From West to East

Current Approaches to Medieval Archaeology

Edited by Scott D. Stull

From West to East: Current Approaches to Medieval Archaeology

Edited by Scott D. Stull

This book first published 2014

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Copyright © 2014 by Scott D. Stull and contributors

All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN (10): 1-4438-6753-5 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-6753-5

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ...... ix

List of Tables ...... xiii

Introduction ...... 1

Chapter One ...... 6 Visualizing an Integrated Landscape using Archaeogeophysical and 3D Laser Surveying Michael Rogers

Chapter Two ...... 20 Rethinking Ethnicity in Early Medieval Archaeology: Social Identity, Technological Choice, and Communities of Practice K. Patrick Fazioli

Chapter Three ...... 40 Colonizers or Exploiters: The Norse in Vinland Birgitta Wallace

Chapter Four ...... 55 Viewing the Past through a Golden Lens: The Early Medieval Period and Irish Identity Jennifer Shaffer Foster

Chapter Five ...... 72 Medieval Kings and Symbolic Landscapes in Western Ireland James G. Schryver

Chapter Six ...... 91 Place and Prestige: Enacting and Displaying Authority in English Domestic Spaces during the Central Middle Ages Katherine Weikert

viii Table of Contents

Chapter Seven ...... 116 English Medieval Residences, 1250-1400 AD Scott D. Stull

Chapter Eight ...... 132 The Problems of the of St. Emericus Church Andrea Kocsis

Chapter Nine ...... 140 Çadr Höyük: Continuity and Change on the Anatolian Plateau Marica Cassis and Sharon R. Steadman

Chapter Ten ...... 155 Animal Use at Medieval Kinik Höyük, a 12th-13th-century Site in Southern Cappadocia, Turkey Pam J. Crabtree Douglas V. Campana

Chapter Eleven ...... 163 Of Fish and Fowl Chelsea Lachman

Chapter Twelve ...... 171 “Not Found in the Order of History”: Toward a “Medieval” Archaeology of Southern Jordan Ian W. N. Jones, Mohammad Najjar and Thomas E. Levy

Notes ...... 197

Bibliography ...... 208

Contributors ...... 255

Index ...... 260

CHAPTER TWELVE

“NOT FOUND IN THE ORDER OF HISTORY”: TOWARD A “MEDIEVAL” ARCHAEOLOGY OF SOUTHERN JORDAN

IAN W. N. JONES, MOHAMMAD NAJJAR AND THOMAS E. LEVY

“The thirty-fifth station, Selmona. The thirty-sixth, Fynon: these two are not found in the order of history” —Fetellus, ca. 1130 AD (1971: 20).

Islamic Historical–Medieval–Anthropological

Defining “Islamic archaeology” is not a simple task. Proposals have covered a wide range, from taking “Islamic” as a primarily cultural, and not particularly specific, term (Whitcomb 1995) to defining “Islamic archaeology” as the archaeology of Muslim religious practice (Insoll 1999). While the more specific definitions of the term, such as Insoll’s, have their merits, for the purposes of this paper, it is perhaps best to take “Islamic archaeology” as a “term of convenience” (Milwright 2010: 6). We use the term to refer broadly to the archaeology of the Middle East from the Islamic conquests of the 630s AD to the end of Ottoman rule in 1918.1 Islamic archaeologists have been quite willing to situate our discipline within the field of historical archaeology, both broadly conceived (e.g. Grabar 1978; Milwright 2010) and specifically as the archaeology of capitalism (e.g. Baram 2002; Baram and Carroll 2000; on the phrase "the archaeology of capitalism," see e.g. Leone 1995; Paynter 1989). It is somewhat more difficult to situate Islamic archaeology within medieval archaeology in this way. This is not to say this has not been done, of course. Many historians, especially those concerned with the Crusades 172 Chapter Twelve

(e.g. papers in Murray 1998) and Mediterranean trade (e.g. Goitein 1967- 1993; Wickham 2004), have found it useful to think in terms of both the Near East and Europe, and some archaeologists (e.g. Ellenblum 2012; papers in Schryver 2010; Walmsley 2000) have productively adopted this perspective, as well. There are, however, some issues with conceiving of Islamic archaeology as a “medieval” archaeology. Especially recently, one of the biggest is related to concerns over the political baggage associated with the term “medieval.” Davis (2008: 3) argues that the medieval is often conceptualized as a caricature, entirely “religious” and “pre-political,” in opposition to secular, political, and democratic modernity. Bahri and Sautman (2009: 175) note that this view of the medieval has led to a tendency among Westerners to view the modern Middle East as somehow “‘remaining medieval’ and ‘refusing’ modernity.” This is an important issue, and one that historians and archaeologists will have to continue to grapple with. While certainly not denying the validity and importance of this point, in this discussion we wish to sidestep it entirely. Our aim is not to suggest that the Islamic world was “medieval” in the sense of an opposition to modernity, but rather to consider the gap between the archaeologies of Europe and the Near East in the 6th-15th centuries AD, and how this might be bridged. Possibly, this gap is due in part to the length of the Islamic period. Islamic archaeology is, from a Europeanist perspective, both medieval and post-medieval. For the southern Levant, the increasing interest in the Mamluk (1260-1516 AD)2 and Ottoman (1516-1918 AD) periods, spanning this transition, only complicates matters. On the other hand, this is a comparatively superficial problem. While the Islamic period does not map cleanly onto the medieval period, it is not difficult to see the Early (600-1000 AD) and Middle (1000-1400 AD) Islamic periods as part of a broader, medieval whole. Looking to other regions, the relationship between issues of definition and time becomes clearer. In Nubia, to which Islam as a religion expanded only in the mid, or in some places even late, 2nd millennium AD, Islamic archaeology has traditionally been seen as a post-medieval archaeology following “a Christian medieval archaeology” (Edwards 2007: 222). This view of Islamic archaeology as inherently “post-Christian” seems to be one factor — although perhaps less conscious outside of Nubia — in why there is less overlap than one would expect between the two disciplines. Yet, as Edwards (2007: 222) suggests, conversion to Islam in Nubia — and, for that matter, most other places — was a diverse, uneven process. Returning to the Levant, and the Islamic Mediterranean world in general, Christianity and Judaism did not disappear in the mid-7th century (among “Not Found in the Order of History” 173 many others, see Astren 2009; Astren 2012; Cohen 1994; Ousterhout 1989; Schick 1988; Schick 2001; Walmsley 2007b). This is one reason why defining Islamic archaeology as the archaeology of Muslim religious practice is, at best, uncomfortable. It leaves many of the communities active during the Islamic periods unaccounted for. As archaeologists, religion, although important, should not be the sole factor in periodic or regional distinctions. Instead, it is one important factor, among many, that an anthropological archaeology of the Middle Ages should investigate. Finally, there is the problem of medieval and Islamic archaeology as historical archaeologies. Austin (1990) noted the importance of understanding regional histories in medieval archaeology. For him, in fact, the questions that medieval archaeology tends to address are not archaeological but, for better or worse, historical. For Islamic archaeology, the same is essentially true. Here, some distinction does seem to make sense. The regional histories of medieval Europe and the Islamic Near East are quite different, as are the languages and even the types of texts available. Yet one could also say this of each of these disciplines individually. Medieval Ireland has a significantly different history from medieval Italy — to quote Wickham (2009: 4), “No common identity in 1000 linked Spain to Russia, Ireland to the Byzantine empire . . . except the very weak sense of community that linked Christian polities together” — and knowledge of Ottoman Turkish is rarely important to archaeologists of the Early Islamic period. In all cases, these are primarily issues of practice, and highlight the importance of communication between specialists in different regions and of different periods. As noted previously, there are areas where this gap has been easier to bridge. One of these is in the context of the Mediterranean, either through the study of trade, or as an aspect of “Mediterranean studies” (recent summaries include Abulafia 2005; Clement 2012). These perspectives are useful, but limited in scope. For the former, the focus tends to be on ports and maritime trade, and in the latter, considerable emphasis is placed on long-term, persistent structures — the longue durée (see e.g. Braudel 1972-1973). Our argument here is not as concerned with these deep structures, nor specifically with maritime trade. Rather, we suggest that viewing Europe and the Levant as part of a larger “medieval” world can provide significant insight into specific, historically contingent events. More broadly, we argue for the utility of framing historical arguments in anthropological terms. This is not to suggest that historical data should not be integral to medieval archaeology, or that medieval archaeology should avoid historical questions. Rather, thinking of specific, historical 174 Chapter Twelve problems in terms of anthropological theory can provide additional evidence and a broader perspective. In this paper, we consider two case studies from the Faynan region of southern Jordan: first, the impact of the Islamic conquest on the Roman and Byzantine town of Phaeno (identified with the archaeological site of Khirbat Faynan; also, Biblical Punon [Num. 33.42-43]), and second, the revival of Faynan’s copper industry in the late 12th century AD and its relation to the emergence of large-scale sugar production in the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea region. Using these case studies, we will demonstrate the relevance of a remote — marginal, even — place such as Faynan to a broader medieval archaeology. Hopefully, this will demonstrate that considering medieval European and Islamic archaeology as part of broader whole weakens neither individually, but strengthens both.

