Democratic Societies? Voluntary Association and Democratic Culture in a South African Township1

The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. ARTICLE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETIES? VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION AND DEMOCRATIC CULTURE IN A SOUTH AFRICAN TOWNSHIP1 Caroline White Formal democracy has, for the first time in the country's history; been established in South Africa. Whether that democracy will survive remains unclear. Equally unclear is whether citizens will enjoy access not only to the form of democracy but also to its content. Periodic elections are, of course, a necessary condition for democracy, but not a sufficient one. A further requirement is that citizens acquire the ability to hold their elected representatives to account, an outcome which is not guaranteed by formal democratic procedures. For a variety of reasons, formal democracy can co-exist with power relations between 'voters' and 'representatives' which are, in reality, thinly disguised relations between leaders and the led. In these cases, those who hold elective office use the power and resources which this bestows to their own advantage. For example, they ensure that public resources which are in theory available to all are available only to those who are loyal to the power-holders: the power to dispense public goods becomes the capacity to reward the obedient and punish the dissident, a relationship known as patron-clientelism. The result is that voters are subjects, not citizens, clients of a powerful patron rather than autonomous individuals who may decide freely who is to govern on their behalf. Evidence that this phenomenon can co-exist with formal democracy is provided by, for example, post-war Italy. Here, despite having all the formal prerequisites of democracy, power in many parts of the country was, for many years, used by patrons to ensure that a compliant citizenry remained beholden to them for access to entitlements which were theoretically available to all (White, 1994). The result was that elections largely became a ritualised exercise in which the patrons or their favoured candidates were routinely returned to power and in which the rights which democracy bestows remained beyond the reach of those who were relegated to clients. There is plentiful evidence that this is a distinct possibility in South Africa. Firstly, the evidence suggests that the winner of the first democratic election, the African National Congress, could enjoy an almost guaranteed electoral majority TRANSFORMATION 36 (1998) ARTICLE WHITE for many years (Friedman, 1994). This creates opportunities for elected representatives to gather to themselves, over time, the power and the resources required to become patrons of many citizens, rather than their servants. Secondly, democracy and the assumptions among citizens that accompany it are clearly new to this country. Given the salience of race in the society, the majority of citizens may conclude that the fact that the new leadership is (largely) black is enough of a reversal of past injustices to ensure very little determination to hold it to account. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, research shows that patron-clientelism does exist in this society, that it is the dominant feature of relations between leaders and residents in at least some informal shack settlements (White, 1994). While these factors offer cause for pessimism, some analysts insist that the fight against apartheid created a vigorous culture of democracy at the grassroots of the society which will act as a powerful counterweight to a new elite which seeks to turn citizens into subjects (Swilling, 1992). To both sides of the argument, a key question is the extent to which a 'democratic culture' has - or can - take root here. And the two views cited here show that there is no consensus on this question. This study does not attempt to give a definitive answer. Instead, it seeks, in a modest way, to supply some empirical data which is at present lacking in the debate about whether a democratic culture exists here that is strong enough to block politicians who are tempted to become patrons rather than representatives. Following theoretical and empirical work on Italy - by the author of this study as well as other scholars - it accepts, for reasons which will become clear, the hypothesis that a vibrant and democratic associational life, expressed in active and widespread participation in voluntary associations, equips citizens to reject patron-clientelism. By means of a thorough empirical study of three neighbourhoods, it examines the extent and nature of participation in voluntary associations and then seeks to offer some tentative implications for the society's capacity to escape patron-clientelism. While the study does not offer a route map to consolidating a democratic culture and society, it may offer important pointers to those concerned to understand one element of bur democratic prospects and to those concerned to use that understanding actively to strengthen our democratic prospects. Politics and Voluntary Association The American political scientists Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba adopted from social anthropology the concept of 'political culture' to illuminate their understanding of political behaviour as the product of the history of both the TRANSFORMATION 36 (1998) WHITE ARTICLE political system and its individual members - a phenomenon which is, therefore, rooted in both public events and private experience. Dowse and Hughes emphasise that: in studying the origins of a political society through the ideas embodied in the political culture approach, it is necessary to treat both the historical development of the society as a whole and the life experiences of the individuals who eventually embody the culture of the society (1972:228). In their study of political culture, Almond and Verba administered an identical questionnaire to respondents in five countries. From the responses they generated a typology of five different types of political culture. The type relevant to this study is a 'civic culture' which includes the notion of participation in structures widely regarded as legitimate but in which, for most people at least, life offers a range of opportunities for commitment to parochial and a-political institutions, a commitment which helps to develop both a sense of potential personal competence and a sense of trusting other people ... the sense of political competence is the feeling that political 'inputs' and 'outputs' can be affected by the citizen (1967:231). The opposite of political competence is alienation from the political process. In a more recent study, Robert Putnam argues that the quality of political participation and the nature of politics are quite different in different parts of Italy. In his view, while politics in the south and north east is 'organised hierarchically and focused more narrowly on personal advantage', in other regions 'political behaviour ... presumes that politics is about collective deliberation on public issues' (Putnam 1993:96). Thus, whilst the former would produce an 'alienated' political culture in Almond and Verba's terms, the latter is closer to their notion of a 'civic culture'. Putnam's work is of interest to the present study because it attempts to define the elements of the 'civic' culture which, in his view, underpins the democratic behaviour which prevents patron-clientelism from taking root in parts of the society. An examination of the extent to which these elements exists in South Africa might throw light on the possibilities for and obstacles to the growth or maintenance of a democratic culture here. Putnam adduces some correlates of this civic minded style of politics: high turnout for national elections and referenda; low use of the personal preference vote2 and a high incidence of newspaper readership (Putnam, 1993:96). He argues further that the existence of a dense network of voluntary associations is more than an indicator of civic mindedness: it contributes to its growth and TRANSFORMATION 36 (1998) ARTICLE WHITE strength since it offers people experiences which cultivate patterns of behaviour and political attitudes consistent with a democratic culture. These include creating and abiding by sets of rules of conduct, electing and deposing officials, debating and deciding on the best ways of achieving common goals. It builds social trust, or, in Putnam's words, constitutes social capital: voluntary associations are 'empowering' since they impart the skills and experience needed to participate in public life as citizens, with rights and obligations. Equally importantly, they do so in a way which strengthens democratic behaviour patterns because this participation is bound by rules which oblige members to respect each others' rights. This applies whether they are football clubs, bird watching societies, choirs, burial societies (very common in Italian towns and villages until the advent of the welfare state) or trade unions. This investigation took as its starting point this understanding that voluntary associations - in all their variety • play a significant role in the development of a civic-minded, democratic, culture characterised by debate and action on matters such as political morality and good government and in which patron-clientelism is likely to find infertile soil. A number of underlying

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