This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 68—2969

COBES, John Paul, 1932- THE COURT THEATRES OF THE FARNESE FROM 1618 TO 1690. [Figures I-V also IX and X not microfilmed at request of author. Available for consultation at The Ohio State University Library],

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1967 Speech-Theater

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan (S) Copyright by-

John Paul Cobes

1968 THE COURT THEATRES OF THE FARNESE

FROM 1618 TO 1690

DISSERTATION

Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio S tate U niversity

By

John Paul Cobes, B.S., M.A.

********

The Ohio State University 1967

Approved by

Z. Adviser Department of Speech PLEASE NOTE:

Figures I-V also IX and X not microfilmed at request of auth­ or. Available for consultation at The Ohio State University Library.

UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS. The author wishes to acknowledge, with dee nest gratitude, the assistance, suggestions, and guidance of the following persons, all of whom were instrumental in the camnletion of this study;

Dr. Row H. Bowen, adviser to this study, and all the nersonnel of the Theatre Division of the Deonrtment of Speech at the Ohio State

University.

Dr. John ft. McDowell and Dr. John q . Morrow, advisers to this study, a".d nil +V> -•ersonnel of the Theatre Collection of the Ohio

State Universit.w,

D r. A l^ent M ancini of th e I t a l i a n D iv isio n o f th e Romance La.-wn.aTes

Department of the Ohio State University’.

The librarian s and nerson-el of the following libraries who took time from bus” schedules to m w r letters, to so-‘d rare books, av,d to search for and fi1 ’ \”'rn documents and papers essential to this study; the Cleveland Public Libra r’r, the Newberry Library, the New

York habile Library, the Music Division of the Library of Congress, the

Civic Library of Ferrara, Italy, the Civic Library of Piacenza, Italy, the State Archives of Parma, Italy, and the National Central Library o f I t a l y .

Mw wife, whose patience and good humor "even failed during the time this study was bei"g done, and whose comments have contributed to the stud-r in many wa-m.

My mother, whose original challenge is the reason for this study.

i-i VITA

September 7* 1932 Born - Ecorse, Michigan

1959 •••••• B ,S .t Music, The Ohio State U niversity 1 9 6 1 ...... M,A., Theatre, The Ohio State University

1962-1964 , . . „ Technical Assistant, Department of Speech, The Ohio State University

1964-1966 . * . . Technical Director of Theatre, Instructor in Speech, The University of Wyoming

1966-1967 Technical Assistant, Department of Speech, The Ohio State University

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Theatre

Studies in Theatre History* Professor John H. McDowell

Studies in Dramatic Literature* Professors Everett Schreck and John H* McDowell

Studies in Technical Theatre* Professor Walter S* Dewey

Studies in Directing* Professor Roy H. Bowen

Minor Field: Music

Studies in Voice Pedagogy* Professor Dale V* Gilliland

iii CONTENTS

Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... i i VITA ...... i i i

ILLUSTRATIONS ...... v i TABLES ...... v i i i

Chapter

I . INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY...... 1 A Review of the L ite ra tu re .••••.■•••••••. 2 The Specific Aims of the Study ...... 9 The Limitations of the Study ...... 10 The Nature of the Evidence 12 Procedures ...... 1^

I I . THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE OPERA...... 19

Introduction . 19 The First Opera 22 The Musical Style of the Early Opera ...... 24 The Subjects of the Early Operas •••••••••••• 31 Early Operatic Scenography ...... •••••»••• 44

I I I . A CHRONOLOGY OF THE COURT THEATRES OF PARMA...... 51

Conclusions ...... 54 IV. THE THEATRES OF THE CITY OF PARMA...... 65 The Tournament Theatre of Parma •••••«...... 69 The Construction of the Theatre ••••.••••••• 69 The Forerunners of the Tournament Theatre at Parma . . . 72 1618 or 1628? ...... 80 The Design and the Construction of the Theatre • • • • • 83 Summary 93 The Machines for the Stage of the Tournament Theatre . . 95 The Cloud Machine .••••••••••••.*•••• 95 The Umbrella Machine •••••.•»..•••••••• 98 The Star Glory ...... a...... 100 Unverified Parma Machine Designs •..•••••.••• 100

iv CONTENTS (Contd.)