Periodization

One of the more practical barriers to communication across regions is variation in chronological terminology. Dynastic terms — such as Ayyubid — or archaeological terms — for example, Middle Islamic — are not necessarily meaningful for archaeologists working in other regions. Worse, the same term is occasionally used to refer to different periods in different regions. For example, we use the term Late Byzantine to refer to the late 5th to early 7th centuries AD. In the Byzantine heartland, however, this same term refers to the period following the Fourth Crusade, the early 13th to mid-15th centuries (see e.g. Mango 1972). This problem is not unique to Islamic or medieval archaeology, but it is one that must be addressed. There is no ideal solution, but we prefer an approach that includes both generally applicable and more locally specific terms. In this paper, where possible, we give dates in calendar years AD. Local periods, however, are often useful, especially when referring to specific archaeological or political phenomena. In these cases, we use local archaeological and dynastic chronologies. Our archaeological chronology is a refinement of Walker and LaBianca’s (2003: 448) periodization for the Islamic periods in Jordan, which is in turn a refinement of Whitcomb’s (1992a: 386). This is illustrated, along with dynastic chronologies for Jordan and coastal Israel, in Figure 12-1.

“Not Found in the Order of History” 175

Figure 12-69: A comparison of dynastic and archaeological chronologies of the Islamic period for the southern Levant. The archaeological chronology follows the periodization of Whitcomb (1992a) and Walker and LaBianca (2003).

176 Chapter Twelve

Figure 12-70: Map of the southern Levant with locations of sites mentioned in the text. Background image: © 2013 Esri

“Not Found in the Order of History” 177

The Faynan Region

Faynan is located in the northeastern Wadi ‘Araba — the southern Levantine extension of the Great Rift Valley — ca. 25 km south of the Dead Sea and 120 km north of the Gulf of ‘Aqaba/Red Sea (Fig. 12-2). Though there is a tendency among scholars working in the southern Levant to see the Wadi ‘Araba as a border (Bienkowski 2006), it is worth noting that Faynan is also about 125 km as the crow flies from Gaza and the Mediterranean coast.3 Geologically, Faynan, as well as Timna, located in the southwestern ‘Araba, 105 km to the south of Faynan, are important primarily as copper ore resource zones. These copper ore resources have a long history of exploitation in Faynan. Copper ore was exploited as early as the Neolithic period (Hauptmann 2007) and extractive metallurgy began in the Early Bronze Age (late 4th-early 3rd millennia BC), and reached a fairly large scale by the end of this period (Adams 2002; Hauptmann 2003; Levy, et al. 2002). By the end of the 2nd millennium BC, the early Iron Age, copper production had reached an industrial scale (Levy, et al. 2012). Since this early activity, copper exploitation has been the raison d’être for most — but, as we will show, not all — settlement in Faynan (Fig. 12-3).

Southern Jordan and the Byzantine-Islamic Transition

The second most productive episode of copper exploitation in Faynan, after the Iron Age, was in the Roman and Byzantine periods (especially the 2nd-4th centuries AD), when Khirbat Faynan (Figs. 12-4, 12-5) — the Roman and Byzantine town of Phaeno — was the center of an imperial metallum, or state-run mine (Mattingly 2011; Mattingly, et al. 2007; Millar 1984: 140-141). Andreas Hauptmann (2007: 147) has estimated that 2,500-7,000 tons of copper were produced in Faynan during this period (compared to 6,500-13,000 tons in the Iron Age). This is also the only industrial activity in Faynan for which we have any historical evidence (Knauf and Lenzen 1987: 83). Somewhat unfortunately, these historical sources — primarily Eusebius of Caesarea and his translator, St. Jerome — are mostly concerned with Christian martyrs sentenced to damnatio ad metallum, or condemnation to the mine (the most detailed is Eusebius 1954: 395-396; see Friedman 2008: 283-284 for a complete list of Eusebius's references to Phaeno/Faynan; these are also discussed in Najjar and Levy 2011). While valuable sources of information on the Christian communities of the late

178 Chapter Twelve

Figure 12-71: Map of selected Islamic period sites in the Faynan region. Background image: © CNES/SPOT Image 1992-1994.

