l ti:n:t~ noon became. That-which-was- sawn bha:ga: assil khaiici: pu:!u part was in,.gap a wedge ma:rn dovv":rnu te ~rk~va :\~:y having~beaten having-kept that saw-too thanga: SO:QU te: jemca: there-itself having-left that to-take-mcd gE.11e! ye: co:vnu te went. This having-seen that

rukka:ri e:k maJik~:q~ b~ss311el in-tree one monkey sat_ tanni vxca:ni:k te: de:vn They when-went it having-got-down e:vnu te ~rt~korce rukka:ri having-come that sawing in-tree

b3ss3:1E/ pu:rti kft_yre k~ : Inattilya : sat. Complete matters th2.t-which-did- not-know te maIik~da:k te pu :!a: that to-monkey that of-wedge a:vesQ mQna: jft_lle na:/ jhayto necessity understood- not. A lot of sr:nn.u, pa:vnu mailk~a:n pu:!u trouble having-reached mbnkey wedge kaH~:lo:y tajje ba:l~ tantii had-taken-and his tail in-that

sirkalle.:y ta :I).E. e:ki bo:b~ entangled-and he one shout 313 2 RGI/1S 2. ~

~ gaUe:li:y ekk~: jaUe! cirqu:n -i,Ittered-and simultaneously happened. Havin~-squeezed

balla: ku~~u:k~ khalla: p~H-:>1 of-tail piece down fell. te.. veHe:ri jev~:~~ ja:vnu That in-time meals ha ving-finished

:;}rt~ka:ri ayle/ man].;,~Qa : dikku:n sawyers came. Monkey haying-seen tanka v~ne sa IikaQ am ayie/ to-them great sorrow came. tanni to pu:lu dusse:ri They that wedge second-time assiIk~e: d~vv::) :rnu marIo ani again ·where-it-was. having-kept beat" and te maftk~a: ba:l~ khanci; that Qf-'roonkey tail in-gap; thakun ka:q. ~ner te irom having-taken left. That

mank~ :4:;) r~ ::Q.ur~::q geJle/ D1Qilkey ha ving:-crie~ went.

IV

mu:yi ani parv:J (Ant and Pigeon]

e:k disa:r e:k parvaya:lI One day one pigeon

e:k f~:laya:: pa:Qi: assilya: one of-tank - in-bank which-was

rukka:ri bess~I tav~:li e:ki in-tree sitting by-that-time' cne

mu:yi "te t~:~aya:ntu p:)vta ant 'thlJ_t in-tank float

dikki:li! tikka r~kl?icc~ko :ru : ja:vnu saw. Her protection-to-do havi!lg-finished

p~rvaya:n te rukka: e:k pigeon that. of-tree . one 314 b~iye: kuttu: m::>::g. t~:laya: of-stick piece ha ving-broken into-tank

uQQ~:vn dill::>! mu:yi te having-thrown gave. Ant that

~iye: kutika:ri CO::QU t~:Qj of-stick on-piece having-climbed bank pavli/ ani e:k disa: reached. And one day

t::>:c parvo te t~:!aya : that-itself pigeon that of-tank pa :4i: assil rukka:ri bessu:n in-bank which-was in-tree having-sit

visramijjatta :[:>/ te: dikku:n e:ku was-taking rest. That having-seen one

be:Qu takka ma:ru:k dh~l}.uva :ri hunter him to-beat on-the-bow

amb~ dovvo:rnu nokku coyta:loj arrow having-kept aim was-seeing.

t€.: te parvaya,:n r~ksic~ That that pigeon that-which-bad kelle :1 muyye:n dikki:l€.! ti: been saved ant saw. She

dha:vnu v~ccu:n tajje payya: having-run having-gone his leg \ gh~ :smarl::>/ rnuyye:n gha :sma :ru :nik be:qa:n bit. Ant when-bit hunter ambo khalla: gha:lnu bo:baghalli I arrow down ha ving-dropped cried.

