Lynching in America: a Case Study of Ed Johnson (Perspective 1)
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Dealing with Jim Crow
Dealing and Responding to Jim Crow Introduction Research Questions On February 26, 1877, a compromise was made to settle the disputed presidential election of 1876 within the walls of the Wormley Hotel in Washington D.C. If Republicans would end the to Consider post-Civil War military occupation of the South, then the Democrats would allow Republican How did Washington, candidate Rutherford B. Hayes to become president. The compromise signaled the beginning Du Bois, and Wells- of a post-war reconciliation of white Americans from the North and South. However, removing Barnett individually respond to the conflict troops from the South meant that African Americans would be at the mercy of white of racism during the Jim Southerners (many of whom were or sympathized with former Confederates), and Democrat- Crow Era? How did they controlled state governments who wanted to see African Americans returned to their rightful respond to one place in Southern society, as politically disenfranchised and uneducated labor. another? Nevertheless, it was ironic that the compromise, known as the Compromise of 1877, took How did the African place at the Wormley Hotel, owned by James Wormley, a wealthy and well-connected black American community entrepreneur. Wormley’s Hotel was located in Layafette Square, near the White House. James respond to Washington, Du Bois and Wells- Wormley and his hotel were known internationally for their elegance, excellent hospitality, and Barnett? delicious catering. Royalty, dignitaries, and Washington’s elite including: presidents, cabinet members, Congressmen, Supreme Court justices, military officers, and business leaders What was the effect on considered Wormley a confidant and excellent host. -
1921 Tulsa Race Riot Reconnaissance Survey
1921 Tulsa Race Riot Reconnaissance Survey Final November 2005 National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 Summary Statement 1 Bac.ground and Purpose 1 HISTORIC CONTEXT 5 National Persp4l<live 5 1'k"Y v. f~u,on' World War I: 1896-1917 5 World W~r I and Postw~r ( r.: 1!1t7' EarIV 1920,; 8 Tulsa RaCR Riot 14 IIa<kground 14 TI\oe R~~ Riot 18 AIt. rmath 29 Socilot Political, lind Economic Impa<tsJRamlt;catlon, 32 INVENTORY 39 Survey Arf!a 39 Historic Greenwood Area 39 Anla Oubi" of HiOlorK G_nwood 40 The Tulsa Race Riot Maps 43 Slirvey Area Historic Resources 43 HI STORIC GREENWOOD AREA RESOURCeS 7J EVALUATION Of NATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE 91 Criteria for National Significance 91 Nalional Signifiunce EV;1lu;1tio.n 92 NMiol\ill Sionlflcao<e An.aIYS;s 92 Inl~ri ly E~alualion AnalY'is 95 {"",Iu,ion 98 Potenl l~1 M~na~menl Strategies for Resource Prote<tion 99 PREPARERS AND CONSULTANTS 103 BIBUOGRAPHY 105 APPENDIX A, Inventory of Elltant Cultural Resoun:es Associated with 1921 Tulsa Race Riot That Are Located Outside of Historic Greenwood Area 109 Maps 49 The African American S«tion. 1921 51 TI\oe Seed. of c..taotrophe 53 T.... Riot Erupt! SS ~I,.,t Blood 57 NiOhl Fiohlino 59 rM Inva.ion 01 iliad. TIll ... 61 TM fighl for Standp''''' Hill 63 W.II of fire 65 Arri~.. , of the Statl! Troop< 6 7 Fil'lal FiOlrtino ~nd M~,,;~I I.IIw 69 jii INTRODUCTION Summary Statement n~sed in its history. -
Publicity and the De-Legitimation of Lynching∗
\Judge Lynch" in the Court of Public Opinion: Publicity and the De-legitimation of Lynching∗ Michael Weaver Postdoctoral Fellow Department of Political Science University of British Columbiay [email protected] November 8, 2018 Abstract How does violence become publicly unacceptable? I address this question in the context of lynching in United States. Between 1880 and the 1930s, public discourse about lynching moved from open or tacit endorsement to widespread condemnation. I argue this occurred because of increasing publicity for lynchings. While locals justified nearby lynchings, publicity exposed lynching to distant, un-supportive audiences and allowed African Americans to safely articulate counter-narratives and condemnations. I test this argument using data on lynchings, rail networks, and newspaper coverage of lynchings in millions of issues across thousands of newspapers. I find that lynchings in counties with greater access to publicity (via rail networks) saw more and geographically dispersed coverage, that distant coverage was more critical, and that increased risk of media exposure may have reduced the incidence of lynching. I discuss how publicity could be a mechanism for strengthening or weakening justifications of violence in other contexts. ∗I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers, Gareth Nellis, Elisabeth Wood, Vesla Weaver, Steven Wilkinson, Nikhar Gaikwad, as well as participants in the Yale Comparative Politics Workshop, the 2015 Politics and History conference, the 2015 American Political Science Association conference, and the 2015 Berkeley Electoral Violence conference for helpful comments and advice. I would also like to thank my research assistants|Nina Shirole, Bahja Alammari, Emily Beatty, Andi Jordan, Emil Lauritsen, Emma Lodge, and Arian Zand|for their invaluable work on this project. -