3rd and early 4th centuries — and their persecution during this period — these accounts provide little insight into the economic and social questions that guide our archaeological research. Faynan is mentioned in other sources — discussed below — as late as the early 7th century, but not again in the context of its copper industry. Most interestingly for the present paper, Faynan is absent from accounts of the Islamic conquest. Al-Tabari (1993: 107-108), for example, tells us that ‘Amr ibn al-‘As’s army camped at a place called Ghamr al- ‘Arabat — probably the modern area surrounding al-Ghamr in Jordan and Tzofar in Israel, across the ‘Araba to the west of Faynan — around the time they conquered Gaza. The purpose of that stop, according to Donner (1981: 115-116), seems to have been gaining control of the pastoral populations of the Negev. Whatever the reason for the stop was, it placed this army within 30 km of Phaeno, with a group of perennial springs providing a convenient stopping point almost exactly halfway. It is possible that ‘Amr ibn al-‘As did go to Phaeno, but, as with the pastoral populations mentioned by Donner, this information is not recorded, but “Not Found in the Order of History” 179 there is no reason to assume this was the case. Instead, interpreting Phaeno’s absence from these sources, and its situation in the 6th and 7th centuries, requires consideration of some surrounding parts of southern Jordan.

Figure 12-72: Map of Khirbat Faynan (Roman and Byzantine Phaeno) showing the locations of major features mentioned in the text. Background image: © Esri, Digital Globe, GeoEye, i-cubed, USDA, USGS, AEX, Getmapping, Aerogrid, IGN, IGP, and the GIS User Community.

Figure 12-73: Panoramic view of Khirbat Faynan looking southwest. The Faynan 1 slag mound and tourist camp are visible in the background on the left. Photo: Craig Smitheram.

180 Chapter Twelve

Petra as a Model

Petra, only 35 km from Ghamr — although on the plateau 1200 m above the ‘Araba — is equally absent from accounts of the conquest. As a major classical commercial city, however, more scholarly effort has been put into interpreting this absence. Likewise, because of its urban character, Petra can be considered against the long-running debate regarding the fate of the cities of the southern Levant during this transitional period. The traditional, and now rather outdated, view sees the Islamic conquest as bringing with it, if not the “thundering hordes” imagined by 19th and early 20th century scholars (see Silberman 2001; Walmsley 2007a: 21-24), at least a period of significant decline in the form of the city, the economy, and settlement in general.4 A now classic revision of that view was put forth by Hugh Kennedy (1985), who argued that the “decline” of the classical city — the polis — began in the early 6th century or earlier, and the transition to the Islamic city — the madina — began in the century before the Islamic conquest. Kennedy’s thesis has recently been reevaluated on the basis of new archaeological evidence. While acknowledging that a period of change in the plans of classical cities did begin in the Late Byzantine period, the authors of these studies argue that this should not be seen as decline, but rather the result of increasing commercial and industrial activity within these cities (Avni 2011; Walmsley 2007a: 31-47). Avni (2011) argues that decline did not occur until at least the 9th century — and even then this pattern varied from place to place — confirming broadly the specific picture Magness (2003) presented for settlement in the Negev, which she argued declined only in the late 8th-late 9th centuries.5 For our purposes, the question is whether this general argument applies to Petra. Zbigniew Fiema (1992; 2001a; 2002) has argued that Petra — which in the mid-5th century had become the capital of the province of Palaestina Tertia (Dan 1982: 137) — was by the late 6th century no longer an urban center at all. Russell (1985: 45), likewise, argued that Petra was not rebuilt following the devastating earthquake of 551. Walmsley (2007a: 90) disagrees, arguing based on parallels to northern Jordan and the “attitude-based [as opposed to evidence-based, primarily due to an absence of evidence] deductions that continue to dominate archaeological research in south Jordan,” that the Late Byzantine decline of Petra may be an imagined one. Certainly the Petra region was not abandoned in the late 6th century. Khairieh ‘Amr and Ahmad al-Momani (2011) have compiled data from various surveys near Petra and found that, of 28 Byzantine sites — some of them rather large agricultural villages — at least 11 continued to “Not Found in the Order of History” 181 be occupied into the Early Islamic period. In southern Jordan, where separating 6th and 7th century ceramic assemblages remains difficult, this likely understates the degree of continuity. This brings up the question, however, of the nature of this continuity. A key point, for Walmsley (2007a: 90), is that the Petra Church was assumed to have been destroyed in the earthquake of 551, until the discovery in the church itself of papyri post-dating this event (known as the Petra Papyri). It is worth considering, though, the economic situation portrayed in the Petra Papyri. These documents are concerned not with trade, but rather ownership of land (Fiema 2001b: 427) and agriculture (Caldwell and Gagos 2007; Nasarat, et al. 2012). The archaeological evidence, too, indicates a shift toward an agricultural economy. Few of the excavated structures within the city center of Petra have shown continuity into the 6th and 7th centuries (Perry and Bikai 2007: 441-442), with the exception of the Pool Complex, which was reused as a lime kiln in the 6th century (Bedal 2003: 80-82). Many of the agricultural villages in Petra’s hinterland — both in Wadi Musa and farther to the south in the Jabal al- Shara region — continued to be occupied, however ('Amr and al-Momani 2011; 'Amr, et al. 2000; Tholbecq 2001). Beyond these agricultural settlements, the other features within Petra that show continuity into the late 6th century and later are religious in nature. The Petra Church was in use until at least 593, the date of the latest papyrus scroll (Perry and Bikai 2007: 442). The monastery on Jabal Harun, too, was occupied into the Early Islamic period (Fiema and Frösén 2008; especially Gerber 2008), and likely continued to be occupied at least until the mid-10th century, when it is mentioned by al-Mas‘udi, a geographer, as a Christian holy place (Schick 1997: 305). Evidence of continued agricultural and religious settlement is abundant, then, but there is little to suggest that Petra continued to be an urban center. Fiema (2001b: 432-433) argues that Petra’s situation in the 6th century may have been “more typical than usually suspected,” and that the urban changes characteristic of the late Byzantine period Levant were simply more pronounced there (see also Caldwell and Gagos 2007: 427-428). This view, however, seems to place undue weight on formal changes “typical” of Late Byzantine-Early Islamic cities, while ignoring the economic and social shifts underlying them. In this regard, in fact, Petra seems exceptional. While many cities became “less organized” — or, more accurately, less classical — as a result of an increasing focus on trade and industry (Avni 2011; Pentz 1992: 49-52; Walmsley 2007a: 31- 47), Petra seems to have gone through the opposite sort of change. Kouki (2009: 50-51) argues that Petra’s role as a center of interregional trade had 182 Chapter Twelve essentially ceased by the end of the 4th century, and that the 5th and 6th centuries are marked primarily by a nucleation of rural settlement and the rise of the landed elite. The typical model of Late Byzantine-Early Islamic urban change, then, does not seem to be applicable to Petra, and this may have implications for nearby areas, such as Faynan.

