The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramatta: Site of Avoidance and Deprivation, Or Island of Adjustment and Participation?

228

The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramatta: Site of Avoidance and Deprivation, or Island of Adjustment and Participation?

KEVIN M. DUNN

The Vietnamese over-representation around Cabramatta in western Sydney has been unfavourably looked upon by politicians, the public and academics. Both inclusionary and exclusionary forces of ethnic concentration have contributed to the concentration of Vietnamese in Cabramatta, in a reflexive and inter-related way that often makes a tax- onomy of agency and structure dificult. Evidence from informal interviews with key informants of the Vietnamese communities andfrom doc- umented international experiences are drawn upon to show us that ethnic concentration is not necessarily a negative phenomenon. The positive aspects of Vietnamese concentration in Cabramatta should be capi- talised upon and social theorists should not be so quick always to damn ethnic concentrations.

With the demise of assimilationist settlement Chinese or Asian appearance. A report by policies in Australia, and the formulation of McAllister and Moore (1989, 8) positioned ‘multiculturalism’ (Office of Multicultural Vietnamese-Australians as the birth-place group Affairs, 1989), the right of all Australians to which experiences the least tolerance from the retain and express their culture was established. other groups in Australian society. This ethnic Yet the idea, or presence, of a spatial concentra- group, and, the suburb of Cabramatta provide a tion or expression of people of a certain cultures contemporary and topical focus for the study on is still frowned upon by many. The desire that the link between the social and spatial dimen- immigrants should residentially disperse and sions of ethnic relations in Australia. disappear into the urban milieu is a legacy of Fairfield LGA has higher percentages of the former assimilationist policy. The suburb of Vietnam-born than other Sydney LGAs (Fig. 1). Cabrarnatta, in the Fairfeld Local Government Further still, the Collector’s Districts (CDs) sur- Area (LGA) of Sydney’s western suburb, is rounding the suburb of Cabramatta have higher often unfavourably referred to as ‘Vietnamatta’, percentages of Vietnam-born than other due to the presence of many people of Indo- Fairfield CDs (Fig. 2). The cultural ambience and oriental icons in the suburb point to the Mr Dunn is a Lecturer in the Department of Geography, presence of Indo-Chinese-Australians around University of Newcastle. NSW. Cabramatta. This somewhat literary account by

Australian Geographical Studies 9 October I993 31(2): 228-245 The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramtta 229

Musgrave (1990, 16, 18) highlights the Indo- suburb of Cabramatta. Popular conceptions of Chinese ‘feel’ of the town: ‘Chinatowns’ and ‘ghettos’, as areas of vice and social menace (Anderson, 1987, 589-93), are Just 40 minutes down the Hume Highway reflected in the reporting on Cabramatta by from Sydney, sharp right and ... you step into some sections of the media. Any instances of a strange and wondrous oriental city, crime, or other disturbances such as Health Cabramatta ... We walked down alleyways Department raids upon restaurants (Allison, where the sights, smells, sounds made you 1990, 2), receive sensational treatment from the feel you were in Saigon, Bangkok, Hong popular press (Ethnic Affairs Commission of Kong ... anywhere but Australia. Your NSW, 1986, 3). The print media has described senses were sent reeling by the dazzling Cabramatta as the ‘Wild West’, and produced diversity of it all. Such sights! A Buddha headlines such as ‘Death in Cabramatta’ and with 1000 arms sharing a shop window with ‘Sydney’s Wild West: The War of the Gangs’ a telephone built into the arch of a scarlet (Brown and Sampton, 1988,81). stiletto. Research on ethnic concentrations has also Blainey (1988, 18) has expressed dissatisfac- tended to adopt a negative view. The ghetto or tion at the formation of a Vietnamese ‘ghetto’, enclave, is usually seen as a spatial result or which he labelled a ‘Little Saigon’, around the expression of the exclusion and marginalisation

Fig. 1 Percentage Vietnam-born of the population, LGAs. Sydney Metropolitan Region, 1991

0 I 10 15 z4 Source: ABS 1991 Census CI-CC-I- 230 Australian Geographical Srudies

Fig. 2 Percentage Vietnam- born of the population, CDs, Fairfield LGA. 199 1

of minority ethnic groups by the wider society an unpopular reaction. This was shown just (see Smith, 1989). Positive aspects of ethnic prior to the 1990 Federal election, when the per- concentration are often ignored. After consulta- ceived possibility of a Japanese ‘enclave’ being tion with Vietnamese-Australians in created, through the Multifunction Polis devel- Cabramatta, structural views of migrant settle- opment, was sufficient to force politicians to ment experience were felt to be somewhat dis- deny strenously that an ethnic enclave could empowering. It is argued here that a better way occur. From this point onward, unless the of analysing the concentration of the meaning and image of terms such as ‘enclave’, Vietnamese in Cabramatta, and of formulating ‘ghetto’ or ‘Chinatown’ are purposefully being policy for successful Vietnamese settlement, is sought, the less image-laden term ‘ethic concen- to utilise a less negative and more open view of tration’ will be used to refer to the spatial ethnic concentrations. The Commonwealth agglomeration of an ethnic or birthplace group. Government defined multicultural policy as having three broad dimensions: the right to While the Vietnamese are often referred to retain cultural identity and to express it, the as a single entity, there is important internal het- right to social justice and equal opportunity, and erogeneity according to class, ethnicity and reli- the need to fully utilise the economic potential gion. There are also specific gender, family sta- and abilities of all Australians (Office of tus and age variations in settlement experience Multicultural Affairs, 1989. vii). It may well that are only touched upon in this paper (see be the case for many Vietnamese-Australians, Alcorso, 1991 and Pittaway, 1991). The term that these three policy dimensions can be most ‘Vietnamese’ is used forthwith as a generic ref- easily achieved in suburbs of ethic concen- erence to all Vietnamese-Australians, be they tration such as Cabramatta. ethnic Chinese or ethnic Vietnamese. The term Terms like ‘ghetto’ and ‘Chinatown’ tradi- refugees will be used when specifically refer- tionally convey negative images. More recently ring to refugees, otherwise the discussion cov- in Australia, the term ‘enclave’ has experienced ers all forms of Vietnamese migrant. The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramatta 231