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmuel Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmu'el Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv Open Source Center OSC Summary: A self-published book by Israeli playwright Shmu'el Hasfari and political activist Eldad Yaniv entitled "The National Left (First Draft)" bemoans the death of Israel's political left. http://www.fas.org/irp/dni/osc/israel-left.pdf Statement by the Authors The contents of this publication are the responsibility of the authors, who also personally bore the modest printing costs. Any part of the material in this book may be photocopied and recorded. It is recommended that it should be kept in a data-storage system, transmitted, or recorded in any form or by any electronic, optical, mechanical means, or otherwise. Any form of commercial use of the material in this book is permitted without the explicit written permission of the authors. 1. The Left The Left died the day the Six-Day War ended. With the dawn of the Israeli empire, the Left's sun sank and the Small [pun on Smol, the Hebrew word for Left] was born. The Small is a mark of Cain, a disparaging term for a collaborator, a lover of Arabs, a hater of Israel, a Jew who turns against his own people, not a patriot. The Small-ists eat pork on Yom Kippur, gobble shrimps during the week, drink espresso whenever possible, and are homos, kapos, artsy-fartsy snobs, and what not. Until 1967, the Left actually managed some impressive deeds -- it took control of the land, ploughed, sowed, harvested, founded the state, built the army, built its industry from scratch, fought Arabs, settled the land, built the nuclear reactor, brought millions of Jews here and absorbed them, and set up kibbutzim, moshavim, and agriculture. -
Criminal Trials As Morality Plays: Good and Evil
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Saint Louis University School of Law Research: Scholarship Commons Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 55 Number 4 Front Page: Notes on the Nature of Article 11 the Headline Trial (Summer 2011) 2011 Criminal Trials as Morality Plays: Good and Evil George C. Thomas III Rutgers School of Law, Newark, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation George C. Thomas III, Criminal Trials as Morality Plays: Good and Evil, 55 St. Louis U. L.J. (2011). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol55/iss4/11 This Childress Lecture is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW CRIMINAL TRIALS AS MORALITY PLAYS: GOOD AND EVIL GEORGE C. THOMAS III* INTRODUCTION It is trite, but true, that criminal trials function as morality plays. This helps explain the enduring popularity of the various iterations of Law and Order. The police almost always identify a guilty suspect and the prosecution almost always manages to get a conviction. The guilty are brought to justice. But famous trials are often vessels for a more complicated moral message. What exactly was the message sent by the Loeb and Leopold trial? Was it Clarence Darrow’s determinist claim that they were not to blame because their impulses were produced by forces outside of their control? Nature, he argued to the judge, “works in her own mysterious way, and we are her victims.”1 Or was the message the one sent by the sentence—life plus ninety-nine years— that no one is above the law?2 Or perhaps the judge’s decision not to impose the death penalty was a partial vindication of Darrow’s determinist claim.3 Was the message of the O.J. -
Application of Critical Race Feminism to the Anti-Lynching Movement: Black Women's Fight Against Race and Gender Ideology, 1892-1920
UCLA UCLA Women's Law Journal Title The Application of Critical Race Feminism to the Anti-Lynching Movement: Black Women's Fight against Race and Gender Ideology, 1892-1920 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1kc308xf Journal UCLA Women's Law Journal, 3(0) Author Barnard, Amii Larkin Publication Date 1993 DOI 10.5070/L331017574 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ARTICLE THE APPLICATION OF CRITICAL RACE FEMINISM TO THE ANTI-LYNCHING MOVEMENT: BLACK WOMEN'S FIGHT AGAINST RACE AND GENDER IDEOLOGY, 1892-1920 Amii Larkin Barnard* INTRODUCTION One muffled strain in the Silent South, a jarring chord and a vague and uncomprehended cadenza has been and still is the Ne- gro. And of that muffled chord, the one mute and voiceless note has been the sadly expectant Black Woman.... [Als our Cauca- sian barristersare not to blame if they cannot quite put themselves in the dark man's place, neither should the dark man be wholly expected fully and adequately to reproduce the exact Voice of the Black Woman. I At the turn of the twentieth century, two intersecting ideolo- gies controlled the consciousness of Americans: White Supremacy and True Womanhood. 2 These cultural beliefs prescribed roles for people according to their race and gender, establishing expectations for "proper" conduct. Together, these beliefs created a climate for * J.D. 1992 Georgetown University Law Center; B.A. 1989 Tufts University. The author is currently an associate at Bowles & Verna in Walnut Creek, California. The author would like to thank Professor Wendy Williams and Professor Anthony E. -