ti bo:b~ ayku:n parvo That cry having-heard pigeon ubbu:n gello/ be:Qu nira:se:n having-flown went. Hunter wit.\1.-disa ppoint- Irtent portu:n gello/ having-returned went. 315 2 RGI{75 v amma:ani tiggi:l oer{iu (mother and her child) e:ki amma: tigge:l cerQa;k One mother her to-child layta:li/ te cerqa:n jevna :mul). was-feeding. That child won't-eat-that sidda :nt~ kelle/ thaitga laggi e:k obstinacy-did. There near one majj~:ra assiIl£/ amma:n majra: laggi cat was. Mother cat-near te cerQa: bhisra :vca: sangGIE./ that child to-frighten said. majra:n t£: aykiL na:/ su :l).aya :laggi Cat that did -not-hear. Dog-near roajra: bhisra : vca : satigi :le/ sU:l}aya:n cat to-frighten said. Dog tE'.: aykilnaj b;)q.iye :la ggi sU:Qaya: that not-heard. Stick-near dog ma:ru: sangi :1£/ baqiye:n t€.: to-beat said. Stick that aykilna:/ ujja:laggi b;)c:;Iiye: lassu: not-heard. Fre-near stick to-burn satigi :le/ ujja:n t€- : aykilna:/ said. Fire that not-heard.

udka:laggi ujj" vaqav~:vca: sangi:leJ Water-near fire to-extinguish said. udka:n tE'.: aykilna:/ Water that not-heard. amma:k k" :payl"l aroma t£ To-mother anger-came. Mother that udda:ka pimca: gellil udda:k water to-drink went. Water dha:vnu ujja :lya: gdlE'./ ujj:> having-run fire. near went. Fire dha:vnu bac:;liye:la: gello/ b~q<;li having-run stick near went. Stick 316 __ "A.L-&. • V~.1.\..I. su::r;taya: ma:ru: gelli/ having-run dog to-beat- went. su :1Je dha:vnu majra: gha :sma :ru : Dog having-run cat to-bite _gelle/ majj~:ra cercJa: went. Cat bhisra: to-child to frighten aylej cercJa :n u1JcJi came. Child ka :1Jghe :vnu morsel ha ving taken jemca: ara :mbi:lej tassi ti to-eat started. Thus that amma saDt~:~i jaW/ -mother ha ppy-woman became.

317 B" Trivandl'um kudumbi konkani I kri$1}a:y tage mayne:y (krishna and his maina)

kri~.Qa: payyo nijjo assi Krishna leg not-having was eko ceQ. att ej eppa:ti to he\acce one boy. Once he a t-the-time-o f veHe:ri gergaQe poBo! tessi tajje payyo playing fell-down. . Thus his leg mOQo :10/ polto :somoy monna: vija: rici gelle atte:yI broke. Fallen-time in-mind having-thought if even now takka voEi boyyatte/ pa:vam to to him big fear. Alas! he atte eppo:lum. m.aiica :ritte! nurto:mo ku :ttika :ra: now always in-cot. Formerly friends heHale ansale:le monna: aBo along-with that-which­ that-which- in-mind having­ played laughed tho:ught to eppo:lum maiica:1' i:ci po<;Jatto I ennum. he always in-the-cot-itself used to-lie. Every-day ekalo vo":yju YO:Q.u tago payyo-taQavi one doctor having come his leg-having- applied

karia:/ yo vo:yju kri!?~a :ko comko:ce boge: does. This doctor to-krishna to-make-walk for takka ulsa :hippicci karto/ to sangatto: to-him having-cheered used-to-do. He used-to-tell Utii: comkacce: ye: sramam naQatti you to-walk this trouble having per­ formed.

