Participation in Voluntary Youth-Serving Associations and Early Adult Voting Behavior N

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Participation in Voluntary Youth-Serving Associations and Early Adult Voting Behavior N Participation in Voluntary Youth-Serving Associations and Early Adult Voting Behavior n Michelle L. Frisco, University of Wisconsin; Iowa State University Chandra Muller, University of Texas Kyle Dodson, Indiana University Objective. We investigate adolescent membership in voluntary associations and whether participation in these activities influences voting behavior during early adulthood. Methods. Weighted logistic regression models predicting membership in voluntary associations and voting behavior were estimated using data from the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988–1994 (NELS). Results. Our findings suggest that membership in voluntary associations varies by race and so- cioeconomic status (SES). In addition, membership in organizations historically rooted in moral development and civic socialization positively predict voter-reg- istration status and whether or not young adults participated in the first national election that they were eligible to vote in, but this relationship is moderated by both race and SES. Conclusions. Our findings suggest that a large proportion of U.S. teenagers still participate in community-based programs, many of which foster later civic participation, but that all youth do not equally benefit from participation. Voluntary institutions form a foundation for democracy by promoting civic participation (Tocqueville, 1945). Putnam (1995) argues that the ero- sion in the family and community resulted in a decline in shared activity that fosters civic socialization. It is generally accepted that membership in certain voluntary associations has declined, but there is disagreement about the nature of the decline and whether it indicates communitywide decreases in civic activity (Putnam, 1995; Ladd, 1999; Wuthnow, 1997). Ladd (1999) argues that this concern is overstated, and that children and adolescents still participate in voluntary organizations not represented in most trend nDirect correspondence to Michelle Frisco, Robert Wood Johnson Health and Society Scholar, Population Health Sciences, University of Wisconsin, 707 WARF Building, 610 N. Walnut St., Madison, WI 53726-2397 [email protected]. Frisco will share data and coding materials with those wishing to replicate this study if proof of authorization from the National Center for Education Statistics to use restricted use data from the National Ed- ucation Longitudinal Study is shown. This research was partially funded by the REU pro- gram at the Population Research Center (PRC) at the University of Texas at Austin (UT) and by grants from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Grant R01 HD40428-02, Chandra Muller (PI) and the National Science Foundation, Grant REC- 0126167, Chandra Muller (PI). SOCIAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY, Volume 85, Number 3, September 2004 r2004 by the Southwestern Social Science Association Early Adult Voting Behavior 661 analyses. Wuthnow (1997) contends that participation declines are con- centrated primarily in marginalized segments of the population. Our study is motivated by these conflicting arguments and concern for youths’ civic socialization. We explore which adolescents participate in youth-serving organizations and then assess whether membership in these associations is related to voting behavior in early adulthood, an excellent barometer for the climate of our democratic political life. Further, we posit that the effects of participation on voting behavior may vary according to the emphasis of the organization and that membership may not influence all adolescents uniformly. This study considers multiple youth-serving associations outside of school: scouts, religious youth groups, nonschool team sports, 4-H, YM/WCA, and boys’ and girls’ clubs. These organizations take varying approaches to youth socialization and have historically served different social classes and racial groups (Fine, 1987; Gustav-Wrathall, 1998; MacLeod, 1983; Putney, 1997; Platt, 1969). Nonetheless, each one strives to help youth develop social skills, focuses on community involvement, and emphasizes responsible and pro-social behavior (UCLA Partnership for Prevention, 2003). Youth-Serving Organizations Voluntary youth-serving associations originally garnered public support because of the ways that they socialized youth. The Boy Scouts of America (BSA) first found favor among middle-class parents seeking supplemental moral development for their sons (MacLeod, 1983), while the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) provided facilities and programs for unat- tached young men viewed as a threat by society. Thus, the BSA served chil- dren of community supporters, while the YMCA maintained a quality of life in communities through social control