Capital Punishment: Race, Poverty & Disadvantage
CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: RACE, POVERTY & DISADVANTAGE Professor Stephen B. Bright Yale Law School Class One - Part Two A BRIEF HISTORICAL Resolved, That the love of man as manifested in PERSPECTIVE his actions to his fellows, whether in his public or private relations, has ever been the surest test of The death penalty, the criminal justice system the presence of God in the soul; that the degree in and today’s mass incarceration must be viewed in which the sacredness of human life has been the context of the role that the criminal justice exemplified in all ages of the world, has been the system has played with regard to race throughout truest index of the measure of human progress; American history – maintaining slavery; that in proportion as the tide of barbarism has permitting convict leasing, which perpetuated receded, a higher regard has been manifested for slavery well into the twentieth century; terrorism the God-given right to life, its inviolability has (lynchings and other racial violence) and Jim been strengthened in proportion to the Crow Justice. development of the intellect and moral sentiments, and that conscience, reason and revelation unite * * * their testimony against the continuance of a custom, barbarous in its origin, antichristian in its RESOLUTIONS PROPOSED FOR continuance, vindictive in its character, and ANTI-CAPITAL PUNISHMENT demoralizing in its tendencies. MEETING Resolved, That any settled custom, precept, October 7, 1858, Rochester, New York example or law, the observance of which necessarily tends to cheapen -
Lynching, Violence, Beauty, and the Paradox of Feminist History
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2000 Crossing the River of Blood Between Us: Lynching, Violence, Beauty, and the Paradox of Feminist History Emma Coleman Jordan Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/101 3 J. Gender Race & Just. 545-580 (2000) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Law and Gender Commons GEORGETOWN LAW Faculty Publications January 2010 Crossing the River of Blood Between Us: Lynching, Violence, Beauty, and the Paradox of Feminist History 3 J. Gender Race & Just. 545-580 (2000) Emma Coleman Jordan Professor of Law Georgetown University Law Center [email protected] This paper can be downloaded without charge from: Scholarly Commons: http://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/101/ Posted with permission of the author Crossing the River of Blood Between Us: Lynching, Violence, Beauty, and the Paradox of Feminist History Emma Coleman Jordan* I. AN INTRODUCTION TO LYNCHING: FIRST THE STORIES, THEN THE PICTURES A. Family Ties to Violent Racial Etiquette B. Finding Barbaric Photographs in the National Family Album II. CROSSING THE RACIAL DIVIDE IN FEMINIST HISTORY A. The Racial Strategies of Early Feminists B. The Paradox ofSubordination m. A CONTESTED HISTORY: AGREEING TO DISAGREE A. The Racial Contradictions of Jesse Daniels Ames, Anti-Lynching Crusader B. Can a Victim Be a Victimizer? IV. -
The Hate Issue
The Hate Issue JewKkKlansman Zimmerman comes to terms with his Jewishness only when Brett Ashley Kaplan forced to by … antisemites. Spike Lee arrived at the 2019 Oscars in an awesome (John David Washington), who, upon seeing an royal purple suit (a tribute to his late friend Prince) with inconspicuous ad in the local newspaper enticing white matching cool, chunky glasses, sporting giant knuckle supremacists to join the KKK, decides to infiltrate the rings with HATE and LOVE in large block letters; the rings local chapter. In the process, he befriends David Duke via had been featured in his 1989 film Do the Right Thing. telephone, and ends up thwarting the Klan’s murderous The gesture provoked multiple resonances. For one, intentions against the Black Power movement. Two of the the Oscars failed to do the right thing by not nominating four screenwriters, Charlie Wachtel and David Rabinowitz, his 1989 film for best picture. Moreover, the rings served changed the historical white, non-Jewish police officer as a memorial to the actor who so memorably portrayed whom Stallworth describes as his “undercover alter ego Radio Raheem, Bill Nunn, who died at sixty-two in 2016 Chuck” into the Jewish “Flip” Zimmerman. (The other of leukemia, and whose character was murdered by two screenwriters are Lee and Kevin Willmott.)ii white cops. The rings also struck an evocative chord by reminding us of the rise of hate speech under Trump. BlacKkKlansman received accolades for offering a In Do the Right Thing, Radio Raheem explains to Mooki corrective to some of the negative images of Jews (Lee) that LOVE and HATE represent an ever-present viewers had railed against in earlier Lee productions “static,” always drawing together like our fingers inter- and for disrupting a racialized hierarchy that places twined in a kissing fist. -