Aims and Method well such data represented the general feeling of The literature on ethic concentration shows that all respondents, or occasionally, to demonstrate there are many factors which can result in, or differences of opinion. contribute to, spatial agglomerations of an eth- The next section provides a brief statistical nic or birthplace group. According to structura- introduction to Fairfield LGA and the suburb of tion theory (see Giddens, 1979, or Warf, 1990) Cabramatta. The forces of exclusion and inclu- agency and structure act reflexively. In utilis- sion that are experienced by Vietnamese in ing this theory, the present paper examines Australia is then discussed. Attention is then forces of choice and agency in concentration, as focused upon explanations for the Vietnamese well as forces of exclusion. The general aims concentration in Cabramatta, followed by a con- are to establish first, the location choices of the sideration of theoretical and policy implica- Vietnamese in Cabramatta, and second, external tions. constraints operating to affect those choices (or lack of choice). Choice and constraint in A Quantitative Contexualisation behaviour was best examined through direct The five shaded LGAs in Figure 1, which all consultation with Vietnamese communities. had Vietnam-born population percentages of The major component of the present research two or more, captured almost 79 per cent of all methodology has a more qualitative form than Vietnam-born persons in the 44 LGAs of that of Burnley’s (1989), Wilson’s (1987, 1990) Sydney in 1991. Over eleven per cent of the and other specifically geographical research on Fairfield LGA population were Vietnam-born. the Vietnamese in Australia (see also Gardner et More than forty per cent of the forty-seven and af., 1983 and Carlow, 1987). Between June and half thousand Vietnam-born of Sydney in 1991, September 1990, taped in-depth interviews resided in Fairfield (Table 1). Although Table 1 were carried out with twenty informants from and Figure 1 show that other LGAs are impor- the Vietnamese communities around tant centres, the statistical pre-eminence of Cabramatta. It was felt that this methodological Fairfield LGA is obvious. It is within the LGA tack would work to supplement and extend of Fairfield that the level of ethnic residential upon prior research, which was of a more quan- concentration becomes more stark, the forty- titative nature and operated from the problem- nine CDs around Cabramatta (Figs. 2 & 3), hav- atic level where behavioural assumptions have ing an average Vietnam-born poulation of 23.9 to made from ecological abstraction (Galvin, per cent in 1991 (ABS, 1993). 1980). The sample was gained using elements Table 1: Vietnam-Born Populations for Sydney and 5 of both key informant selection (Tremblay, Selected LGAS, 1991 1982, 98-9) and snowball sampling (McNeill, 1985,35), in other words, informants were cho- Selected Viet.-born %of Sydney Total Viet.-born sen by the researcher according to their antici- Area pop. Viet.-born pop. % of LGAs pated contributory potential, or were suggested Fairfield LGA 19,410 40.7 175,145 11.1 by other informants. Interviewees included rep- Auburn LGA 3,245 6.8 48,553 6.7 resentatives of community organisations, social Manickville LGA 3,843 8.1 77.991 4.9 workers, local politicians and entrepreneurs. Bankstown LGA 6298 13.2 153,867 4.1 While transcribed interview data provides a Canterbury LGA 4.6% 9.9 129.254 3.6 better insight into the location decisions and Subtotal 37.492 78.6 584,810 6.4 constraints of the Vietnamese, it is a datum type Rest of Sydney 10,181 21.4 2,953,638 0.4 that is invariably hard to present succinctly. The selection of the interview excerpts pre- Total Sydney 47,673 100.1 3,538,448 1.4 sented here, was determined according to how Source: Aushalian Bureau of Statistics (ABS)Census, 1991 232 Australian Geographical Studies

Using indices of dissimilarity and segrega- Wilson (1987, 1990) applied a less quantita- tion, Burnley (1989, 138-9) found that while tive technique to the analysis of Vietnamese there was an overconcentration of the residential location and settlement in Sydney. Vietnamese in Cabrmatta, it was not of ghetto From a survey of 134 Vietnamese household proportion. From a vigorous investigation of heads, Wilson found that the Vietnamese in 1986 Census data, he concluded that the con- Sydney tend to reside in clusters within ‘... a centration around Cabramatta could be attrib- broad south-western corridor of the Sydney uted to four principal factors: the close proxim- metropolitan region’ (Wilson, 1987, 15; 1990, ity to Cabramatta of three of the four refugee- 172) (Fig. 1). These clusters were found along receiving migrant centres in Sydney; family linear transport routes such as rail lines, adja- reunion migration from overseas and from else- cent to industrial areas and to belts of medium where in Australia; the existence of rental density rental accommodation. Like Burnley, accommodation in the area; and the depressed Wilson (1990) also pointed to the institutional economic climate that precluded the ‘normal’ impact of settlement policy, in the form of residential dispersal of migrants that is associ- migrant centre locations, to explain concentra- ated with socio-economic adjustment. tions in suburbs like Cabramatta. Wilson also