kartalle: tukka t.i: rcaya :yi hum comkacce: if-done to-you certainly to-walk vossatte/ ye: Iekka :ni sambavijjalle win-go. This in-manner that-which-ha ppened 318 ja: yte cOQQuva: makka ke!atta:J avasa:nam many children to-me are-known. In-the-end tiIikii : da:v.Qu bomceko:y he!acceko :y to-them having-run to-wander-and to-paly -and kalinjalle assa: "I ye: segga saIigilyari: happened is. This a ., even-if-said pone kariyam o:rta kelle takka fell matter having-remembered-if-done to-him comkaccako: boyyatte/ te dekko:l}u to to-walk fear. That because he eppo:lum pOQunu:ci somoyo kalicci always having-lied-down-only time having-spent

ku:gi karto/ yo:ku di:su kri~lJake having-added will-do. one day to-krishna edde: ku :t tuka :ro gerkeQe: eylel ekko some friends to-house came. One mayneko:y gO:J}.atte te eyle:lej gu:Qa: maina-too having they had come. Cage brought-only soppaHo:c te mayne:ko jegle : uiica:ri with they to-the-maina of-veranda up tu:kelle/ tattii ekkele ceQ€.:l}i sa:Qgilel hanged. In-that one boy said.

"ti-:rce e: mayne tukka sando:~a Definitely this maina to-you happiness javce assi va:to karte tii: eklo : to-happen was] way will-do you alone poQacce yelle :ri tukka e: mayne:qe at-the-time-of-Iying to-you this with-maina ul1iyatto/ atte:ci ammi eddi: ba:ko may-talk. Even-now we a::.rfw words takka sikkilya assa :/ aQiko:y tii : to-it have-taught is. and-more you

takka sikke :talle te tes8i: mOJ}.atte/ to-it if-taught it just-like-that will-tell. 319 tukka te covka:/ ekkale ceqe:Di To-you that should see? One boy sangile "hilo: barqi hilo" oqane said. Hallo bird. ! haUo! At once te mayne:I)i tessi: moHe/ ye: that maina just-like-that said. This aykacca :l)j kri~I)a; oBe sando:§a jane/ when-heard to-krishna great happiness happened_ te ceqamma:r~ ya :tre sailgu: gelle/ Those boys good-bye ha ving-said went.

te gene: magale krt :;>1) a:Qi They went behind krishna tessi: nungi:'1e/ mayne:I)i uttaravj- dille/ like-that-itself asked. Maina answer gave. tavo :I)i leggu:nu kri~Da:k ye: mayne:qe Then from to-krishna this with-maina one sne:ham disso:le/ to ennum great friendship found.. He everyday te mayne:ko eddi . ba:ko sikkitto/ that to-maina some words will-teach. te mayne tessi: mOI)attale/ te!~si That maina like-that-itself was-telling. Thus assiI)o yo:ku di:su ekkalo bukko when-was one day one male cat eyla:r;ti ye: gu:qa: aMi mayne: came-and this in-cage which-was maina birigaro: ceylo/ tage dole dekkacca ::Qiko :ci having-stared saw. His eyes when-seeing-itself mayne: bi :VQU bobba: arambi:lij maina having-been-afraid shout started. kri~Qa: pe!atta: covca:Qi: yo bukko Krishna in-that-side when-saw this male cat mOHe nakkuttam ba: yri ka:cJu:Qu tago big claws outside having-taken his yo payyo gu :c:Ja ni: t takarta: ja:Qatte that leg into-the-cage stretches for-having-only 320 taJ;ti dikkilol ti: rceya: yiqum ye: mayne: he saw. Definitely this mayna to bukko darto mU1)u kri~J)a: that male cat will-catch that krishna to :nijallel to heccemu1).u :y kessi :muIJu:y felt. He from-somewhere some-how aMi: kariyam manna: karnasso :t)U which-was matter in-mind not-having-he1d mance :ri leggft : ye: uqkij ye:k in-cot from one Jump. One nimi~am kO:t:lQo to te gu :4a: minute within he that cage laggi pavIa at)i bukke: davJ).<;Ie: 101 near reached and cat (chased) made:run. oqane maiica :ri assi: a:vii Suddenly in-cot was I atte hecce pavIa mU1)u assI: now where reached that this-or such kariyam o:rto karca :t)atte : takka matter rememberance when-did-only to him TIlonna: jaile to comko:lo mUJ)uj in-mind happened he walked th,at. ye somye:ri tage amma: da:v1).u This at-time his mother having-run taIiga pavlij pu:tu comko:lo mOQassi there ' I reached. Son walked said kariyam tikka monna: jalIe tikka matter to-her in-mind happened to-her eyle: : sando: ~atine: adiro nassi/ came than happiness limit was-not. tiye :t}.i sa1)gile "amka yo: gU:Qu She said to-us this cage alpa laggi unea: ri bando/ aJ)iko:y a little near above let-tie. Still to bukko ettej oqane kri~IJa~ni\. that cat will-come. Immediately krishna sangile:/ Hni: amka: ye: Mayne said. Not. to-us this maina

