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INFORMATION to USERS the Quality of This Reproduction Is INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. ÜMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy suhmitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. 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This reproduction is the best copy available UMI EUGENICS IN IMPERIAL JAPAN: SOME IRONIES OF MODERNITY, 1883-1945 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Sumiko Otsubo Sitcawich, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 1998 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor James Bartholomew, Adviser Professor John Burnham ________ Adviser Professor David Hoffmann Department of History UMI Number: 9900914 Copyright 199 8 by Sitcawich, Sumiko Otsubo All rights reserved. UMI Microform 9900914 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Copyright by Sumiko Otsubo Sitcawich 1998 ABSTRACT This study analyzes the Japanese interest in eugenics, the science of “improving” the human race by controlling heredity, between 1883 and 1945. Using private and public writings of eugenics enthusiasts and government documents, I attempt to explain why and how Japanese adopted and adhered to eugenics ideology, despite its inherent “racism.” I also explore women’s active participation in eugenics politics and its ideological implication. My biographical and institutional approach intends to contextualize individual motives and thought. Chapter 2, which follows the introduction, describes educator Naruse Jinzô’s initiative. He founded a women’s college in 1901 by convincing the public that women needed to be trained mentally and physically in order to produce and nurture “fit” children. Chapter 3 features a botanist, Yamanouchi Shigeo, who actively introduced eugenics theories in the 1910s and organized Japan’s first eugenics society in 1917. Chapter 4 concerns feminist Hiratsuka Raichô, who led a movement to establish a eugenics marriage law beginning in 1919. Chapter 5 focuses on a medical journalist named Goto Ryûkichi, who began publishing Japan’s first eugenics journal, Yûseigaku [Eugenics], in 1924, just as the U.S. passed a law to exclude Japanese immigrants. Although being well aware of American race politics and the contemporaneous and prominent role of American eugenicists in the law, he still initiated ii ties with them. And finally. Chapter 6 examines Japan’s leading eugenicist, Nagai Hisomu, and his part in promoting eugenics ideas among women by organizing an all­ women eugenics society in 1935. This chapter also shows the growing interest of the state in eugenics in the 1930s and early 1940s. This study can be seen to have a three-fold significance. First, I point out that Japan’s first substantial eugenics legislative effort was initiated by women, who were still denied political rights in 1919. This challenges the general interpretation which traces the origin of the 1940 National Eugenics Law to the 1933 Nazi sterilization law. Although it emphasized women’s role as mother and their place at home just like the official ideology o f'‘good wife, wise mother,” eugenics, by underscoring women’s biological “fitness,” helped discredit women’s subordinate status as prescribed by that ideology. Second, I try to analyze eugenics initiatives from the prewar perspective based on the paradigm theory proposed by historian of science Yonemoto Shôhei. My case studies indicate that marginal groups of people—“racially” marginal Japanese and socially marginal women—tried to improve their status by adopting certain eugenics ideas. This contradicts the influential Marxist perception of eugenics in postwar Japan, that of tool of the privileged to control and oppress the physically, mentally, and socially marginal. Lastly, a contextualized analysis suggests that Yamanouchi’s “softer” (quasi- Lamarckian) perspective may be a reflection of a Japanese desire for scientific assurance to reject the notion of a permanently inferior status, a response that may have been shared by other non-Western peoples. Ill Dedicated to my parents, Takashi and Make, and husband Lawrence IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank my adviser, James Bartholomew, for the intellectual support, encouragement, and enthusiasm which made this thesis possible, and for his patience in correcting both my stylistic and factual errors. I owe a great debt to Philip Brown, John Burnham, and Matsubara Yôko, who have read earlier drafts and given me many suggestions for possible improvements. I am also grateful to David Hoffmann for his work on the dissertation defense committee. This thesis has also benefitted from the comments and suggestions of Mark Adams, Deborah Barrett, Kevin Doak, Carole Fink, David Horn, Barry Keenan, Eve Levin, John Lie, Anupama Mande, Laura Miller, Barbara Molony, Christienne Smith, Miriam Silverberg, Terazawa Yuki, Patricia Tsunami, Kathleen Uno, Richard von Mayrhauser, David Wittner, and Yasutake Rumi. I would also like to express my gratitude to the many people who assisted my research activities in the United States and Japan: Morita Yukio of Kanazawa Women’s University, Matsubara Yôko of Ochanomizu Women’s University, Nakajima Kuni of Japan Women’s University, Okamoto Kôichi of Waseda University, Sugiyama Shigeo of Hokkaido University, Suzuki Zenji of Osaka University of Education, and Tachikawa Kenji of Toyama University. I am also thankful to Akiho Ryd of Tsuruoka Public Archives in Yamagata, Ikemi Takeshi of the Ethnic National Science Laboratory (Minzoku Kagaku Kenkvùio) in Tokyo, biologist Kushibe Sachiko, Yamanouchi Shigeo’s niece Maeda Mariko, Jean Monahan of the Marine Biological Laboratory at Woods Hole, Massachusetts, and Okuizumi Eisaburo of the University of Chicago Libraries. Maureen Donovan, Japanese Studies librarian, the Interlibrary Loan section staff, and the Biological Sciences and Pharmacy division staff at the Ohio State University Libraries have all been extremely helpful. Librarians and archivists at the following institutions graciously allowed me to explore their materials; Doshisha University Libraries, Doshisha University Institute of Humanities, Ethnic National Laboratory Archives, Hokkaido University Libraries, Japan Women’s University Libraries, Machida City Public Library, Majima Memorial Archives at Aoyama Gakuin University, Miyagi Prefectural Library, Library of Congress (USA), Naruse Memorial Archives at the Japan Women’s University, National Archives (USA), National Diet Library, National Library of Medicine (USA), National Public Health Institute Library, Osaka Metropolitan Public Library, Tokyo Metropolitan Public Libraries, Tokyo Women’s Medical College Libraries, Tokyo University Libraries, Tsukuba University Libraries, Tsuruoka City Public Library, University of Maryland Libraries at College Park, Waseda University Libraries, Yokohama Treaty Port Archives, and Yoshioka Yayoi Memorial Archives at the Tokyo Women’s Medical College. Deborah Barrett, Harris Bras, Matsubara Yôko, and Fujime Yuki generously allowed me to read their unpublished manuscripts, which were relevant to my research. VI This research was supported by grants from the National Science Foundation, the National Honor Society of Phi Kappa Phi, the Graduate School, the History Department, and the Women’s Studies Department of the Ohio State University. Finally, I wish to thank my parents and husband who have been very patient, supportive, and understanding. vn VITA June I, 1963............................................Bom - Himeji, Japan 1990 .........................................................M.A. History, Slippery Rock University 1986-1988..............................................Administrative Staff, Nomura Research Institute, Tokyo, Japan 1988 -1990..............................................Instructor, Japanese Language, Slippery Rock University, PA Fellow, Exchange. Japan Program, Hokkaido International Foundation 1990
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