REFERENCE

0.00-19.99 I I

Metres I I

Fig. 3 CDs of Vietnam-born concentration around the suburb of Cabramam The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramatta 233

detected a limited residential dispersal of ‘...because they don’t speak the language. Vietnamese households away from Cabramatta They haven’t got the confidence to go out toward the city. and have the interaction with different ethnic background people.’ Inclusion and Exclusion Blainey (1988, 18) and others such as Birrell Keys Young (1980a. 81) found that the (1990, 50-2) have argued that Vietnamese con- inability or refusal of refugees to speak English centration in Cabramatta and in other ‘little was the thing that most angered other Saigons’ is the combined outcome of that ethnic Australians, because they felt that ‘a migrant group not wanting to interact with the wider who comes to Australia and does not learn community, and the Federal Government’s English fails to meet his (sic) part of the bar- social policy of multiculturalism which encour- gain’. Cabramatta is seen by many in the wider ages ethnic groups to preserve their culture. All society, as an area where Vietnamese refugees respondents disagreed when asked whether they can avoid ‘fulfilling their part of the bargain’ felt that concentration was a result of the (Keys Young, 1980a. 80-1). A small number Vietnamese purposefully avoiding the wider of respondents accepted that Cabramatta did society. The respondents felt that the majority form a protective environment, in which some of Vietnamese were very keen to participate in Vietnamese could avoid participating with the Australian society. Those people thought to be wider society, but these respondents argued that less enthusiastic or able to involve themselves most Vietnamese were keen to participate in in the wider community included the Australian society, and avoidance was only the Vietnamese elderly, particularly those who case for a small number of Vietnamese. One could not speak English. In 1986, the average Vietnamese social worker did admit that: proportion of people who did not speak English ‘... it could retard the growth of Vietnamese well, in the twenty or so CDs surrounding and other Asian people in their being forced Cabramatta was 32.7 per cent (ABS, 1988). to learn English more quickly if they learn to Those Vietnamese without English language get by in total dependence upon people with proficiency were seen by respondents as less whom they can communicate here ... it likely to participate in the wider society, and would probably be people who are not going more likely to remain in Cabramatta: to be able to learn English anyway.’ ‘...the first generation of any migrant com- Other respondents pointed out that the sec- munity have Some language prob- ond generation of Vietnamese migrants do not Some language difficulties* The la’- suffer from the Same language and other cul- guage barrier is still there, so how could you expect a person with such a difficulty to tural barriers as have some of the first generation Vietnamese migrants. Some researchers fully participate in the Australian way of living? Say for instance, they sincerely wish to report that second generations, because of stronger achievement orientations and pressure come to attend say Red Cross meeting or Lions Clubs meeting, but how could they from parents generally perform well in school come there without being understood by oth- and university systems (Bullivant, 1988, 71-5). ers and unable to understand others.’ However, such findings should not be allowed to disguise the educational problems faced by The language barrier mentioned in this inter- many Vietnamese students, particularly those view excerpt, can cause difficulty even in less who may have suffered a disruption of their formal interactions with the wider community, schooling (Borthwick, 1987). Nevertheless, it as one respondent states: was felt by those interviewed that the second 234 Australian Geographical Studies generation would fare excellently in Australian Participation with the wider society might be society. viewed with trepidation by some Vietnamese Most of those interviewed argued that the was suggested by one respondent: Vietnamese in Sydney desired participation in ‘No. Non-participation is the furthest thing and interaction with the wider Australian com- from their [the Vietnamese] minds. They munity: might perhaps, be a little frightened of the ‘...Because I would say that they [the wider society, but they certainly are not Vietnamese in Sydney] ... they would have interested in isolating themselves from Australian society.’ as much desire to be a part of the community as a whole ... for example they would love to A few informants argued that concentration have Australian friends. I would say that to was a conduit to participation in Australian have a good Australian friend would be the society. A leader of one of the community desire of everyone of them’s heart ...’ organisations representing the Vietnamese said: Even if Vietnamese desired to isolate them- ‘...but concentration I think gets people more selves from Australian society, this would not involved in social issue or political. Like the be possible for two general reasons. First, the elections; I have the two political parties - Vietnamese cannot easily return to their birth- Liberal and Labour Party - come to semi- place as can members of some migrant groups. nar to the community to talk about the immi- Second, at least some form of participation was gration issue, and how do they presently unavoidable because most have to venture out- intend to go about it; and they will have their side Cabramatta every day to attend their place view themselves. Otherwise, if there is no of work. A Vietnamese community leader concentration, I find it very very difficult for pointed out: me to put a message across for the political party, and even for the government policies ‘...Some other people [other migrants] they as well on services.’ can just go back to their country and do what Concentration of the Vietnamese in they like. We cannot we see here our ... as Cabramatta was seen as a form of participation country. That’s why I think that in the future in Australia’s multicultural future: time we will - our people - must try to contribute something to the multicultural ‘...and I think by concentrating in a certain society ... A few of us have joined the army area that would give you that chance to pro- you see ... three or four, and I think there vide the means to promote your culture, to will be more ... we have some people here in show to the people what we are, what we the police force, and we have people in gov- have, what we have brought along with us to ernment, and we have a few in politics.,.’ this country.’ ‘...they [the Vietnamese] are not working The Vietnamese communities in Sydney here [Cabramatta] but they have to go some- clearly do not express a wish to isolate them- where else to work. They have to go to - selves from the wider community by setting up they have to meet Australians every day, no their own inclusive sub-societies or enclaves, as matter what they want to do they cannot live some have argued (Blainey, 1988, 18). Yet the in a seclusive area, they have to make con- territorial identity of Cabramatta is unmistak- tact with Australian society every day, every ably Indo-Chinese, which serves to promote and . minute of their lives, and for sure ... they are therefore ‘preserve’ Vietnamese culture. This now actually participating in many ways.’ corresponds to Bod’s (1976, 48-9) notion that The Viemamese Concentration in Cabramatta 235