321 , mo:gipiccu kero"/ itle: sangu :I)U tal)i baving-freed let-do Only-this- having said he much. much gu:

II parve ani kav!o (pigeons and the crow)

eppe:!ti ekka ga:va: laggi e:k Once upon a time one village near .ne ra:no aMi! te ranna :ntii yo: pimp!a :ru :ku forest was. That in forest one banyan tree

assi/ te rukka:ri ja:yte pa~~i aMi/ tiiije was. That in tree many bird(s) were. Their kUHa: te rukka:ri yo kavlo laggi assi/ in company that in tree one crow also was. tessi assi :.Qa: yo: di:su eka ve :Qana :1)i tiIika Thus when-was one day One hunter them darce boge: te rukka: ponda: e:ko balle to-catch for that of-tree below one net

galle! te pa~~ike:lo evce boge: te balle :tii put. Those birds to come for that in-net voro:vu suvQ.Qo:v gallo/ voro:vu gallo kitte rice ha ving-scattered put. Rice put what

mone: te pat~i :yo voro:vu havce ette/ if-said those birds rice to eat will-come.

tavo:1J.i te balle: poqatte! pa!~e kavle:I)i Then they in-net will fall. But crow dekki:le/ talJ.i vossu :lJ.u te pat!?iya :

rukka:ri besle: kav!e::r;ti ye In-tree that-which was-sitting crow these parave ubbo:v votta: dekki:le/ ye balle: pigeons having-flown go saw. This ne~-also \ go :1J.u parave ubbo:v vocca:J}.i kavle:k having-taken pigeons having-flown when went to crow vone adisaya jalle/ great surprise happened. 323 to kavlo:y parave: magale ubbo:v That crow-too of-pigeons behind having-flown gelIol te parave du :ra: assi maydana: went. Those pigeo'ns distant which-was in-maydan ussii devie/ tinka dekku:r.lU ekkalo having-gone descended. Them having-seen one undi:ru tangeylo/ rat there came.

te parave: rayya:I)l tinka pattijalle That of-pigeons king to-them happened

f o tavo:1}o seggi sangi :lij te undara:~i te trick all said. That rat that balle cabbu: kattiri:lej ye dekku:.Qu to net. having bit cut. This havin g-seen that kavlo tang eyloJ te kav!e :IJ.i tiiijelaggi crow there came. That crow then-near sangi :le takka: laggi tiiije kuna: haqakka: said him too their in-company must take mU1).uj solpam a :10 :cicciko :r.m tiQi tinge: that. A bit having thought they their kUHa: kaHo) tessi a.ssi :f.lO te kavle:Qi in com- took. Thus when was that crow pany yo :V1)U undara :Qe sailgi :le: te ga:va:ntii; having-come to-rat said. that in-village k~a:mam eylante/ te dekku:f.lu to thailga famine came. That because he there