The Byzantine-Islamic Transition at Phaeno

Phaeno, unlike Petra, had never been an important urban center, but rather, at its height, a large town supporting a metallum. Nonetheless, its absence from historical sources of the Early Islamic period raises the same questions as Petra’s absence. Was Phaeno occupied up to and following the Islamic conquest and, if so, what was the nature of that occupation? Historically, there are no substantial references to Phaeno after 536 AD, when the town was mentioned as the seat of a bishopric in the proceedings of a Synod in Jerusalem (Millar 2008: 79). George of Cyprus (1890: 205), writing around the turn of the 7th century, mentions it as part of a list of places, but this entry gives little insight into the status of the town at this time. Archaeologically, a dedicatory inscription was found in the early 20th century in a building commonly identified as a monastery at Khirbat Faynan, dating its construction (or reconstruction) to 587 or 588 AD (Alt 1935: 65; Sartre 1993: 146). The Wadi Faynan Landscape Survey (Tomber 2007), as well as the 2011 and 2012 ELRAP excavations in Khirbat Faynan Areas 16 and 18 (Levy, et al. In press)6, identified continuity of settlement from the Byzantine period until at least the mid-8th century. Finally, to the west in Wadi Fidan, radiocarbon dating shows that the Roman caravanserai at Khirbat Hamra Ifdan continued to be used into the late 8th or possibly even late 9th century (Ben-Yosef, et al. In press: Table 12.1). The nature of settlement in the Late Byzantine and Early Islamic periods is less certain, and one of the major open questions is when Phaeno ceased to be a metallum. There have been many proposed dates, ranging from Weisgerber’s (2006: 25) assertion that no copper was produced after the early 4th century to Friedman’s (2008: 54-55) view that industrial scale copper production may have continued into the 6th century. Both of these views overstate the case, however. Given the evidence, Hauptmann’s (2007: 156) suggestion that by the late 5th century Phaeno was no longer a major center of copper production is likely correct. Without going into excessive detail, it is worth summarizing this evidence. The key sources of direct evidence for copper production are slag mounds — a somewhat misleading term for large piles of “Not Found in the Order of History” 183 metallurgical waste made up of both the unwanted components of the smelted ore (i.e. slag), as well as significant quantities of charcoal, furnace material, refractory ceramics, and “domestic (not pyrotechnological) debris” such as ash and potsherds (Ben-Yosef, et al. 2010: 732). Only one slag mound dating to the Roman and Byzantine periods — known as Faynan 1 — has been identified at Khirbat Faynan (Hauptmann 2007: 96). The latest radiocarbon date obtained from charcoal collected by the DBM probe in Faynan 1 is 143-323 AD (HD 14097, cal. 1-sigma, uncal. 1790±40; Hauptmann 2007: 89, Table. 5.1).7 Even allowing, following Hauptmann (2007: 155), for an error of 100 years for old wood, this places the latest phase of use for Faynan 1 no later than the early 5th century.8 Likewise, numismatic data collected by the DBM show a peak in coin frequency in the 4th century, followed by a decline after about 420 AD (Hauptmann 2007: 155-156; Kind, et al. 2005). There are other factors that might explain the decline in coin frequencies (Friedman 2008: 49-54; Mattingly, et al. 2007: 332-333) — not least of which is the fact that the majority of the coins were without archaeological provenance and purchased from local Bedouin — but the two sources of evidence, taken together, suggest a shift in the economy of Phaeno. Friedman (2008: 55) notes that several mines in Faynan have yielded a few Late Byzantine sherds, which may indicate limited smelting continuing into the 6th century. This is certainly possible, but without direct evidence for smelting, it is difficult to argue that this indicates a continuation of industrial-scale production. Likewise, this highlights the difficulty of dating mines using surface collected ceramics. As an extreme example, surface collection from several mines in Wadi al-Jariya yielded ceramics dating to the 18th-19th centuries AD (Jones, et al. 2012: 74-79). These are, however, almost certainly indicative of later pastoral reuse of this mining landscape, and not of a Late Ottoman copper industry in Faynan. Recently, soil pollution data from the area surrounding Khirbat Faynan has also been used to suggest that copper production continued into the 6th, or even early 7th, century (Friedman 2008: 55; Grattan, et al. 2007; Grattan, et al. 2013; Mattingly, et al. 2007). A full discussion of this evidence is well beyond the scope of this paper. However, several points are worth noting. Although this data is, for our purposes here, a proxy for more direct evidence of copper production, it is a reliable one. The problem is, instead, that this evidence comes from contexts that, although they can be dated accurately, cannot be dated precisely. The key radiocarbon date for this argument spans (cal. 1-sigma) the 5th to mid-6th centuries (Friedman 2008: 55; Grattan, et al. 2007: 97). Even considering 184 Chapter Twelve that this sample was taken 10 cm below the top of this polluted context, arguing that this indicates a continuity of industrial-scale production into the 6th century requires making assumptions about both the date and the scale of production that are difficult to justify in the absence of additional evidence. Phaeno, then, seems to have followed a pattern similar to Petra’s. At some point, likely in the early to mid-5th century, Phaeno ceased to be important as an imperial metallum. It was certainly not abandoned at this time, but rather the nature of the settlement shifted, primarily to religion and agriculture. Five churches have been identified at Khirbat Faynan — as many as at Humayma and one more than at Petra (Schick 2001: 583). This suggests that Phaeno’s history as a metallum, and specifically a site of Christian martyrdom, remained important to the Christians of the southern Levant. The dates of construction of these churches are uncertain, as none has yet been excavated, but the monastery inscription shows that religious buildings were being constructed — or, at least, rebuilt — into the late 6th century. Other construction is evident at the site, as well. Preliminary analysis of excavated material from the cistern complex in Area 18 suggests that it was built in the 5th or 6th century (Bennallack, et al. In prep.). The extensive field systems associated with the site, too, remained in use. However, some areas were abandoned, and the irrigation channels were adapted to smaller, more numerous plots (Friedman 2013: 311). Friedman suggests that these changes are due either to environmental factors or a return to “earlier decentralized farming practices” following the withdrawal of the administrative apparatus supporting the metallum. We argue that, although both of these factors likely played a role, the latter is consistent with the lack of evidence for copper production in this period, and the apparent shift toward agricultural and religious settlement evident at Phaeno and in the Petra region. Overall, the importance of this region of southern Jordan to the economy of the southern Levant seems to have waned in the 5th and 6th centuries, as its settlements became less commercial and industrial, and increasingly oriented toward agriculture and religion. It is important to stress, though, that this is not meant to be a general argument about the Byzantine Empire in the 6th century. The site of Bir Umm Fawakhir in Egypt’s Eastern Desert, for example, continued to be an active Byzantine gold mining settlement in the 5th and 6th centuries AD (Meyer, et al. 2000). Likewise, as discussed above, Petra is not typical of the cities of the southern Levant in the 5th and 6th centuries. As they became increasingly “Not Found in the Order of History” 185 commercial, Petra became less so. To the northwest, Faynan continued to be occupied at least to the end of the 8th century, if not later, but little, if any, copper was produced there in the 6th to 11th centuries.