one of the functions of ethnic segregation is the ... I walk around the parking sign, they make preservation of culture. However, Bod’s orien- different sign [respondent smiles and raises tation is on ethnic conflict, while the promotion the index and middle fingers of his right of Vietnamese culture in Cabramatta is consis- hand, interviewer smiles back], the language tent with the government policy of multicultur- you know.’ alism (Office of Multicultural Affairs, 1989) and ostensibly consensual. While a small num- Discrimination would lessen over time, one ber of Vietnamese may use the concentration respondent suggested: area as a means of avoiding wider contact, on ‘...I feel the general attitude of Australian the whole the Vietnamese are keen to involve people are more generous than that [that they themselves in almost every aspect of Australian are exclusionary] ... and you see so many society. voluntary organisations in Australia helping Some respondents felt that the Vietnamese refugees, and I think that should be taken as were not given the opportunity to participate the general attitude of the Australian people fully in Australian society: more than you look at the media statement or ‘... They are not given the chance to do that, the political statement.’ haven’t been given the chance ... in saying The level of discrimination was judged by this is trying to help people to understand us, respondents as quite low compared with other and trying to give us a chance to become countries. This was the general conclusion of Australian as other people, to become the report of the National Inquiry into Racist accepted in this country so I think that like Violence in Australia (1991,259). myself, I have Australian lunch, I have While most admitted that concentration was Australian friends and like other people we an effective means for the Vietnamese to avoid like to be accepted here, so why shouldn’t possible discriminatory treatment (see Boal, we want to become part of this country?’ 1976, 46-8), they did not feel that this was the The possibility that sections of the wider sole reason, or even an important reason, for the society may be curbing the attempts of clustering of Vietnamese in the Cabramatta Vietnamese to become fully involved in area: Australian society, raises the prospect that ‘...You know living together is not to avoid processes of exclusion may be at work. discrimination, it’s only really to support Respondent opinion on whether the Vietnamese each other, that’s all. That may help them in were segregated by the wider community was terms of avoiding the discrimination, divided. Some respondents felt that the because the white people coming into the Vietnamese had not been forced to concentrate area will have the awareness not to say any- and that clustering had been a matter of choice: thing against the bigger group because they ‘... they do it by choice - I don’t think that might get attacked. That may help indi- they have been forced.’ rectly. But it doesn’t mean that they want to put a wall between themselves and the Others argued that discriminatory factors had others.’ been at work to encourage the concentration of the Vietnamese, which included social isolation Concentration was said to be due to forces and discrimination: beyond the control of the Vietnamese themselves, but not caused by overt exclusion. ‘Maybe by language, maybe attitude you Factors such as the positioning of the migrant know. They drive into town- and you pass by centres, lack of English proficiency, location of 236 Australian Geographical Studies employment opportunities, social security in they had left the centre, help explain why peo- areas of concentration, access to public trans- ple tended to settle close to them. A port, the location of affordable housing or eth- Vietnamese Grant-in-Aid worker pointed out nic-specific goods and services were seen as that: important. Many spatial choices, be they resi- ‘...those migrant hostels not just provide the dential, workplace or activity space (leisure, accommodation for the newly arrived shopping and visiting destinations), are made in migrants, but also the basic services for response to constraints that make Cabramatta a them, say for instance employment services, preferable or unavoidable destination. the society security services, the adult migrant education services, and those ser- Explaining the Cabramatta Concentration vices are very needed to the newly arrived migrants and to any ethnic communities, and Political and Institutional Influences that’s why the people tend to move out to Figure 3 shows the fortynine CDs surrounding live around those migrant hostels.’ Cabramatta that were categorised as having large Vietnam-born residential populations in The various Vietnamese organisations were Figure 2. The migrant centres are quite close to also able to arrange meetings and talks for Cabramatta, particularly Cabramatta Migrant newly arrived refugees in the centres. The tie to Centre (Fig. 3). The proximity of the the migrant centre was an important factor that Westbridge, Cabramatta and East Hills centres kept Vietnamese settlement near to the migrant to each other, where most Vietnamese refugees centres, with the restricted urban knowledge of in Sydney were settled before 1982 (Wilson, the refugees also being influential. This indi- 1987, 13-4), meant that a degree of concentra- cates an underlying tendency in the spatial tion was perhaps inevitable (Viviani, 1984. 162; behaviour of Vietnamese migrants that leads to Bumley, 1989, 133). Minority migrant groups initial clustering. Many current Vietnamese in Australia have a more restricted awareness of immigrants continue this process of choosing to the built environment and a narrower scope of settle in Cabramatta. While this helps account residential opportunities than the wider society for the location of concentration, it does not sat- (Humphreys & Whitelaw, 1979, 17). Wilson isfactorily explain the underlying precursors for (1987, 14-5) points out that from his sample of concentration. Vietnamese refugees, the majority settled within 10 kilometres of the migrant centre they Employment Opportunities and Housing had attended. Employment opportunities were another reason In a study of Indo-Chinese settlement for settlement of Vietnamese new arrivals in the processes, Keys Young (1980b, 50, 54) found Cabramatta area. The industrial estates of that three-quarters of all refugees surveyed had Chipping Norton and Wetherill Park are located made return visits to reception centres, to visit within the Fairfield LGA. Factory employment family and friends but also to obtain the ser- was a necessity to the Vietnamese, who desper- vices of staff, such as interpreting and language ately required money to support and reunite classes. Although none of the respondents were family from overseas and to establish their own directly asked whether they thought that the family here in Australia. There was little time or positioning of the migrant centres in Sydney money for most Vietnamese to spend on updat- had had any bearing on the concentration of ing qualifications or gaining language profi- Vietnamese people in Cabramatta, most pointed ciency, and many first generation have been out that this was a factor. The services that restricted to unskilled factory jobs or have been migrant centres provide to refugees, even after informally employed as outworkers. Problems The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramatta 23 7