leggu:Qu vocce: votta: mu~u/ te ayku:f.lu from to-go goes that. That having-heard undara :J).i satigi :le to:vo:y laggi etta muf.lu/ rat said he-too near comes that. te undarakko :y t01)q3.: kaqu go :qu That to-rat-too in mouth having taken du :rassi: ekkale kansava: laggi distant-that-which":was one tortoise near gello! te teggo:y thailga: eska1J.j :ci rabbi : Ie/ went. They three-too there together stayed. 324 tessi asso :"QO yo: di:su e:ko That when-being one day one ma:no herse: thappe: thailg eyle/ deer having- breathed there came. heavily te ma:na:Qi tiiije Jaggi saftgi :lc/ takka That deer them near said him darce ekkal0 ve :Qe :n3 etta mUQu:y to-catch one hunter comes that-and te dekku:l].u keEsi: jaUe: takka rek~ici that because somehow if-happened him must karka mul].u:y sailgi :icl tiJ::ti .te save that-and said. They that ma:na:kko: laggi: tc rabbe :lej deer to-near-too they ma-de-to-stay.

yo:ku di:su te ma:no ha :1):0 One day that deer food havce gellej patse tirige yovce solp5 to eat went. But to come back some ~ toqo:vu jallo( te dekku :l}u to kavto delay happened. That because that crow takka soddu:.Qu ubbo:v geIlol te him having searched having-flown went. That kavle:I)i balle: poHe: ma:na:k crow in-net that-which-fell/ to-deer dikki :lej to stalatto eyl a1):i:ko saw. He to-residing-place came and undarako:y gO:l}U gelIol tiiije to-rat too ha ving-ta ken went. Their magale to kanso:vu:y gelloj undara:1).i behind that . to-tortoise-too went. Rat

balle kattiri:lel ~ajjeQayko to ve:Qe:n ;) net cut. In -the-meanwhile that hunter thanga pavIo! veQana: dekku :t;lU m~~no:y there re~ched. Hunter ha ving-seen deer-and undu:ro:y da :vt;lu gellej kavlo ubbo:1).u rat-and . having-run . went. Crow ha ving-flown

325 rukka:ri ceHo! veqana:~i kansava: dekki:lo/ ma:no in-tree ascended. Hunter tortoise saw. Deer me!annassi: koppa:I}i te veqana:J;l.i that-which-was-not-available by-anger that hunter kansava: delle.. :Q.i villa.: doriye: bandi:loj te tortoise caught-and of-bow in-rope tied. That dekkacca :1)i ba:ki aMile: when-seen remains ones-who-were sangaqayle/ sorrow-came.

ka.vte :ni e:ko u:ba:yam dekkii: delle/ Crow one way out having-seen caught. ma:no da:vQ.u gellaQ-i te veQe:na vocce Deer . having-run went-and that hunter going vaHe alpam duro: vossu; pone/ . ye on-way a few distance having-gone lied down. This

dekku:1)u to veQe:n~ le villo:y ha ving-seen that hunter that how-too

thanga : daro :lJ U ma:na: laggi gello/ there-itself having-put down deer near went.