Industry and Economy in Southernmost Jordan and Israel

In the southern ‘Araba, though, very different patterns are evident. Several copper production sites in the Timna region, primarily the smelting camp at Be’er Ora (Rothenberg 1988) and mines in Wadi Amram (Willies 1991), were active in the 7th-10th centuries. On the Jordanian side — in terms of modern borders — of the southern ‘Araba, the currently unpublished 2012 ELRAP excavations at the site of Khirbat al-Mana’ya, which shares Timna’s original Arabic name (Ben-Yosef 2012: 64), have shown it to be an Early Islamic period copper smelting camp. In total, an estimated 350-600 tons of copper were produced in the southern ‘Araba in the 7th-10th centuries (see estimates in Avner and Magness 1998; Ben- Yosef 2012). In addition to copper smelting sites, many villages, kilns, quarries and agricultural sites have been identified in the region (Avner and Magness 1998). In contrast to the patterns evident in the northern ‘Araba, in the southern ‘Araba the 7th century was a period of growth in industrial and commercial activity. As Avner and Magness (1998), Damgaard (2009) and Whitcomb (2006) have argued, the Early Islamic settlements of the southern ‘Araba served primarily to support the growing port city of Ayla — modern ‘Aqaba. Much of the copper produced in the southern ‘Araba would have been consumed in Ayla itself, and most was probably used in the southern Levant, but some was also likely sent to other Red Sea ports. During this period Ayla was the northern terminus of the Red Sea and Indian Ocean trade, and its hinterland in the southern ‘Araba would have been linked to this trade system (Damgaard 2009). The same shifts in commercial patterns that led to the decline of the northern ‘Araba, then, would also eventually lead to the growth of Ayla and the southern ‘Araba. The copper output of the southern ‘Araba in the Early Islamic period, at less than 1,000 tons, was very small compared to the major copper production centers, such as ‘Oman, where 50,000-60,000 tons of copper were produced during the same period (Hauptmann 1985: 115). Nevertheless, the much more modest southern ‘Araba production, combined with the copper produced alongside gold and silver at the mines in northwest Arabia (see Heck 1999; Heck 2003), would have been substantial at a local level. Certainly, copper production in Early Islamic Timna never reached the level of Roman and Early Byzantine Faynan, but 186 Chapter Twelve this does illustrate the degree to which regional variation is important to recognize. While Faynan and Petra became less commercial and industrial during the 5th-8th centuries, the opposite occurred only 105 km to the south.

Change or Decline?

In addressing the changes that occurred in the 6th-8th century Levant, one must inevitably address the issue of “decline.” As Avni (2011: 325- 327) has pointed out, there is a tendency among some scholars — even some who prefer to think in terms of “change,” rather than “decline” — to conclude that the changes in settlement patterns and economy of the Late Byzantine-Early Islamic period ultimately represent some sort of decline. It does not seem that these are the most productive points of discussion, and here it would be useful to engage more deeply with medieval history and archaeology. Kennedy (1985: 4) and Avni (2011: 324-325) have both noted the striking difference between the decline of cities in the Western Roman Empire beginning in the 3rd century and the changes that occurred in the Levant. The term “decline,” however, has also been debated for the west, in broader terms than for the Levant. In terms of some specific issues — for example, contested claims to Roman identity in the early medieval period (see Ando 2008: 33-34) — the Islamic world is peripheral to this debate. More generally, though, this broader debate is quite relevant to the Levant, and the Levant to it. Liebeschuetz (2001: 6-7) argues that the tendency of late 20th (and now early 21st) century scholars to avoid the concept of “decline” is ultimately the result of political concerns, and specifically acceptance of a “post- modern, post-traditional” “multiculturalism.” It is difficult to see the resistance to the narrative of decline in the Early Islamic Levant in the same way, however. While previous assumptions about the negative effects of Islamic rule played a role, the debate in the Levant has primarily revolved around whether the model of decline actually fits the archaeological data. Ando’s (2008) suggestion, that value judgments like “decline” depend inherently on both the phenomena being considered and the period and region being bracketed, better characterizes the problem. This does not entirely exclude discussion of decline, as Liebeschuetz (2001: 7-11) argues, but rather requires us to consider what actually declined, and how “decline” is defined.9 In terms of the “decline” of cities discussed above, this forces not only a consideration of whether urban form or economy is a more important “Not Found in the Order of History” 187 aspect of the city, but also an acknowledgment that unconscious assumptions about classical aesthetics play a role in this judgment. The examples presented in this paper bring up other issues. Considering southern Jordan, while Petra can be said to decline in the 5th-6th centuries, does this apply generally to the region, as the economy shifted toward Ayla and the Red Sea? Certainly classical Petra was a vibrant, important commercial center, but was Early Islamic Ayla, described in the late 10th century as “the great port of Palestine and the emporium of the Hijjâz [northwest Arabia]” (al-Muqaddasi 1896: 64), less so? Ultimately, this value judgment is less important than the more substantive question of how shifts in economy, society, and settlement actually played out, and indeed it is difficult to attempt to answer the former without first having a good grasp of the latter. Likewise, given the currently available data, it is difficult to make a judgment about the ‘Araba copper industry specifically. The Faynan industry did decline following its Late Roman peak, and production in the southern Levant never again reached that intensity. In northwest Arabia, on the other hand, Early Islamic copper production seems to have been quite significant (Heck 1999; Heck 2003). Whether we consider this a shift or decline depends on how the region being considered is defined, and also likely requires better estimates for the amount of copper produced in northwest Arabia than are currently available. Even when these shifts are clearer, “decline” can be difficult to define. Certainly, Phaeno’s interregional economic importance in the 6th century had declined compared to the 3rd. At the same time, it also seems certain that the average resident of late Byzantine Phaeno would have found it a more pleasant place than a late 3rd century Christian condemned to the mines. The question of decline, then, brings with it implicit, and often unstated, judgments about what aspects of ancient life should be considered important. As Ando (2008: 38) argues, even economic changes in Late Antiquity that should be seen as decline “occurred to different degrees in different regions of the empire.” The recognition of this complexity should not, however, preclude scholarly exchange between archaeologists working in Europe and the Levant. Rather, the necessity of interrogating these issues at the local level requires this sort of interaction to assemble a coherent picture of the change, and in some cases decline, that occurred in the 5th-8th centuries. 188 Chapter Twelve

The 12th-13th Centuries and the Expansion of the Levantine Sugar Industry

Following the prosperity of the Early Islamic period, the 11th century seems to have been a period of decline for the southern ‘Araba and northwest Arabia. This may have been the result of a combination of Bedouin raids in 1024 (Power 2012: 137), earthquakes in 1068 and/or 1072/3 (Glidden 1960; Poirier and Taher 1980; Power 2012: 137; Whitcomb 1988a: 6; Zilberman, et al. 2005), and region-wide climate change in the 10th and 11th centuries (Ellenblum 2012). By the time the Crusaders captured Ayla in 1116, many of the hinterland settlements were no longer occupied (Avner and Magness 1998: 52; Power 2012: 137), and the arrival of the Crusaders completed the process (Whitcomb 1988b: 222). Ayla was cut off from the Indian Ocean trade, settlement in the city contracted quite dramatically (see Whitcomb 1988b; Whitcomb 2010), and the majority of the surviving hinterland settlements, including the copper mines, were abandoned.

