The Indonesian Military Business Complex: Origins, Course and Future
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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
The Post-Revolutionary Transformation of the Indonesian Army
THE POST-REVOLUTIONARY TRANSFORMATION OF THE INDONESIAN ARMY Part II* Ruth McVey The rebellion of 1958 marked a turning point in the development of the Indonesian army, for it provided the central military leader ship with the means to establish its ascendancy over the officer corps. Had there been a compromise in the settlement of the insurrection, General Nasution might have continued for some time to inch his way toward control, in the manner in which we saw him progress during 1955-1956,* 1 and the relations between the army center and the power ful territorial commanders would have continued for some time to be roughtly equal. But the central military command moved with great success against the rebel forces, whose failure was apparent within six months of their revolt. This victory both eliminated Nasution’s principal rivals for army leadership and gave him great military prestige,with which he consolidated his personal position and re shaped the army's structure. Of even greater significance for the army’s ultimate role in Indonesia, the rebellion--or, to be more exact, the State of Emergency proclaimed in April 1957 in response to the regional crisis--allowed the military to expand its activities into the economic and political spheres. This expansion provided the army leadership with vital sources of finance and patronage, strengthening its position over the officer corps and enhancing the army's status in the society as a whole. The proliferation of the army's functions and of its members' contacts with civilian elements that resulted from this development increased the chances for extra-military alliances and civilian influence over individual officers, but in another and ultimately more important sense, it diminished army disunity. -
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West Papua Report July 2015 This is the 134th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at [email protected]. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, write to [email protected]. Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2015/1507.htm. The Report leads with PERSPECTIVE, an analysis piece; followed by UPDATE, a summary of some recent news and developments; and then CHRONICLE which includes analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a PERSPECTIVE or responding to one should write to [email protected]. We also welcome suggestions of resources and analysis to for listing in the CHRONICLE section. The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For ongoing news on West Papua subscribe to the reg.westpapua listserv or visit its archive; the list is also available on Twitter. CONTENTS This edition's PERSPECTIVE is an exclusive interview with Zely Airane of the #PapuaItuKita on creative ways they are raising issues involving West Papua in Indonesia. In UPDATE: This Issue highlights the recent Melanesian Spearhead Group summit in the Solomon Islands where the United Movement for the Liberation of West Papua (ULMWP) was given observer status. -
The Professionalisation of the Indonesian Military
The Professionalisation of the Indonesian Military Robertus Anugerah Purwoko Putro A thesis submitted to the University of New South Wales In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities and Social Sciences July 2012 STATEMENTS Originality Statement I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged. Copyright Statement I hereby grant to the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I retain all property rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. Authenticity Statement I certify that the Library deposit digital copy is a direct equivalent of the final officially approved version of my thesis. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Jokowi and His Generals: Appeasement and Personal Relations
ISSUE: 2019 No. 23 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 8 April 2019 Jokowi and His Generals: Appeasement and Personal Relations Antonius Made Tony Supriatma* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Jokowi will be the first civilian president to complete his full five-year term in the post-Soeharto era. A significant factor for this achievement has been his strategy to accommodate the military’s interests to keep them on his side. Five years into his presidency, Jokowi has shown little interest in reforming the military. As reelection time draws near, Jokowi is tightening his relationship with the military, by giving key appointments to commanders within his personal network. The recent TNI reshuffles saw the ascendancy of officers who have had personal relations with the president since early in his political career. Because of the reformasi law abolishing the military’s dual-function (dwifungsi) practice of placing military officers in civilian posts, the TNI has a surplus of many generals and colonels who are unable to hold substantive positions. The Jokowi administration has tried to address this problem by expanding military structures, and raising the level of ranks for various posts. These policies are basically efforts at appeasing the officer corps. His more recent proposal to put active military officers in 60 civilian posts has been criticized as an attempt to revive the military’s dwi-fingsi. * Antonius Made Tony Supriatma is Visiting Fellow in the Indonesian Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 23 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION There is a simple fact in Indonesian politics which most people overlook. -