still exist in having overseas qualifications to the financial disadvantages of suffering mar- recognised, and despite much comment over the ginal labour force positions (Iredale, 1983, 60). last decade, this has not improved greatly (see The Vietnamese were attracted to cheaper rental Senate Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs accommodation that was near to public trans- and Defence, 1982, 27; Nguyen, 1986, 2; port (see Fig. 3). Burnley (1989, 140) pointed Illawarra Migrant Resource Centre, 1989, 12). out that in ‘...the Cabramatta area, most flats There is de-skilling of many first generation were completed just before the main wave of Vietnamese migrants: Indochinese migration began in 1978’. But rental accommodation was available in many ‘...You see I have a friend who qualify as a more areas than just around Cabramatta, and the doctor in my country and comes here and further development of rental accommodation works in the hospital as a cleaner - you can in the area may have been a response to see that happen. I have friends who qualify demand, suggesting that the preferences or as a pharmacist in my country and come here choices of the Vietnamese have been important and have to get herself part-time jobs as a in the development of medium density accom- welfare worker part-time, and try to do the modation around Cabramatta. The educational course here. Many people couldn’t afford to successes of many Vietnamese youths would go back to college because - especially it’s suggest that choice of vocation should move hard to get in, it is very difficult to get into, beyond unskilled and marginal employment in secondly because of the language difficul- the near future, and the dependence upon ties, thirdly because they can’t afford to cheaper housing ,and residential proximity to because they have to have something here to industrial estates should fade. settle down here first before they can do any Evidence from the interviews confirms the studying... ’ arguments of Keys Young (1980b, 22) and ‘...a lot of Vietnamese women are doing Viviani (1984, 230-1) that most Vietnamese families are keen to purchase housing. Despite piece work at home. one way it’s a good In their often financially constrained positions, thing because it keeps them occupied and it many families have been able to save sufficient gives them financial support for the family. capital to share the Australian dream of home But on the other hand it is very - I can say ownership (Kemeny, 1986,251). that it hurts me a lot - I feel very worried, very hurt, when I see them very exploited at ‘We think that here a house is the most home ... And the employee really depends important thing, so we try our best to buy the upon the employer, and they get very house. I come here and in two years I exploited. Not only women, also men. And bought a house. We all set in to buy the they depend on the employer. They have to house. I think other people too - and we accept a very low price for their labour. But pay it in four years. I sleep less, we very they don’t have a choice, because of the poor when I come here, to give us some English again. They cannot get better work, basis, I sleep less for nearly five years ...’ so they have to accept that. I might be pay- ing only $3-4 per hour, and they have to Many home purchases appear to have been accept, because they cannot work else- in the newly developed housing estates within where.’ the FairFeld LGA. Suburbs that were mentioned as dispersal destinations included There are clear indications of economic con- Bonnyrigg, St John’s Park, Bossley Park, straint. Choice of residential location and hous- Wetherill Park, Cabramatta West and Canley ing type was restricted for the-Vietnamese, due Vale - all are within or along the Fairfield 238 Australian Geographical Studies

LGA boundary. The Vietnamese appear to have that non-English speaking Vietnamese are sought housing to purchase that was not too far not isolated, or stuck in their homes as they away from the services of Cabramatta, and the would be if they were in other areas.’ development of housing estates in the Fairfield LGA reflects this demand. The 1991 Census Government departments and voluntary shows that the distribution of Vietnam-born agencies are better able to provide Viemamese- across the CDs of the Fairtield LGA has spread. specific services in Cabramatta than they can in However, despite this micro-dispersal, Fairfield other areas. The level of service demand in LGA and Cabramatta still retain a statistical concentration areas make it worthwhile to pro- over-representation. Burnley (1989, 150-2) vide Vietnamese speaking employees and suggests that the higher in-migration than out- Vietnamese-orientated services. Government migration of Vietnamese in the Fairfield LGA authorities and the Vietnamese associations may be attributed to the unfavourable employ- around Cabramatta are able to lobby for addi- ment climate. Evidence from key informants tional resources. The Cabramatta concentration suggests that recessionary effects upon the of Vietnamese is an environment in which the move to home ownership for the Vietnamese special social needs of the Vietnamese can be are a particular constraint of the last two years met, and where adjustment to the wider society of the 1980s. and not necessarily a phenomenon can be gradually achieved. of the decade. Cultural orientations and values, Pebaque (1991) has argued that the such as industry and thrift, were perceived Commonwealth Government policy of ‘main- by respondents to have facilitated a challenge streaming’ social services over the last five to the economic constraint of the unfavour- years has resulted in a reduction of ethno-spe- able economic climate and labour market cific services. This has particularly impacted segmentation. upon communities of non-English speaking background (NESB). Speakers and discussions Social Werfareand Shopping Facilities at the NSW Migrant Resource Centre Forum The social support provided for arrivals in a (Nov. 1991), highlighted the problems of imple- new country is a powerful influence in the cre- mentation of the Commonwealth Government’s ation and maintenance of concentration. For Access and Equity policy on social services those migrants who are not competent in the (Ofice of Multicultural Affairs, 1991). This re- host language, or who are unable to arrange affirmed the necessity of community-based employment or accommodation, Cabramatta advocacy and service provision, especially for provides numerous Vietnamese-specific social NESB communities. welfare services. The Vietnamese people pro- Cabramatta continues to provide social wel- vide much needed social supports to each other, fare support to some groups of Vietnamese who such as informal childcare. are unable, because of language or economic barriers, to purchase housing and move to other ‘For the migrant of non-English speaking areas. Vietnamese elderly and those not background there are many advantages to English language proficient, were mentioned by concentration. Here [Ca brama t t a] the respondents as those more likely to prefer the migrant can feel more secure in what is a accessibility of living in Cabramatta. A very insecure time. It can help people who Vietnamese religious groups representative are not yet able to speak English, and it can pointed out that: also help with social and cultural adjustment problems. There is informal welfare, guid- ‘...There are a lot of problems that develop in ance with government services and qualifica- a community of people like this when they tions recognition. Concentration also-means have loneliness. We have had more contact The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramatta 239