Chapter Page

The Nautical Battle in the Arena at Parma • •••••• 106 Summary •••••••••••••••••••••••• 108 The Teatrino di Corte ...••••••«.*.«.•• 110 The Temporary Theatre at S. Pietro Martire ...... 113 Final Conclusions 120

V. THE THEATRES OF PIACENZA...... 121 The Teatro delle Salwe ...... 124 Statistics and Measurements of the Saline ..••••• 126 Hypotheses ...... ••• 135 The Teatro della Cittadella 137 Statistics and Measurement of the Ducale ..«••••» 139 The Teatro d el Palazzo Communale ••••••••••.• 1^6 Summary ...... 1^9 VI. THE FESTIVAL SPECTACLES OF 1690 151

The Wedding and the Wedding Entourage •••••••.. 152 M ythological and A lleg o rical Anomalies a t Parma • • • • 174 The Mythology and Symbolism of La difessa della bellezza. 1618 182 Mercurio e Marte. 1628 ...... 183

V II. CONCLUSION...... 186

Suggestions for Future Studies ••••••• 191 APPENDIX A ...... 194

APPENDIX B ...... 200 APPENDIX C ...... 202

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 21?

v ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

I. The First Section of the Messenger Scene of Act I of Caccini's Euridice . . •••••*•••• 26

II. A Portion of an Aria from Zianni's Opera Alcibiade. Composed in 1680 27 III. Setting for the Opening Scene of La Regina Sant1 Or sola . 47

IV. Act II, Scene 2 of La Regina Sant1 Orsola 0 ...... 48

V. Scene from La Regina S a n t1 O rsola 49

VI. Final Scene from La Regina Sant1 Orsola...... 50

VII. A Late Seventeenth Century Map of the City of Parma . . . 67

VIII. The Facade of the Teatro Olimpico ...... 73

IX. The Proscenium Facade of the Tournament Theatre at Parma ...... 74 X. A View of Part of the Seating Area of the Tournament Theatre a t Parma 75 XI. An Interior Elevation of the Original Concept for the Tournament Theatre at Parma 76 XU. An Undated and Unsigned Plan for the Tournament Theatre . 77

XIII. Donati's Ground Plan of the Tournament Theatre • • • • • ?8

XIV. An Undated and Unsigned Ground Plan for the Tournament Theatre at Parma 86

XV. A Reproduction of One of the Original Drawings by Aleotti for the Tournament Theatre 91

XVI. A Drawing of One of the Original Machines for the Tournament Theatre at Parma ••.•••••....•. 96

XVII. The Finished Appearance of the Cloud Machine in the Previous Figure ...... 97

XVIII. The Umbrella Machine 99 XIX. Francesco Giutti*s Star Glory Machine ...... 101

v i ILLUSTRATIONS (Contd.)

Figure Page

XX, G iutti's Star Glory in the Second Two Positions as It Descends to the Stage Floor ..«••••••••. 102 XXI, A Machine for the Appearance on Stage of Fifty Persons . 104

XXII, A Machine of Communicating Bridges 105

XXIII, One of the Sea Machines Built for Mercurio e Marte , , . 109

XXIV, Two S ectional Views of an Unknown Engraver of the Tournament Theatre and the Teatrino di Corte . . . • , 112

XXV, The Author's Ground Plan of the Tournament Theatre and the Teatrino di Corte ...... 114

XXVT. The Author's Conjectural Reconstruction of the Interior of the T eatrino d i Corte 115 XXVII, The Ground Plan fo r the Temporary Theatre a t S, P ie tro M artire ...... , . 118

XXVIII, The Author's Reconstruction of the Temporary Theatre at S. Pietro Martire 119 XXIX. An Old Map of the City of Piacenza ...... 125 XXX, The Plan of the Auditorium and Stage Floor Level of the Teatro delle Saline 132 XXXI. The Plan fo r the Second Level of Boxes in the Teatro d e lle Saline 133 XXXII. The Author's Reconstruction of the Interior of the Saline 134

XXXIII. The Plan of the Floor Level of the Teatro Ducale . . . . 141 XXXIV. The Plan of the Second Level of Boxes at the Ducale . . . 142

XXXV. The Plan for the Fourth and Fifth Levels of Boxes at the Ducale ...... 143

XXXVI. A 1690 Engraving of the Proscenium of the Ducale . . . . 144

XXXVII. The Author's Reconstruction of the Teatro Ducale .... 145

XXXVIII. Scene 1 of L'idea di tutte le perfezione ...... 158

v i i ILLUSTRATIONS (Contd,)

Figure Page XXXIX, Scene 2 of L1 idea di tutte le nerfezione ...... 159

XL, Scene ^ of L1idea di tutte le perfezione ...... l6 l

XLI, Scene 5 of Llidea di tutte le nerfezione 162

XLII, The Glory Machine Which Was the Finale to L»idea d i tutte le pe rfe zione 163