The Resumption of Copper Production in Faynan

Not long after this, however, the copper industry was revived on a smaller scale in Faynan at the sites of Khirbat Nuqayb al-Asaymir (Arabic for “Ruin of the Small Black Pass”; henceforth KNA) and Khirbat Faynan. The Faynan region had, by this point, ceased to appear in any historical sources. We are aware of no Middle Islamic period Arabic sources that mention Faynan, and references in European sources, such as Fetellus (1971: 20), recognize it only as a stop on the Exodus itinerary (see Num. 33: 42-43). As such, archaeology is our only source of information on the copper industry in this period. ELRAP has now conducted two seasons of excavation at KNA — in 2011 and 2012 — in five areas of the site (Fig. 12-6): a copper smelting workshop (Area X), two domestic buildings (Areas A and Y), a possible communal hearth (Area D) and a public building later re-used for metallurgy (Area Z). One of the immediate insights of these excavations has been that KNA is truly a single-period Middle Islamic site; none of the five excavation areas showed any evidence of an earlier occupation. Likewise, we now have a much better sense of when exactly this period of occupation was. Previous surveys have tended to date KNA as either 13th century Mamluk (Hauptmann, et al. 1985) or “Ayyubid/Mamluk” (Hauptmann 2007; Newson, et al. 2007), but our analysis of ceramics collected during survey in 2002 led us to suggest that the site was founded “Not Found in the Order of History” 189

Figure 12-74: Map of Khirbat Nuqayb al-Asaymir with ELRAP excavation areas labelled. Background image: IKONOS satellite imagery courtesy of GeoEye. GeoEye Data is owned by GeoEye, Inc. All rights are reserved by GeoEye, Inc. as early as the late 12th century, and primarily occupied during the early 13th century — essentially, the Ayyubid period (Jones, et al. 2012: 88-89). Our recent excavations have confirmed this dating. Preliminary analysis of excavated material from Area Z (Fig. 12-7) — the only excavation area at 190 Chapter Twelve

KNA with multiple strata — suggests that the earlier of the two main occupation strata (Stratum Z2B) contains material dating to the late 12th century, while the later stratum (Stratum Z2A) contains material dating to the early 13th century. Preliminary radiocarbon evidence from the smelting workshop in Area X likewise suggests a slightly earlier date of 1049-1210 AD (AA-99135, cal. 1-sigma, uncal. 891±38; Jones, et al. In prep.; Jones, et al. Under review). Coins collected by the DBM show that the site was occupied until at least 1234 AD/632 AH (Kind, et al. 2005: 179), but there is presently no evidence that copper continued to be produced there after the beginning of Mamluk rule in the 1260s.

Figure 12-75: KNA Area Z after excavation.

Previously, we suggested that copper production might have shifted to Khirbat Faynan in the Mamluk period (Jones, et al. 2012: 88-89), based primarily on 14th century AD/8th century AH coins found near the small, Middle Islamic period slag mounds: Faynan 2 and Faynan 6/Area 15 (Kind, et al. 2005: 179). During the 2012 field season, ELRAP conducted a small excavation in the Area 15 (Faynan 6) slag mound, just outside of the 6th century monastery (Fig. 12-8). Two charcoal samples from this excavation have been radiocarbon dated, and both produced dates in the mid-11th to early 13th centuries (cal. 1-sigma; Bennallack, et al. In prep.; Jones, et al. Under review). Based on this preliminary evidence, it appears “Not Found in the Order of History” 191

Figure 12-76: Khirbat Faynan Area 15 slag mound after excavation, with an exterior wall of the Byzantine "monastery" visible in the section.

192 Chapter Twelve that Middle Islamic copper production at Khirbat Faynan was contemporary with that at KNA. At this stage, we can offer the following conclusions about this industry. First, KNA seems to have been founded not long after the Franks were ousted from Transjordan in 1188-1189.10 It is possible that KNA was a Crusader foundation, especially considering that Crusader (early to mid- 12th century) assemblages in southern Jordan (e.g. Brown 1987; Sinibaldi 2009; Sinibaldi and Tuttle 2011; Tonghini and Desideri 2001; Vannini and Tonghini 1997) are overwhelmingly “local” in character. This is difficult to rule out, but preliminary analysis of the ceramic and numismatic evidence suggests a date in the late 12th century. Ongoing analysis of the excavated material will clarify this point. The date of KNA’s foundation has led us to argue that the resumption of copper production in Faynan was linked to the increasing economic importance of sugar production in the late 12th century (Jones, et al. 2012). While the earliest dates for large-scale sugar production in the Jordan Valley and around the Dead Sea are not entirely clear, there are some historical clues. Sugar was produced in the Levant at least as early as the 10th century (Sato 2009: 10), but in the mid-12th century al-Idrisi (1836: 339) lists indigo, and not sugar cane, as the main crop of the Jordan Valley (LaGro 2002: 26). At the beginning of the 13th century, however, Yaqut states that the Jordan River’s water “is mainly used for the sugar” (qtd. by LaGro 2002: 26), and by the end of that century sugar production had become one of the most important aspects of the economy of Transjordan. This is borne out by the archaeological evidence, as well. In her M.A. thesis, Edna Stern (1999) discusses 43 sugar production sites in Israel and Jordan. Of these, only one could be dated securely to the 12th century, while the majority dated to the 13th century. Sugar production on a large scale, then, seems to have begun in the late 12th and early 13th centuries, coinciding rather closely with the revival of the Faynan copper industry. The connection between these two industries is likely not a coincidence. Sugar production requires copper, in the form of large boiling vessels known in Arabic as dusut (pl. of dast).11 Very few of these vessels have been found (rare examples include Agnoletti 2009; Peled 1999: 256), but based on those that have, as well as excavations of sugar mills — especially Kouklia-Stavros in Cyprus, where a complete boiling room was excavated (von Wartburg 1995; von Wartburg and Maier 1989) — and historical evidence, we have estimated the amount of copper the sugar industry in Jordan would have required (see Jones, et al. 2012: 92-95 for a more detailed description of these estimates). Each dast contained about 150 kg of copper, and eight were required for each millstone at a sugar “Not Found in the Order of History” 193 factory.12 Each sugar factory would, therefore, have required at least one ton of copper to operate, in addition to the amount required for replacement and repair. We estimate that the medieval sugar industry in the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea region would have required, at minimum, 46-78 tons of copper to operate (Jones, et al. 2012: 94). Hauptmann (2007: 147) estimates that 100-150 tons of copper were produced at KNA and Khirbat Faynan in the Middle Islamic period. KNA alone, with an estimated production of 65-100 tons (Hauptmann 2007: 126), could have provisioned the sugar industry and produced a small surplus for use in coins, kitchen utensils, decorative elements, or other items. The dates, likewise, are suggestive, with copper production occurring at both sites during the sugar industry’s period of peak growth.