of outsiders (Gustav-Wrathall, 1998). Today, there is still widespread backing of these institutions. For instance, Californians recently approved Proposition 49, ‘‘The After School Educa- tion and Safety Program Act of 2002,’’ which will provide funding to these types of organizations because of the benefits attributed to membership (Brown et al., 2002; U.S. Department of Education, U.S. Department of Justice, 2000). The voluntary associations we investigate have public images that reflect their historical roots, and each promotes moral and civic responsibility. Scouting organizations emphasize recreation, leadership, and character building. Nonschool sports organizations, such as Little League, aim to build character and patriotism through team participation (Fine, 1987). 4-H offers diverse community and after-school programs aimed at youth devel- opment and positive ties to the community and adults. Members also par- ticipate in civic-minded efforts such as the ‘‘Take Your Kids to Vote’’ campaign (Council for Excellence in Government, 2002). The organization 662 Social Science Quarterly and structure of religious youth groups varies, but most encourage pro-social activities and community volunteerism (Smith et al., 2002). The YMCA offers several programs, many of which target at-risk children and teens (YMCA of the U.S.A., 2002). Similarly, the Boys, and Girls, Clubs of America—initiated by members of the 19th-century child-saving movement who created social programs to help morally deficient and delinquent chil- dren (Platt, 1969)—also targets disadvantaged youth, but provides programs that offer members positive opportunities (Sweet, 1991). The organizations above have similar missions and each claims to serve all children and teens (Zald and Denton, 1963; YMCA of the U.S.A., 2002; MacLeod, 1983; Marriott, 1994; Parenti, 1993; Sweet, 1991; Mullin, 1996; Taylor, 2002). However, historically, scouting organizations, Little League, and 4-H primarily served privileged and white youth (Howard, 1987; Main, 1991; Moses, 1993; Gelman and Gordon, 1991); and YM/WCA and Boys’ and Girls’ Clubs of America mainly served disadvantaged and minority youth (Binfield, 1973; Platt, 1969). We evaluate whether the populations these organizations currently serve still vary according to race and social class. These institutions are important resources for young people’s socializat- ion, especially during early adolescence. During this critical stage in devel- opment, young people’s identities are shaped, they gain independence from parents, and their peers in schools and other social institutions influence them more (Marks and Kuss, 2001). In addition, most adolescents attend middle school at this time, a key transitional period between the nurturing elementary school setting and the more demanding high school years when most extracurricular activities take place within schools. The nonschool voluntary organizations that we investigate provide connections to extra-familial adults and mentors who offer supervision, guidance, and pro-social norms for behavior, may shape adolescents’ identity (Guest and Schneider, 2003), promote adoption of organizational values and morals (Eccles and Barber, 1999; Snyder and Spreitzer, 1992), and ‘‘have a history of giving youth meaningful experiences that have long- lasting political impact’’ (Youniss et al., 2002:142). Thus, we hypothesize that membership in youth-serving associations shapes early adult civic participation. Youth-Serving Organizations and Early Adult Voting Behavior Among the voting age population, voter turnout in presidential elections has declined from 63 percent in 1960 to 49 percent in 1996 (Federal Election Commission, 2002). Eighteen to twenty year olds are consistently less likely to be registered voters and to vote in presidential elections (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000b). Only 48 percent of 18–20 year olds were registered to vote and only 39 percent voted for president in 1992, the election year our study investigates (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000b). Early Adult Voting Behavior 663 Minority and lower-class young adults were even less likely to participate in the political system in 1992. About half (51 percent) of white, compared to 43 percent of African-American and 23 percent of Latino/a U.S. 18–20 year olds were registered to vote at this time. Similarly, 41 percent of whites voted compared to 32 percent of African Americans and 16 percent of Latino/as (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000b). Young adults from poor and less-educated backgrounds were also less likely to have voted in the 1992 election (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000b). Miller and Shanks (1996) argue that a generation’s initial voting trends have long-term consequences for the entire population’s turnout rates. De- clining political participation for 18–20 year olds
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