outside of our Church group with the elderly important factor in the wider society’s percep- people than we have within any one group, tion of Vietnamese spatial concentration in and we have found that this proximity this Cabramatta. The streets and shops, as opposed great concentration of people, is a real bless- to the workplace or home, are the places where ing to them.’ other Australians are more likely to come across migrants such as the Vietnamese (Keys Young, Elderly Vietnamese who cannot speak 1980a, 49-52). English are therefore constrained to residing in Cabramatta. Some respondents also Activity space clustering is one of the rea- suggested that Vietnamese elderly, many of sons for popular over estimation of Vietnamese whom can speak English and are mobile, still residential concentration. Despite a growing prefer to live in Cabramatta, for the co-ethnic residential dispersal of Vietnamese from contact available. Cabramatta, the area will more than likely con- An important reason why Vietnamese house- tinue to be a site of apparent Vietnamese resi- holds have not relocated far away from dential concentration, simply because of the Cabramatta is because of their activity space numbers of people of Asian appearance seen in behaviour. Wilson (1987, 16) argued that for the town, as well as actual activity space con- Vietnamese in south-western Sydney, shopping centration. Cabramatta’s cultural uniqueness is behaviour was ‘highly localised’. However, being commercialised in order to attract a wider Cabramatta shopping district draws on Indo- custom, such as through tourism or novelty Chinese custom from a wide catchment, shopping, and to enhance the business opportu- because of the piovision of a diverse range of nities in the area. Indo-Chinese-specific goods and services, and Business opportunities certainly exist in the entertainment and leisure attractions for Cabramatta for Vietnamese entrepreneurs in the Indo-Chinese. provision of ethnic-specific as well as general goods and services. However, as is the case in ‘...Economically I should say that enclave economies overseas (Sanders & Nee, Cabramatta now becomes the regional cen- 1987, 764) the competition among small busi- tre, which is a very unique centre in New ness is fierce, returns are often quite low and South Wales, to cater and to provide services many family businesses have gone bankrupt. to the Indo-Chinese community. They were travelling from Wollongong, from Newcastle ‘...Grocery shops, there are grocery shops and other parts of New South Wales to come practically along side of each other for five to Cabramatta to do their shopping.’ kilometres you may as well say. Everyone wants to go into [set one up] a grocery shop, ‘Because, you talk in Vietnamese, and you there’s too much competition.’ can see a lot of people, you may meet friends during weekends, so this is a good point for ‘...like bread shops; maybe the first bread going to shopping in Cabramatta, and thing shop is good, but the second one, the third is that it is cheap too comparing with one and tenth compete with each other, and Australian shop, and good quality.’ with the market being too small to support them, therefore sometime they go bankrupt, A walk through Cabramatta Mall or because they share the clients.’ Freedom Plaza leads one to suspect that this activity space concentration in Cabramatta may But the number of businesses, the proposed be much more pronounced that the residential developments of the Cabramatta shopping dis- concentration surrounding the suburb. The bur- trict and the widening market, all indicate that geoning Indo-Chinese commercial district is an business opportunities will continue to attract 240 Australian Geographical Studies potential Vietnamese entrepreneurs to set up in services in the area and therefore the activity Cabramatta. The decision of Vietnamese to space attraction. Vietnamese concentration has shop and spend leisure time in Cabramatta is an been both an inclusive and an exclqsive example of an inclusive spatial decision. This process. The Vietnamese have chosen to live choice should be considered as existing almost and shop in Cabramatta, but these choices are entirely outside of any exclusionary constraint. made within economic, social and political con- The spatial dynamics of the Vietnamese in the straints. future will most likely be increasingly domi- The earlier years of settlement are a period nated by such choices. of dominant constraints for the Vietnamese. Initial settlement decisions of Vietnamese Theoretical and Policy Implications refugees were made by immigration officers of the various Federal Departments that housed Structure and Agency immigrants over the years (Viviani, 1984, The earlier stages of Vietnamese residential set- 135-6). There are the financial constraints of tlement and workplace location were outcomes trying to achieve economic security and over- of external factors constraining Vietnamese spa- come disadvantaged labour force positions. tial activity. Members of the Vietnamese com- The Vietnamese in Sydney are slowly progress- munities interviewed largely felt that the forces ing past their period of exclusion - the time impinging upon them were not examples of when concentration was a reinforcement overt discrimination, or wider societal exclu- (through the media especially) of that group’s sion. Rather, the informants felt that these con- difference and its marginal status. Once socio- straints were adjustment problems that all economic security is attained, the Vietnamese migrant groups had to overcome. However, the have a much greater spatial flexibility and lack of acceptance of new migrant groups is a choice. In the future, the spatial behaviour of form of exclusion. The lack of action to change the Vietnamese should be more typified by qualification recognition procedures is an exam- choice. In particular, the proximity to shopping ple of a more overt exclusion that directly con- and leisure facilities may be the driving influ- tributed to a de-skilling of some Vietnamese. ences of concentration, while white collar According to structuration theory, agency employment and economic security will be and structure operate reflexively, such that important contributing factors to residential and structure not only constrains and empowers workplace flexibility. agency, but agency transforms structure (Giddens, 1979). The spatial choices of the Refugee Settlement Policies Vietnamese have been made within varying A common settlement pattern of Indo-Chinese parameters of constraint. The Australian state immigrants in cities throughout the world since and society not only constrain Vietnamese 1975, is that they have tended to concentrate in choice through labour market segmentation and larger urban centres. This is true of countries involuntary migrant centre placement, but also such as France (White et al., 1987). Canada, the empower choice by providing social services to USA (Montero, 1979; Franklin, 1983; encourage socio-economic adjustment. The Desbarats, 1985). New Zealand (Farmer, 1988) parameters or constraints are influenced by and the United Kingdom (Dalglish, 1989; choice in a reflexive manner. For instance, Robinson, 1989; Robinson 8c Hale, 1990). activity space concentration led by shopping Concentration has often occurred despite gov- preferences, increase the demand for ernment policies to encourage dispersed resi- Vietnamese-specific goods and services in dential settlement of Indo-Chinese refugees Cabramatta, which in turn, increase therange of (Desbarats, 1985, 526; Robinson, 1989, 332). The Vietnumese Concentration in Cabramatta 241