Faynan in Its Ayyubid Context

One question that has driven our research, and that is particularly relevant in the context of this paper, is what motivated the foundation of KNA. Why, in other words, revive the Faynan copper industry, rather than importing copper to produce dusut? This question is especially important considering that the area between Karak and Shawbak — especially south of the Dead Sea — was under somewhat autonomous Bedouin control (Franz 2008: 137). As such, establishing a state-run copper mining operation in a fairly remote part of this region would not have been a trivial task. We have suggested — following Coughenour’s (1976) explanation of the resumption of iron production in the ‘Ajlun region of northern Jordan — that this may be related to 12th and 13th century Papal bans on the trade of metal and timber with Muslims (Jones, et al. 2012: 95). While these bans were often ignored, especially by Italian traders (Ashtor 1976: 240-241), they were occasionally, if reluctantly, enforced (Lopez 1987: 350). Even the threat of enforcement may have been enough to make a local source of copper very attractive. This explains both the relatively small amount of copper produced, and the relatively short duration of production. By the 14th century, it may simply have been easier to use copper imported from Europe. This answer is not entirely satisfactory, however. Certainly these international religious and economic factors played a role, but it is likely that the regional political situation, specific to the Ayyubid period, was at least as large a factor. Levantine archaeologists, in particular, have a tendency to lump the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods together, most visible in the tendency for survey reports to describe ceramics as “Ayyubid/Mamluk.” From an archaeological perspective, although problematic, this grouping 194 Chapter Twelve has some merit. Ayyubid rule of southern Jordan lasted just over 70 years, and changes in ceramic styles are often neither quick nor exactly coincident with political change (Adams 1979). In fact, Walker (1999: 211) has argued that the paucity of Ayyubid period settlement at many sites was the result of “over-categorizing ceramic types,” many of which are present in multiple dynastic, or even archaeological, periods. Nonetheless, this grouping tends to mask some important differences. The Ayyubid polity is often conceived of as a state or empire, with the Mamluks taking over, in 1260, an area that was already largely unified, but threatened by the Mongol conquest of northern Syria. This is not an accurate portrayal, however. W. W. Clifford (2013) argued in his posthumously published dissertation that the mid-13th century should be seen as a period of Mamluk secondary state formation, framing in anthropological terms the process of political centralization that began — perhaps unintentionally, at first — during the reign of the Ayyubid sultan al-Salih Ayyub (r. 1240-1249; Humphreys 1977b: 283-307). In Clifford’s (2013: 46) view, the Ayyubid polity was not a state, but rather a “chieftaincy.” This echoes Humphreys’ (1998: 5) statement that “[t]he Ayyubid domination did not represent any sort of unified and centralized state; it was rather a confederation of autonomous appanages or principalities. (At least the principalities desperately desired to be autonomous)” (see also Humphreys 1977a: 68-69; Humphreys 1977b: 10). In the late 12th and early 13th centuries, then, Egypt and the Levant13 did not represent a single political unit under the control of the sultan in Cairo. Rather, these regions contained a number of separate political units, the most important of which for the purposes of this paper were based in Cairo, Damascus, and Karak. The Emirate of Karak, although generally under the control of the amir of Damascus, was from 1228-1263 a semiautonomous political unit (Humphreys 1977b: 384), which at its height included almost all of the territory of modern Jordan (Walker 2011: 9). It is worth considering, in this context, the Ayyubid conception of the sultan. This title was rarely granted to Ayyubid amirs by the caliph in Baghdad, and the Ayyubids seem to have used the term to refer to any autonomous amir of an important province; as an example, al-Mu‘azzam ‘Isa, amir of Damascus and Karak, referred to himself as sultan, even while his father, al-‘Adil I, was sultan of Egypt (Humphreys 1977b: 365- 369). It seems likely that tensions between these competing Ayyubid factions were as responsible for the revival of the Faynan copper industry as the Third and Fourth Lateran Councils were. We would now explain the revival of the Faynan industry as follows. Following the Third Crusade and the fall of Acre in 1191, the coastal “Not Found in the Order of History” 195

Levant — including all of the major ports — came under the control of the Crusaders (Boas 1998). The only coast within the province of Damascus, in fact, was the Red Sea coast at Ayla, and the Ayyubids’ interests here were primarily defensive, not economic (Milwright 2006: 9-10). The province of Damascus, therefore, had no access to the Mediterranean — or, for that matter, maritime trade in general. While Egypt did, it does not seem that this would have benefitted Syria. The late 12th century was a difficult period economically for Egypt (Humphreys 1977b: 80-81), and any restrictions on trade as a result of enforcement of Papal bans would have ensured that European goods that did enter Egypt would have remained there. The sugar industry of the Jordan Valley and Dead Sea region, under the control of Damascus and Karak, would not have had access to European copper, and a local source such as Faynan would have been essential. The lack of evidence for Mamluk period smelting in Faynan can be explained in similar terms. Following the execution of the last Ayyubid amir of Karak — al-Mughith ‘Umar II — in 1263, the Emirate of Karak fell under the control of the Mamluk state in Egypt (Amitai-Preiss 1997: 10-11). What copper the Levantine sugar industry required could, at this point, likely have been more easily provisioned through trade with Europe, and specifically Venice.

Conclusion

Considering both Faynan’s remote location at the desert fringe in southern Jordan, and its relative absence from historical accounts, the degree to which it is relevant to a broader, interregional archaeology is perhaps surprising. Both of these case studies, though, demonstrate Faynan’s potential to contribute to larger archaeological debates. First, the changes that occurred in Faynan in the 5th-7th centuries demonstrate that the transition from Roman and Byzantine to Islamic or “medieval” is not a single process — even considering only the Levant — but must be viewed from a more specific regional level. Continuity of the Roman metallum at Phaeno into the Byzantine period depended heavily on continuing imperial investment in the operation, and in southern Jordan more generally. As the empire gradually withdrew from southern Jordan, the economy of Phaeno turned from copper production to agriculture and monasticism. This industry was not revived in the Early Islamic period, and production instead shifted southward to Timna, oriented toward Ayla, northwest Arabia, and the Red Sea beyond. This industry, and settlement in the southern ‘Araba in general, went into decline only in the 11th century, and did not survive the arrival of the Crusaders. This is relevant not only to 196 Chapter Twelve history and archaeology, but is also important to anthropological debates on the nature of decline and collapse in large-scale societies. Second, the revival of the Faynan copper industry following the Ayyubid conquest of Crusader Transjordan serves as an example of how the interaction of regional political and social factors with interregional economic structures plays out on a local level. Copper production was most likely revived to provision the sugar industry, which went through a period of considerable growth in the late 12th and early 13th centuries. Papal bans on trade may have played a role in this revival, but ultimately political divisions within the Ayyubid Empire and the reoccupation of the coastal Levant by the Crusaders left Damascus, and therefore the Levantine sugar industry, without access to maritime trade. This made copper production in Faynan, if only briefly, necessary for the Ayyubids. As with the first example, this is not only a historical question, but has broader relevance to anthropological theory on secondary state formation, trade, and provisioning. Both of these case studies demonstrate the utility of thinking about Islamic archaeology in the context of an anthropological medieval archaeology. Our goal is not to suggest any particular similarities between Europe and the Levant, or that either Islamic or medieval archaeology should, in some way, be subordinate to the other. Rather, we highlight the potential of seeing Europe and the Levant as connected, even after the dismantling of the Roman Empire.14 . From West to East: Current Approaches to Medieval Archaeology 205

