Drug Policy Programme

BRIEFING PAPER TEN OCTOBER 2005 THE BECKLEY FOUNDATION DRUG POLICY PROGRAMME DRUG POLICY IN INDIA: COMPOUNDING HARM? Molly Charles, Dave Bewley-Taylor and Amanda Neidpath The Beckley Foundation Drug Policy Programme (BFDPP) is a new initiative dedicated to providing a rigorous independent review of the effectiveness of national and international drug policies. The aim of this programme of research and analysis is to assemble and disseminate material that supports the rational consideration of complex drug policy issues, and leads to more effective management of the widespread use of psychoactive substances in the future. INTRODUCTION Contemporary international drug policy seeks to control Indeed, norms controlling excessive and regular drug use both the demand and supply of drugs through the have customarily governed socially and culturally accepted criminalisation of production, trafficking and use. consumption of native mind-altering substances. Furthermore, adherence to the United Nations drug control conventions ensures that most nation states adopt a While such traditional use management strategies vary similar prohibition-oriented approach when formulating across Asian countries, it is possible to identify similarities national drug control legislation. Recent research suggests that exist between these approaches to drug use and that this can be problematic in some Asian countries where contemporary interventions that collectively fall within the longstanding cultural sanctions already existed for drug use; so-called harm reduction paradigm. The defining feature of particularly those involving psychoactive plant products harm reduction programmes is their focus on the such as cannabis and opium. prevention of harm rather than the prevention of drug use itself. With its focus on India, this briefing paper examines the impact of the punitive approach towards drugs in those It can be argued, therefore, that as signatories to the 1961 societies and communities that have traditionally exerted UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, many Asian socio-cultural controls over the use of mind-altering countries have been required to move away from substances. The discussion highlights the unintentional but longstanding approaches to control customary drug use. In often harmful consequences of such drug control policies. many respects, there has been a subsequent shift from traditional drug use management to an emphasis on In framing the discussion of this topic, it is important to eradicating all drug use and trade. The implementation of note that the socio-cultural context of traditional drug use law-enforcement-dominated policies has generated a tense within many Asian countries means that experiencing an relationship between contemporary legislation and altered state of consciousness is only a part of the drug culturally ingrained drug use patterns and associated taking experience and not the ultimate goal of users. management strategies. 2 This situation is compounded by changing patterns of drug medicinal practitioners. The resulting inability to source use within India. This is the result of a number of inter- sufficient licit opium and cannabis for traditional use has related factors; the rising popularity of new non-traditional forced such practitioners to make purchases from the forms of drug use introduced via tourism; urbanization; and expanding illegal market. leakage from illicit drug production in the region. Indeed, evidence suggests that changes in policy may have contributed to increases in the use of harder forms of drugs Socio-Cultural Controls and more harmful modes of consumption, notably drug Until the 1980s cannabis consumption does not appear to injecting. Such a change in user behaviour is particularly have been regarded as an issue of major social concern in significant given the role played by injecting drug use in the India, with little or no official mention of excessive use. transmission of HIV/AIDS and other blood borne Prevalent socio-cultural regulations with regard to the form infections. The management of this issue has become a of use, mode of consumption, context of use and profile of cause for concern within the field of drug demand users, ensured a system of use management that limited reduction and has serious implications for the development drug use within the country. realities of many Asian countries. For instance, norms restricted the use of cannabis and opium to the adult male population. In the case of cannabis, History this is a pattern documented in a number of countries The use of the cannabis plant for a variety of purposes has including Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand, Laos, China, long existed in India (Charles et al, 1999; Charles, 2001), a Nepal and Pakistan. Even among the male adult fact also noted for many other countries of Asia (Li Hui population, there were restrictions on the context for Lin, 1975; Martin 1975, Fisher, 1975; Khan et al 1975 and consumption, with sanctioned use often linked or limited to Charles, 2004). specific religious and social occasions. Its use for medicinal reasons, as well as its mind altering In India and Nepal, the use of cannabis appears to be linked capacity, is significant. Cannabis has been used along with to religious festivals like Shivaratri, Krishna Ashtami (birth other ingredients to treat rheumatism, migraine, malaria of Lord Krishna) and participation in bhajan sessions. and cholera; to relieve fluxes; facilitate surgical operations; Indeed, occasions like Holi, ‘the festival of colours,’ are not to relax nerves; restore appetite; for general well-being; and complete without the sharing of bhang - a drink made with it is also considered beneficial for the functioning of the cannabis. At such select occasions, women and youngsters heart and liver. Additionally, the cannabis plant provides were permitted to use bhang and other items made from food grain, oil seed and fibre for manufacture of fibrous cannabis, including snacks, sweets and curry. Opium is also products in select parts of India. offered at the harvest festival in a ceremony called akha teej, intended to strengthen family marital clan bonds and The practice of using cannabis to alter consciousness and as put aside old feuds. part of religious and shamanistic rituals has also existed in India for centuries. For example, the drug has a strong It is this specification regarding the profile of users and a religious association as a gift from Lord Shiva to his desire for cultural confirmation that ensured the existence followers. of mechanisms to control drug use. The provision made for women and children to consume cannabis products in select Opium has also been used for socio-cultural reasons in cultural contexts and in specified forms indicates a strong different parts of the country (Chopra et al, 1990), with cultural acceptance for cannabis within India. Norms medicinal use being more prevalent than cultural use, like reaffirmed the cultural dimension of cannabis use and that seen among the Rajputs in Rajasthan and Gujarat probably prevented excessive non-cultural use of cannabis. (Masihi et al 1996). As noted earlier, the adherence to cultural norms on Prior to the introduction of contemporary drug control sanctioned use emerged from a strong association of legislation, a system for procuring opium and cannabis cannabis with Lord Shiva. For example, Sadhus (hermits) of through legal outlets existed. However, drug control various sects who primarily worship Lord Shiva make use initiatives put in place procedures that made it difficult of the drug for strengthening their concentration and to obtain these substances. Legislation in 1985 and 2001 spiritual search. include provisions for medical use, but there has been a trend not only to reduce the quantity released by the Prior to smoking cannabis, the sadhus praise their Lord and government, but also to tighten up procedural take it in his name, a pattern of consumption seen also regulations for obtaining the drugs by traditional among lay followers. During Shivaratri, the distribution of 3 cannabis drink and other products is perceived as a way to Indian delegations at the UN had long objected to a strengthen the association with the Lord. It is likely that proposed policy of international cannabis prohibition, but such a relationship played a major role in restricting its use had “made little headway against the massive,” within India and Nepal, despite easy availability and local predominantly Western and US-led, “anticannabis bloc.” cultivation. The drug’s connection to Shivaratri almost (Bruun, Pan and Rexed, 1975). Yet, in order to gain certainly limited its use beyond the ceremonial context. widespread acceptance, the final draft of the Single Convention included transitional reservations allowing so- Unlike cannabis, opium does not appear to have any called grace periods for phasing out traditional drug use. significant religious associations, but even here the link This meant that the “quasi-medical use” of opium had to be between cultural identity and the consumption of opium abolished within 15 years of the Convention coming into acted as a strong mechanism to restrict consumption of the force. Similarly, the non-medical or non-scientific use of drug in excess. Studies conducted into opium use in cannabis was to be discontinued as soon as possible, “but in Rajasthan and Gujarat indicate strong links between any case within 25 years” from the date the convention cultural and caste membership, and use of the drug.

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