These policy decisions were premised upon the expressed concern in Sydney over the clustering belief that dispersal would spread the burden- of Indo-Chinese, the Cabramatta and East Hills some costs of the services these migrants Migrant Centres were closed during 1982, and required. It was also felt that concentration, the Endeavour Migrant Centre in Coogee was through cultural isolation, was a barrier to allocated increased refugee numbers (Wilson, assimilation into the wider society (Desbarats, 1987, 13-4). The Community Refugee 1985; Dalglish, 1989, 128). British Settlement Scheme (CRSS), which settles Government dispersal policy highlights the fail- refugees near to or with private sponsors or vol- ure of attempts by host governments to avoid a untary agencies, was embraced by the Federal concentration of Vietnamese refugees. A Government as a means of achieving a more British Government Home Affairs Committee dispersed settlement pattern (Kelly, 1988, 835). report (1985, xxvii) concludes: It was argued that this settlement program would reduce welfare expenditure, as the costs The Vietnamese are showing their dissatis- of CRSS are largely borne by sections of the faction with the dispersal policy by moving community such voluntary agencies (Viviani, to areas where Vietnamese are more numer- as 1984, 162; Pittaway, 1992,65). ous and prospects for employment and education are better. Some move to escape CRSS policy was to place refugees in small racial harassment or to be reunited with kin. groups (Senate Standing Committee on Foreign The main centres of attraction are London Affairs and Defence, 1982, 19-20), but these and Birmingham, followed by Leeds, small groups could not offer the social support Manchester and Bradford. and advice networks possible in bigger cities (Tran, 1981, 31). Refugees settled under the The unregulated gravitation migration of CRSS experience many more difficulties in Vietnamese refugees to larger urban areas with adjustment, while government sponsored existing Vietnamese communities, can trans- refugees have had the benefit of the comprehen- form a concentration into a ‘ghettoisation’. sive number of services offered in the migrant Dalglish (1989, 128) argues that: centres (Tran & Nelson, 1982, 14; Pittaway, 1991, 64-5). The social isolation that many ‘...dispersal policy itself may be the creator refugees in smaller towns and cities often of ghettos. This particularly is true in suffered (Tran, 1982, 23) has led to migration London, where secondary migration nearly from smaller towns to larger cities (Senate trebled the refugee population there ... Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and causing over-crowding, [some refugees] Defence, 1982, 31). Many refugees settled became homeless and found themselves under the CRSS migrated in search of employ- in hostel type accommodation or took to ment to areas where larger ethnic communities squatting. existed, especially those refugees initially Australia Federal Government policy on the settled in non-metropolitan areas (Viviani, settlement and intake of Indo-Chinese refugees 1984,219). has always been tempered by perceived public More extreme attempts to forcibly disperse opinion and the concern that are shown in polls newly arrived migrants are not entirely improb- and in the media (Lawrence, 1983, 17). A able in Australia. Indeed, in May of 1991, an report in 1982, on Indo-Chinese refugee reset- ALP Caucus immigration policy motion to reg- tlement by the Senate Standing Committee on ulate the dispersal of new migrants to country Foreign Affairs and Defence, recommended areas was drafted (Millea, 1991% 1). The same that in future the distribution of refugees should anticipated problems of isolation and lack of be more dispersed (1982, 30). Due to publicly service provision were arguments that were suc- 242 Australian Geographical Studies cessful in having such a potential policy help to explain where concentration occurred quashed, as well as concerns over the complex and not why it occurs at all. administration and probable failure of such a scheme (Millett, 1991b, 2). Cabramatta as a Cultural Expression Government attempts at dispersing the Anderson (1990) has recently raised concerns settlement of Vietnamese refugees in Australia, over the spatial cultural expression of such as through the CRSS, have been unsuc- Chinatowns in Sydney and Melbourne. While cessful. Even if the Australian settlement Chinatowns in Australia have moved from system had not used migrant centres in prox- being seen as iniquitous slums to being cele- imity to one another, but had had more dispersal brated as expressions of a our cultural diversity, Anderson’s (1990), 14-2) argument is that this orientated settlement policies from the outset, it is merely a shift in the racialisation process: is still probable that some concentration of the Vietnamese would have occurred somewhere in The area that once camed the stigma of a Sydney, perhaps even in Cabramatta. A fearful slum, had by the mid-1970s gained a Vietnamese community representative with reputation of being a valuable contribution to some personal knowledge of the settlement of ‘pluralistic’ Australia. ... But the belief in a Vietnamese in other countries, argued that Chinese race - and the sense of separation because of a tendency for new migrants to upon which that belief relied - were persist- concentrate, policies of dispersal such as used ing through a new discourse of pluralism. in America and Britain without success, would Consideration of the political and ideological have had a similar outcome in Australia: construction of Cabramatta, and of the social ‘And I don’t think that the policy would policy of multiculturalism, is important here. Increasingly Cabramatta, which has a visible work, Kevin. It didn’t work in Britain and it expression of oriental culture, has been cele- didn’t work in America either. Because brated politically as a positive spatial expres- between 1975 and 1979 the American sion of a successful social policy of multicultur- Government tried to resettle the Vietnamese alism. Like Anderson (1990), but from a very refugees, you know as you mentioned, scat- different perspective, Blainey (1984) and tered around America, but in fact a couple of Chipman (1980) have argued that multicultural years later there was a trend that those peo- policies reinforce uniqueness, difference and ple moved to the southern part of California, separateness. My interpretation of the social and now they form a little Saigon in southern policy of multiculturalism in Australia is that it California. you see ... but as I said you know, is a policy which demands social, economic and there is a trend for those people getting political integration by way of celebrating cul- together ...’ tural diversity. To many of the Vietnamese interviewed, the Cabramatta area is a place of To suggest that Vietnamese concentration in social and economic adjustment to a new soci- areas in Sydney’s south west is attributable to ety, but it is also a celebrated spatial contribu- migrant centre location is to ignore not only the tion to cultural diversity. Therefore the three international settlement patterns of the dimensions of the social policy of multicultural- Vietnamese, but also the role of social and eco- ism: cultural expression, equity and economic nomic forces of ethnic concentration. More efficiency (Office of Multicultural Affairs, importantly, this would be a purely descriptive 1989, vii), might be best achieved for many and a theoretical explanation that would only Vietnamese in this area of ethic concentration. The Vietnamese Concentration in Cabramatta 243