Chapter Twelve

1 Even this is perhaps too narrow. Walker and LaBianca (2003: 448) define their “Late Islamic IIb-modern” period as spanning 1800 AD to the present, and the Great Arab Revolt of 1916-1918 has recently been the focus of an archaeological project (Saunders and Faulkner 2010). The issue is likewise complicated by the presence of non-Muslim communities in the Islamic world, the variability of Islamic culture between regions, and the occasional rule over certain regions by European polities. 2 To get a sense of the extent to which interest has increased in the past two decades, one can compare Whitcomb’s (1997) summary of the state of the art — which covers the Mamluk period in Egypt and the Levant in nine pages — to Walker’s (2010; 2013) more recent summaries, the first of which devotes more than five times as many pages as Whitcomb to the southern Levant alone. 3 The exact distance on roads is more difficult to determine, and would likely have changed through time. Using the Mamluk era routes as an example, it is possible that Faynan would have been linked to Gaza rather indirectly through the Karak- Hebron-Gaza road, or perhaps more directly via a smaller road across the ‘Araba connected to the Ayla-Gaza road (for these roads, see Abu Mustafa 2006: 78-80). 4 This view still has its adherents, though on a limited scope and “with significant caveats in mind” (Holum 2011: 11). While a discussion of his arguments regarding the “decline and fall” of Caesarea Maritima is outside the scope of this paper, we will demonstrate that, contrary to Holum’s (2011: 16) assertion, it is possible to consider “social and economic structures to be more important than urban architecture” without accepting the “decline and fall” model of the Islamic conquest. 5 An 8th-9th century date for this decline is likely too early. Avni (2011: 308) points out that Tiberias, for example, was a larger city in the 10th century than it had been during the Byzantine period. Considering only southern Jordan, identifying 9th-11th century settlement is complicated by the difficulty of identifying ceramics of this period, especially from surface contexts (Schick 1997). However, excavations and surveys — first in al-‘Aqaba (Whitcomb 1988b) and more recently in the Petra region (e.g. 'Amr, et al. 2000; Knabb, et al. 2013; Lindner, et al. 1996; Lindner 1999), the plateau to the north of Faynan (Walmsley and Grey 2001), and the southern Dead Sea region (Grey and Politis 2012: 183; Politis, et al. 2009; Whitcomb 1992b) — have revealed evidence for continuity of settlement in this period. In a recent synthesis, Ellenblum (2012) convincingly argues for a “collapse” of the eastern Mediterranean in the 10th and especially 11th centuries AD, which was primarily climate driven and exacerbated in some regions by other natural and historical events, such as those discussed below for the southern ‘Araba. While settlement in specific regions, such as the northern Negev, may have declined in the 8th-9th centuries, the region as a whole seems to have flourished prior to this climatic event. 6 This reference is to the preliminary report of the 2011 excavations of Area 16. A preliminary report of the 2012 excavations in Areas 15, 16 and 18 is currently in 206 Notes preparation, and will appear in a forthcoming volume of the Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan (Bennallack, et al. In prep.). 7 Hauptmann (2007) cites this date from M. Steinhof’s 1994 M.A. thesis, and gives a calibrated date of 225-325 AD. We have recalibrated the raw date with OxCal 4.2 (Bronk Ramsey 2009; Bronk Ramsey and Lee 2013) using the new IntCal 13 curve (Reimer, et al. 2013). 8 Arguably, smaller-scale production post-dating this activity may be evident in parts of the mound not sampled by the DBM. Unfortunately, it is unlikely that additional data will be recovered from Faynan 1, especially for the later periods, as much of the top of the mound was bulldozed in 2011 to construct a tourist camp. 9 This issue is paralleled in the more general anthropological and archaeological literature on the concept of “collapse” (Butzer 2012; Correia 2013; Diamond 2005; McAnany and Yoffee 2010; Tainter 2006; Yoffee and Cowgill 1988). Ellenblum’s (2012) recent work, especially, frames the 10th-11th century Eastern Mediterranean decline directly in these terms. 10 The castles of Crac des Moabites (Karak) and Li Vaux Moïse (al-Wu‘ayra, in Petra) fell to the Ayyubids in 1188, and Montréal (Shawbak) — only 12.5 km southeast of Khirbat Faynan, as the crow flies — in 1189 (Brown 1987: 269). 11 The connection between sugar boiling vessels and copper is so strong, in fact, that in accounts of Caribbean plantations the English term “coppers” continued to be used to refer to the iron boilers that replaced copper ones in the 17th century (Meniketti 2006: 60-61, 79 n. 24) 12i Most sugar factories had only one millstone, but this was not always the case. Tawahin al-Sukkar (Arabic for “the sugar mills”) in Ghawr al-Safi — likely the closest sugar factory to Faynan — had three millstones (Politis 2010: 4). If all three millstones were active at one time, this factory would have required 24 dusut, containing at least 3.5 tons of copper. 13 As well as Yemen, which, although not relevant to this paper, was under Ayyubid control from 1173 until 1229 (Sadek 2003: 309). 14 We thank the Department of Antiquities of Jordan and especially Director of Excavations and Surveys, Jehad Haroun, for their support of the excavations described here. The excavations at KNA and Khirbat Faynan were made possible by grants from the Kershaw and Katzin Family Foundations to TEL. Portions of this work were supported by the National Science Foundation under IGERT Award #DGE-0966375, "Training, Research and Education in Engineering for Cultural Heritage Diagnostics" at the UCSD’s Center for Interdisciplinary Science in Art, Architecture and Archaeology (CISA3) at the Qualcomm Institute, to IWNJ. We are grateful for the support provided by the American Center of Oriental Research in Amman, Jordan, especially Director Dr. Barbara Porter and Associate Director Dr. Christopher Tuttle. We thank our ‘Azazmeh, ‘Amarin and al-Manaja Bedouin workers, ELRAP field staff, UCSD undergraduates and volunteers, and especially KNA and Khirbat Faynan field supervisors and assistant supervisors, Kathleen Bennallack, Aaron Gidding, Claire McConnell, Elaine Zamora, and Ashley Richter. We would especially like to thank the participants in the first Conference on Medieval Archaeology for their comments on a shorter draft of this paper, as well as Scott Stull for giving us the opportunity to present From West to East: Current Approaches to Medieval Archaeology 207 that paper and contribute to the present volume. Any errors in this work are, of course, our own. We would like to acknowledge GeoEye for generously providing the IKONOS satellite imagery used in this work. Finally, we thank the Royal Society for the Conservation of Nature (RSCN) in Jordan for their help and cooperation. KNA is located in the RSCN Dana Biosphere Reserve protected area.

240 Bibliography

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