XLIII, Scene 1 of L«eta del’o r o ...... 165

XLIV. Scenes 2 and 3 of L‘eta del'oro ...... 167

XLV, The Final Scene of L^ta dePoro ...... 168 XLVI, The Setting for the Aquatic Opera La gloria dtaraore . . . 170

XLVH, One of the Machines for La gloria d^more ...... 172 XLVTH. A Very Rare Engraving of the Proscenium of the * Tournament Theatre of Parma 175

XLIX. Act I, Scene 1 of II favore degli dei 176 L, Act I, Scene 2 of II favore degli dei •••••••••* 177

LI, Act I, Scene 3 of H favore degli dei 178 LII. Act I, Scene 4 of II favore degli d e i ...... 179

LIII. Act I, Scene 5 of II favore degli dei 180

TABLES

Table Page

1, The Chronology of the Court Theatres of the Famese, 1628-1699 ...... 55

v i i i CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

Although theatre historians recognize that the genre of opera and the theatre building influenced each other*s development, general histories of theatre treat this subject inadequately and unsuccessfully.

Indeed, general theatre history before 1600, which is often undocumented, leaves room for much speculation about forms of entertainment as well as the theatres themselves. For example, there is no source which discusses in any detail the theatres or the theatrical activity of the Duchy of

Parma during the seventeenth century. However, several previously undocumented theatres of Parma provide good examples of the mutually influential development of opera and the theatre building. Because of the need for a study of this influence, as well as the need for a treat­ ment of the seventeenth century theatres of Parma, this study was con­ ceived. It is intended to deal generally with the evolution of the opera as genre, with its influence on the changing shape and structure of the theatre building, and specifically with its influence on the court theatres of the Ducky of Parma from 1618 to 1690.

The major concern of this study is to answer the question, "Which came first, the theatre or the entertainment form?" In other words, as we trace the development of the theatre from its inception to the present,

can we say that the conformation and general layout of the theatre itself

1 led to the form of the entertainment which it housed, or that plays

created a need for new types of buildings? To begin to answer this ques­ tion, it is necessary to turn to Italy of the late sixteenth and seven­ teenth centuries* The people of Italy were being entertained at this time by th e bawdy humor and the straightforw ard comments on human f r a i l ­ ties of the oommedia dell1 arte, generally conceded to be the first example of professional theatre* But at the same time, another entertainment form was developing in Italy which was to be of more significant influence

by f a r than the plays o f the oommedia* This form was th e court f e s tiv a l pageant* Except for their lack of dramatic structure, the pageants of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were theatrical in every way* But

in what way does the undramatic festival fit into the development of

theatre to its present distinctly dramatic form? This question is

important to the thesis of this study, for it will be seen that one of

the most influential of all theatrical entertainments, the opera,

developed out of the court festival, and it will further be seen that the

proscenium arch-wing stage was necessary to the opera.

Before defining the opera and stating the limitations of the

study, a brief review of the literature dealing with the limited area

specified as the subject of the study is in order*

A review of the literature

Few valid sources of information exist on theatrical production

in the seventeenth century other than scenarii of plays and libretti of

operas* Libretti are the published books containing the poetry and lyrics

for music* list of the cast, personnel, painters and designers; and, often, illustrative material such as scene designs and machine plans.

The books are frequently the only evidence of a work from the seventeenth

century that has been preserved. Much of the music from this period has been lost.1 (For those works from which all or part of the music is extant, reference to modern recordings has proved Valuable. Where these

are pertinent to the study they have been listed in Appendix B.)

In addition to the libretti, there are a number of docunents and

letters pertaining to the court theatres of the Farnese, which have been

found in various Italian libraries, among them the Civic Library of

Piacenza,2 the State Archives of Parma,3 the Civic Library of Ferrara,^ and the Historical Archives of Parma.^ These documents make it easier to

trace production activity than to detect musical activity in the case of

specific operatic productions. Although this information is far from

complete in most cases, it is sufficient in volume to be valuable in

conjectural reconstructions of several important seventeenth century

th e a tre s .

Isolated scene designs and theatre ground plans form an important

part of historical documentation. Unfortunately, all that is preserved

^Alfred Leowenburg, Annals of Opera (Cambridge: W, Heffner and Sons, 19^3). 2 Palestre111 MS C ollection, B lblioteea Comunale P a sse rin i Landi, Via Carduoci Id, Piacenza. 3 Teatro farnese. Galleria Inferiore, Arohivio di Stato di Parma, Vlcolo S. Marcellino, Parma. it MS C ollection L, 763, F ., 165 , B lb lio teea Comunale d i F e rra ra .