te samye. :ri kavl€. :Q.i te undara:ko That in-time crow that to-rat thaJiga vo :1)u soHo! undara :I}i te kansava: there having-taken left. Rat that tortoise bandile: kel)!o tUQ-t e :10/ to kanso:vu da :vI}u tied knot cut. That torotise having-run laggi assi tole: gello/ veQe:na laggi near that-which-is in-tank went. Hunter near pavee: nurto:mo te ma:no:y da :V:Q.U gelle/ reaching before that deer-too having-run went. vecle:na gU:VI}U covca:q.i kansavako :y dekkilo: Hunter having turned when saw tortoise too saw na:/ ., teSsi to kanso :vu:y. ma:no:y, uudi:ru:y, not. Thus that tortoise and deer-and rat-and kav!o:y sukhama :yiUi rabbi :lel crow-and happily stayed. 326 III - moitko:cJo:y a:ppo:y (The monkey and the wedge) eka dika :ri doggajaJ:}~ ku :c;lija :vI)u. One in-direction yo:ku two-persons having-joined. rU:ku artakarta: lei one tree tiQi edde were-sa wing. They artavo :lJu a little javca :l..li di:su ha ving-sa wn when-finished deypa:ro day noon jallo/ artakeUe: happened, kuqike: a:ppo:y that-which-was_sa wn in-piece bessO:lJu wedge-too va:Jo:y SOcJo :I}.U _ ha ving-made-to-sit te saw-too ha ving-left jevce: they gelle/ ye cO:VI}.U to-take-meal went. te This ha ving-seen rukka:ri that ekkale mailko:cJo bessale/ in-tree one te tnonkey was sitting. vocca :.lJi :ko They te de:vJ).u when-went yo:vnu that ha ving-got-down having­ te artakarce come rukka :ri that that-which-is-being_cut besso :le/ in-tree sat. te mankacJa :ko te appa: That to-monkey ave:s~ that of-wedge serikki neceSSity . monnii: jamna:/ thoroughly va!are in-mind did-not-happen. A lot pai:Qa pettija: vlJu te trouble having-put mailkaqa :1) i te that monkey that a:ppo kaHe:le, tajje wedge ba:l0 te had-taken his tail that sira :ntu farkariIIe. talJi ye: bobba: in-gap entangled, gal1~li : he one shout ekki: had-put jaUi/ cicJc;lii • one tuQfalo happened. ha ving"',sq ueezed that-which-was_cut baIla: kUHU: buyi: of-tail poHo/ te piece on-floor fell. \ somye.:ri That at-time jeVI)o:y ja :vI)U te meals-too having-finished arappuka:ro those sawyers 327 eyre/ ye mankaQa: dekku:1)u tiilka: came. This monkey having-seen to-them oBe sangaQ.andisso :le/ ti1)i te great sorrow-felt. They that a:po assi: keQiko: daro:1)u malle/ a1)i :ko wedge where-it-was having-left beat. And te mankaQ.a: ba:lo te hassi: that of-monkey tail that in-gap leggii: kaQu :1)u SoHe/ te mat)ko:Qo from ha ving-taken left. That monkey requ: reQu: gelle/ ha ving-wept having-wept went.

IV ekkili amma: tige coqQa: one mother ber to-child ba:l}o ditta : Ii/ te cOQQa :1)i ha :l}o food was-giving. That child food hamnasso :1)0 sidda:nto arambi:li/ taiIga without-eating obstinacy st~rted. There laggi :ci ekkale majjo:ro aMi :le/ amma:t)i near-itself one cat was. Mother te majra :laggi te coqqa :ko bissiQicce that cat-near that to-child to~frighten saftgi :le/ majra :l}i te aykanna:/ su :1J€. said. Cat that not-heard. Dog .. laggi tie majjara: bissiqicce sangi :lej near that cat to-frighten said. su :1)6. :I).i te aykanna:/ boqqiye: laggi Dog that not-heard. Stick near te sU:l}e ma:ri rnu1)u sangi:le/ that dog beat that said. boqqi:l}i te aykanna:/ ujja: laggi stick that not-heard. Fre near te boqQiya: lassi: rnu1)u sangi :Ie/ that stick burn that said. 328 - ujja :Qi te aykanna :/ uddakka: laggi Fre that not-heard. water near

ujja:ko va~ivicce: sarigi :le/ uddakka :I)i te to-fire to-extinguish said. Water that aykanna: amma:k ko:peyloj amma: te not-heard to-mother anger-came. Mother that uddo pivce: gelli/ uddo da:vnu water to-drink went. Water having-run ujja :laggi gelle/ ujjo: da :VI)U bOQqiye: fire-near went. Fire having-run stick

laggi gelle/ bo~qi da :VI)U su :I)e: near went. Stick having-run dog marce: gelli/ su :I)e, da :VI)U majjara: to-beat went. Dog, having-run cat ga :nsumarce: gelle/ majjara :Q.i te coqqa: to-bite went. Cat that child

bissa~e :le/ cOQqa :J.li uQ.~i go :1)u jevce: frightened Child morse] having-taken to-eat arambi:le/ tessi ti amma sando:§i started. Thus that mother happy-woman jalli/ became.