'Warring Words'
‘Warring Words’: Students and the state in New Order Indonesia, 1966-1998 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Australian National University. Elisabeth Jackson Southeast Asia Centre Faculty of Asian Studies June 2005 CERTIFICATION I, Elisabeth Jackson, declare that this thesis, submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy at the Australian National University, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. It has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. …………………………. Elisabeth Jackson 3 June 2005 ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have been incredibly fortunate to have the support of a great many wonderful people throughout the course of researching and writing this thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank Virginia Hooker for her enthusiasm for this project and her faith in my ability to do it. Her thoughtful criticisms gently steered me in the right direction and made it possible for me to see the bigger picture. I also owe enormous thanks to Ed Aspinall, who encouraged me to tackle this project in the first place and supported me throughout my candidature. He was also an invaluable source of expertise on student activism and the politics of the New Order and his extensive comments on my drafts enabled me to push my ideas further. Virginia and Ed also provided me with opportunities to try my hand at teaching. Tim Hassall’s considered comments on the linguistic aspects of this thesis challenged me to think in new ways about Indonesian language and helped to strengthen the thesis considerably. -
Plagiarism Checker X Originality Report Similarity Found: 18%
Plagiarism Checker X Originality Report Similarity Found: 18% Date: Thursday, April 26, 2018 Statistics: 320 words Plagiarized / 1744 Total words Remarks: Low Plagiarism Detected - Your Document needs Optional Improvement. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES & SOCIAL STUDIES Assessment of Development, Bureaucracy, Administration, Political Disorder and Military in Indonesian’s Transition 1.Introduction In the mid-1980s, Indonesia’s President Suharto and his military dominated ‘New Order’ (Orde Baru) regime were at the height of their power. Since the transfer of power in 1966 from the previous regime, the so-called ‘Old Order (Order Lama) under Indonesia’s first President Sukarno (Eklof, 2003, p. 1). Suharto came to power in the confused and hitherto not fully explained aftermath of an abortive coup. Whether the events of 30 September/ 1 October 1965 were mounted by dissident soldier against President Sukarno, or with President’s connivance against the army leadership remains to this day unsolved(Vatikiotis, 1998, p. 2). Systematically, the authorities of the New Order regime dominated the political arena through brutal, cruel and unconstitutional methods. They do not value differences of opinion, criticism and do not want to hear the people’s aspirations. The rise of people’s resistance- that is of civilians – is greeted with intimidation, terror, arrests, jailing, bullets and even with slaughter. Newspapers, magazines, books and other tools of education that are critical and dare to differ from the point of view of the authorities are banned and closed down. Journalist who do not favor one-sided reporting of the government’s point of view are sent to jail. -
Dwifungsi Tni Dari Masa Ke Masa
154 DWIFUNGSI TNI DARI MASA KE MASA Asrudin Azwar1 Mirza Jaka Suryana2 Peneliti dan Pendiri The Asrudian Center.1 Mahasiswa Pascasarjana Ilmu Politik Universitas Nasional, Jakarta.2 Abstrak Dwifungsi angkatan bersenjata di Indonesia berevolusi dan mencapai puncaknya pada era Orba. Di era ini peran sosial-politik ABRI menjadi sangat dominan dalam segala aspek kehidupan masyarakat. Namun setelah rezim Orba runtuh pada 1998, dengan krisis moneter akut yang menyertainya, masyarakat Indonesia menuntut negara ini menjadi demokratis seutuhnya. Akibatnya, Dwifungsi ABRI pun ditinggalkan. Tapi seiring berjalannya waktu, upaya untuk mengembalikan Dwifungsi tetaplah kuat. Kini jenderal-jenderal TNI bahkan sudah mulai mengisi berbagai jabatan sipil. Ini tentu saja merupakan langkah mundur dan membuat Indonesia seakan kembali ke masa otoriter. Rencana pemerintahan Jokowi untuk memberikan ruang jabatan bagi militer di kementerian dan institusi sipil lainnya bertentangan dengan semangat demokrasi dan jika dibiarkan akan menjurus kepada sikap otoritarianisme. Kata kunci: Pemerintahan Jokowi, Dwifungsi, ABRI, militer, otoriterianisme, peran sosial, peran politik, jabatan sipil Abstract Dwifungsi (dual-function) of the Indonesian Arm Forces has been evolved and reached its peak in the New Order era. The social and political role of Indonesian Arm Forces became dominant in every aspects of the life of society. After the regime downfall in 1998, with the monetary crisis which accompanied it, Indonesian civil society demanded the state to be fully democratic. Thus, the Dwifungsi is left behind. Nevertheless, the effort to restore Dwifungsi is still strong. By now, many of Indonesian military generals has occupies public offices. It is of course a backward and making Indonesia to its darker past. The plan of Jokowi’s administration to give posts for military officers in ministries and civil institutions is not accord with democratic spirit and tend to bring back authoritarianism to life. -