However, if areas of concentration become Vietnamese communities. For the many rea- under serviced and overly stigmatised, such sons identified, there appears a tendency for places lose their positive roles. As they become Vietnamese refugees to concentrate if given areas of poverty the adjustment component is spatial autonomy. undermined. Morrill (1965) produced this Given that dispersal policy is not a judicious stereotypical definition of a ghetto: option and that Vietnamese refugees, like other migrant groups, are for many good reasons Inferiority in almost every conceivable mate- ‘agglomerative’ (Dalglish, 1989, 128) during rial respect is the mark of the ghetto. But the earlier stages of settlement, it is better to also, to the minority person, the ghetto emphasise and enhance the positive aspects of implies a rejection, a stamp of inferiority, concentration. These advantages can be sum- which stifles ambition and initiative. The marised as: the provision of informal services very fact of residential segregation reinforces and support, the viability and accessibility of other forms of discrimination... formal services, and the existence of a protected Care should be taken to avoid allowing the adjustment environment. There is an under- concentration of Vietnamese in Cabramatta to standable sense of bewilderment amongst the develop into the phenomenon Momll describes Vietnamese communities, at how the concentra- above. The Cabramatta commercial district has tion in Cabramatta is viewed so negatively by an aura of vibrancy and commercial activity, the wider society. If commentators on migrant not poverty. Cabramatta forms a fundamental settlement continue to infer that ethnic concen- part of the adjustment process of many tration is always a divisive phenomenon, or Vietnamese, and the town has a creditable, argue that it is an unavoidable short-term evil, though always insufficient, level of culturally- then public perceptions of ethnic concentration tuned service provision. will always be negative. Care should be taken to avoid allowing areas of ethnic concentration Conclusion to become underclass traps, or for them to Dispersal policies for migrant settlement have receive negative images from stereotypical been shown to be misguided. Forced dispersal treatment. Policy should play to the strengths is an intolerable restriction of personal mobility, of ethnic concentration and avoid the pitfalls. a policy that leads to isolation, and often a ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS domestic political expedient tacked on to an The author appreciates the support and assistance of staff of ostensibly international humanitarian program. the Department of Geography and Sociology at the It has also been shown that dispersal policies University of Wollongong where, as part of a BA (Hons) are unsuccessful. The international experiences thesis, this research was initiated. I would like to especially thank Hilary Winchester and Phillip O’Neill of the of the settlement of Indo-Chinese refugees is University of Newcastle for helpful comments on earlier that once refugees were given autonomy in their drafts of this paper. location decisions, a pattern of residential concentration arose (White et al., 1987,49; Farmer, REFERENCES Australian Bureau of Statistics. 1988: Population and 1988, 36). This spatial concentration has Housing Staristics, Small Area Data, 1986, Canberra, increased over time, and the urban areas with Supermap C.D. Package. the largest Indo-Chinese communities have had Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1993: Population and proportionally more of this growth. Burnley Housing Statistics, Small Area Data, 1991, Canberra, (1989, 135) has used the term ‘gravitation’ Supennap C.D. Package. Alcorso, C., 199 1: Non-English Speaking Background migration to describe the subsequent in-migra- Immigrant Women in the Workforce, Working Papers in tion of Vietnamese to areas such as Sydney and Mulriculruralisrn No. 4. The Centre for Multicultural Melbourne, which contained established Studies, University of Wollongong. 244 Australian Geographical Studies

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