329 MGIP (K.S.R. Unit), Sant-2 RGI/75-27- 8·76-500.

ERRATA

Reference Subhead and/or For Read - line No.

/:> ./ All Occurrences /':).; /::>./ Consonants 5th line from top *[v] [n] 2nd *(v] Number 1st line plural: plural as, Oblique Forms 1st line from form

F ormation of 2nd line from top a :rd~ sa:rd~ Fractions Formation of 3rd line from top suffix .• suffix, Ordinals Ordinal Suffix 7th line from top is gives

Case Suffix Heading Case Suffix Case Suffix

Case Suffix U ndeT Heading Case Suffix Case Loc. 1 2nd line from top variation with variation mostly with Loc. 1 3 rd line from top occurs with occurs mostly with field (4) (2) 3rd line from top bokqi:(Ci) b::>k<;1i:(ci) :5) (2) 1st line 1-/ -ntu / -I-/ntu :5) (2) 6th line dikka: ri etc. dikka :ri etc. the whole line the whole line read under (5)(1) fhe distribution Heading Root Nominal form of suffixes rhe distribution Heading Nominal form Case'form of suffixes rhe distribution 18t line from top acc'1 acc. Sg. of suffixes

[he distribution 2nd line from top aCC'2 ace. Pl. of suffixes ::)istribution of 2nd line from top bege:k~ boge:ka post-positions ( 11 )

Yage Reference Subhead and! or For Read No. line No.

63 Distribution of 3rd line /lya:/ /lya:/(cf. P:65 f.n.) post-positions 64 Heading col.(I) Person (upon person) Pronouns 64 Heading col. (3) Pronouns deleted

65 Interrogative Heading-Case K:>:l).€. k:>:l).£ - Pronouns col. (3) 66 6th line from last proximat pro- pronouns nouns 72 Basic roots 8th line while when -84 4th line rut. fut. :84 Heading 3rd line nip_p-a:- nipp.-. Present 84 Heading Past 4th line bavg-::>:-- bavg-a :----:>:- 84 10th line a:- dejected 84 Simple past 1st line (1) { I} :89 The pT. 8th line ~xi i 90 PaS( Continuous ls.t line II I tense 93 Com.poun4 ve17bs exampr Sth line iiijetca iiijekta 93 Foot note 1st line *la;g *la:g 93 Foot note 1st line m. il'J:

102 3rd line Ige.:CX)~s: /ge:coga=1

102 Example 4th line y:>;ga: y~:ga: 102 3. Optative 3rd line {ii} {ii}

102 Foot note 1st line Sail~ sa:tlga 106 81. no. 7 col. (1)' :Pourpos-e purpose 114 2. Negation of examp. 4th line assa< assa Identity 120 Foot note 2nd line erund gerund ( III )

Page Reference Subhead and/or For Read No. line No.

127 L Nominal 6th line prededing preceding

128 2. Examples 2nd line -col. (1) khamta:y khanta:y

130 Adverb phrase Examp. 1st. line-col.(l) p:> =sta=

135 Type 2: examp(l) 1st line-coL (1) ta:nni tanni 136 Type 2: examp(2) 1st line-coL (3) saJ;lgi:le sangi:le

140 1.(6):Examples 1st line parve parv€. 150 Base numbers 1st line

153 2.(5)Stem Alter- Heading- na:ri!~ na:ri!~ nants Northern Dialect 156 2. Vocabulary 1 st line under semudru samudru Northern Dialect 157 3. Malayalam 7th line under *ceIiJ;la:y *cenna:y borrowings Southern Dialect 270. Foot note serial nos. in brackets refer to serial nos. in the field work book of Language Division.