Peran Abri Sebagai Kekuatan Sosial Politik Pada Masa Orde Baru (1966-1997)
PERAN ABRI SEBAGAI KEKUATAN SOSIAL POLITIK PADA MASA ORDE BARU (1966-1997) SKRIPSI Untuk Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Pendidikan Sejarah pada Universitas Negeri Semarang Oleh Febrinita Dwi Istyaningrum NIM 3114000029 FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL JURUSAN SEJARAH 2004 ABSTRAK Istyaningrum, Febrinita Dwi. 2005. Peran ABRI Sebagai Kekuatan Sosial Politik Pada Masa Orde Baru (1966-1997). Jurusan Sejarah Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Universitas Negeri Semarang. 86 halaman 12 lampiran. Kata kunci: ABRI, Sosial Politik, Orde Baru Bangsa Indonesia menyadari bahwa TNI yang terbentuk dari rakyat, oleh rakyat, dan untuk rakyat mempunyai arti penting bagi kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. ABRI lahir dan dibentuk oleh rakyat Indonesia ditengah-tengah perjuangan nasional dalam merebut kemerdekaan dari penjajahan bangsa asing. ABRI lahir sebagai pejuang dan kemudian sebagai prajurit, bertekad untuk hidup dan mati dengan negara proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945 yang berdasarkan Pancasila sehingga keselamatan bangsa dan negara merupakan tugas dan tanggung jawab ABRI. Sesuai dengan latar belakang yaitu Peran ABRI Sebagai Kekuatan Sosial Politik pada Masa Orde Baru (1966-1997), maka tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejrah terbentuknya ABRI, perkembangan Dwifungsi ABRI, dan peran ABRI dalam bidang sosial politik pada masa Orde Baru. Manfaat penelitian ini adalah menambah pengetahuan dan wawasan tentang sejarah ABRI, mengetahui perkembangan Dwifungsi ABRI, mengetahui peran ABRI dalam bidang sosial politik pada masa Orde Baru. Dalam mengkaji permasalahan dalam penulisan skripsi ini menggunakan metode penelitian historis dengan tahap-tahap yaitu heuristik, kritik sumber, intepretasi, dan historiografi. Sedangkan yang menjadi sumber dalam penelitian ini adalah sumber kepustakaan. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui bahwa sejarah perkembangan ABRI berawal dari lahirnya Badan Keamanan Rakyat (BKR) tanggal 22 Agustus 1945. -
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific: Indonesia
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific Indonesia Jonah Blank C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR4412z3 For more information on this series, visit www.rand.org/US-PRC-influence Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0558-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: globe: jcrosemann/GettyImages; flags: luzitanija/Adobe Stock Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface The U.S. Department of Defense’s (DoD’s) 2018 National Defense Strategy highlights the important role that U.S. -
Democracy and Human Security: Analysis on the Trajectory of Indonesia’S Democratization
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 456 Proceedings of the Brawijaya International Conference on Multidisciplinary Sciences and Technology (BICMST 2020) Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 456 Proceedings of the Brawijaya International Conference on Multidisciplinary Sciences and Technology (BICMST 2020) Democracy and Human Security: Analysis on the Trajectory of Indonesia’s Democratization Rika Kurniaty Department of International Law Faculty of Law, University of Brawijaya Malang, Indonesia [email protected] The concept of national security has a long Abstract—Democracy institution is believed would history, since the conclusion of the thirty-year naturally lead to greater human security. The end of cessation of war set forth in the Treaties of Westphalia communism in the Soviet Union and other countries has in 1648. National security was defined as an effort been described as the triumph of democracy throughout the world, which quickly led to claims that there is now a aimed at maintaining the integrity of a territory the right to democracy as guide principles in international state and freedom to determine the form of self- law. In Indonesia, attention to the notion of democracy government. However, with global developments and developed very rapidly in the late 1990s. In Indonesia, after 32 years of President Suharto’s authoritarian increasingly complex relations between countries and regime from 1966 to 1998, Indonesia finally began the the variety of threats faced by countries in the world, democratization phase in May 1998. It worth noting that the formulation and practice of security Indonesia has experienced four different periods of implementation tend to be achieved together different government and political systems since its (collective security) becomes an important reference independent, and all those stage of systems claim to be for countries in the world.