Antisemitism and Hate Speech Studies Alexander Tsesis Loyola University Chicago, School of Law, [email protected]
Loyola University Chicago, School of Law LAW eCommons Faculty Publications & Other Works 2015 Antisemitism and Hate Speech Studies Alexander Tsesis Loyola University Chicago, School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/facpubs Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Tsesis, Alexander, Antisemitism and Hate Speech Studies, 16 Rutgers J. L. & Religion 352 (2015). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ANTISEMITISM AND HATE SPEECH STUDIES Alexander Tsesis I. INTRODUCTION Many leading Jewish lawyers, such as Louis Brandeis and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, have internalized the Jewish experience with persecution and translated it into empathic professional lessons. At her Supreme Court confirmation hearing, Ginsburg explained how her background sensitized her to the evils of inequality: Senator Kennedy, I am alert to discrimination. I grew up during World War II in a Jewish family. I have memories as a child, even before the war, of being in a car with my parents and passing a place in [Pennsylvania], a resort with a sign out in front that read: "No dogs or Jews allowed." Signs of that kind existed in this country during my childhood. One couldn't help but be sensitive to discrimination, living as a Jew in America at the time of World War 11.1 Even before the First World War, pogroms and Jew-hatred more generally were epidemic in Europe. -
Overview of Recent Anti-Lynching Proposals
Legal Sidebari Overview of Recent Anti-Lynching Proposals June 29, 2020 Following the death of George Floyd in police custody in May and the fatal February shooting of Ahmaud Arbery, interest has heightened in legislation that would criminalize lynching—often described as death or bodily injury caused by two or more individuals acting without legal authority. A number of states have enacted anti-lynching laws, as localized crimes like murder tend to be a subject of state, rather than federal law. Although the conduct criminalized under those state laws can implicate various federal laws, there is no federal law expressly governing lynching notwithstanding decades of legislative proposals on that front. In June, Members introduced two police reform bills—the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020 (Justice in Policing Act) and the Just and Unifying Solutions To Invigorate Communities Everywhere Act of 2020 (JUSTICE Act)—both of which include “substantively identical” sections that are described as anti-lynching provisions. These sections build on earlier legislation from this and other Congresses. Indeed, the anti-lynching provisions contained in the JUSTICE Act and the Justice in Policing Act are largely identical to the proscribed conduct in two bills that had already gained significant traction in the 116th Congress. One, the Justice for Victims of Lynching Act of 2019 (H.R. 3536, S. 488), passed the Senate on February 14, 2019. A nearly identical anti-lynching bill titled the Emmett Till Anti-Lynching Act (H.R. 35) passed the House on February 26, 2020. Similar attempts to enact federal anti-lynching laws did not achieve bicameral approval in the 115th Congress—a fate for approximately 200 anti-lynching proposals in the last century. -
Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918
vv THIRTY YEARS OF LYNCHING IN THE UNITED STATES 1889-1918 T>» Published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Notional Offict 70 Fifth Avenue, New York APRIL, 1919 PRICE - FIFTY CENTS LYNCHING PAMPHLETS* President Wilson’s Lynching and Mob Violence Pronouncement T (of July 26, 1918). Lynchings of May, 1918, in Brooks and Lowndes Counties, Georgia; an investigation by the N. A. A. C. P.; 8 pages. The Massacre of East St. Louis ; an account of an Investigation by W. E. Burg- hardt Du Bois and Martha Gruening, for the N. A. A. C. P., illustrated, 20 pages, reprinted from The Crisis for September, 1917. The Burning of Ell Person at Memphis, Tenn. ; an account taken from the Memphis daily papers of May 22, 23, 24 and June 3, 1917; 4 pages. The Burning of Ell Person at Memphis, Tenn.; an investigation by James Weldon Johnson for the N. A. A. C. P.; reprinted from The Crisis for July, 1917; 8 pages. The Lynching of Anthony Crawford (at Abbeville, S. C., October 21, 1916). Article by Roy Nash (then) Secretary, N. A. A. C. P.; reprinted from the Independent for December, 1916; 4 pages, large size. Notes on Lynching in the United States, compiled from The Crisis, 1912; 16 pages. Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918, April,fl919; 105 pages, fifty cents, f The Fight Against Lynching; Anti-Lynching Work of the National Asso- ciation for the Advancement of Colored People for the year 1918; April, 1919; 20 pages, ten cents. * Copies of the pamphlets listed may be obtained from the Secretary of the Association, t Through a typographical error, this publication was advertised in the Association’s annual report (for 1018 ) at fifteen cents instead of fifty cents.