^Glauco Lombardi, II teatro farnesiano di Parma (Vol. IX, Arohivio Storico per le Province Paraensi, Parma, 1909). as a record of many theatres is the plan of the main-floor level or the sub-floor level of the theatre. In other oases these plans are published as sufficient evidence of the theatre, while additional plans lie unknown and unused in libraries all over Europe* Just such a set of unexplained plans is found in Volume 10 of Mask Magazine, revealing two old theatres of Piacenza,^ At first glance it would seem impossible to reconstruct these theatres, but comparison with additional plans and information, recently discovered and published in this study for the first time in this country, proves these small theatres to be important early examples of the horseshoe-shaped box theatre.

As to secondary sources, in general histories of the theatre the Duchy of Parma i s seldom well-documented. None, fo r example, give any description of the small theatre built to the side of the famous Teatro

Farnese in 1689, and none note the fact that the small theatres of the town of Piacenza housed far more productions than the larger and better- known Teatro Farnese. Although a general history cannot be expected to contain everything of interest or importance, Parma, an Important source of theatrical development, is often completely forgotten.

In the general histories of music, Parma fares little better.

Few even mention the Duchy, most do not name the th e a tre s in which specific productions took place, and none exhibit any concern with the theatrical elements of the music they discuss. David D. Boyden*s

Introduction to Maslc is typical of these sources. After devoting only

Emilio Nasali-Rocca, The Old Theatres of Piacenza. Mask Magazine, Vol. 10, 192A, p . 177. a few pages to the monumental contribution of Claudio Monteverdi to the

opera* he sums up by s ta tin g :

In short* compared with Orfeo [La Favola d*Orfeo, 1607] Poppea [L*Incoronazione d i Poppea, 1642] showed a marked economy of musical forces* possibly because in this opera everything but the singers is redundant to the realization of the drama . . • possibly the advent of the public opera had its influence.'

While both these statements are accurate, their brevity does little to

foster a clearer understanding either of Claudio Monteverdi or of the

importance of the opera in general as a factor* not only of musical

history* but of theatre history as well.

Many specific and limited treatises on theatre history make the

connection between the opera and its theatres even more succinctly. In

his latest book, Alois Nagler treats the theatrical elements of a number

of early festivals at some length. He then states the importance of the

combined elements of music and spectacle:

In l608 the older form, a play interspersed with intermezzi, mad'* a brief return, but from then on* the pure operatic get * held the stage.6 Mr. Nagler*s concern, as he clearly states* is the theatrical elements of

court entertainments, typified by the tournament. In this form of

entertainment there was suoh slender dramatic action that it could be

stopped at any point, and an intermezzo inserted, without damage to the

action of the primary drama. Concerned strictly with those festivals

which related to the Medici* and not with the development of a theatre to

David D. Boyden, An Introduction to Music (New fork: Alfred A. Knopf, 1959). p. 169. 8 Alois Nagler, The Theatre Festivals of the Medici (New Haven and London: Xale University Press,1964), p. 2. house the genre. Nagler*s investigation is* vithin these self-imposed limitations, one of the best done* As a by-product of his investigation,

Nagler has to a large extent proved my earlier contention that the lib retti of early works are the only really valid source of information on the genre, and, further, that these books may be used with good results in analyzing general theatrical development during the seventeenth century*

Per Bjurstrda* s extensive study of Giacomo Torelli is also exemplary of the well-defined study of theatre in the seventeenth century*^ His concentration on Torelli, however, obviates any real consideration of either the musical elements of the court festivals or of

Parma, where, it is thought, Torelli never designed*

Perhaps the best known chronicler of the city of Parma and the

Teatro Farnese is Paolo Donati, who writes at great length in one study of the large tournament theatre, describing in detail all its com­ ponents*^® In a second book, Descrizione della citta di Parma, he covers the architecture of the major buildings and institutions of

11 Parma* However, in neither of these books does he more than mention the Teatrino di Corte, although most bibliographic sources agree that

^Per Bjurstrom, Giacomo T o re lli and Baroque Stage Design (Stockholm: Almquist and Wioksell, 19ol)*

10Paolo Donati, Descrizione del gran teatro farnese di Parma (Parma: Blanchon, 1 8 1 7 ).Short title reference. Gran teatro*

^Paolo Donati, Descrizione della citta di Parma (Parma: Paganino, 1824). Short title reference, Citta di Parma. 7 Donati gained his early experience as a scene painter in that very th e a tre •

General and incomplete documentation of the Duchy of Parma has resulted In, among other things, the misconception that Parma supported only one private court theatre during the seventeenth century. In reality the Teatro Famese was only one of several theatres supported by the

Farnese dukes* Altogether, seven private theatres were in operation there. Of the seventy operas produced between 1628 and 1699# only five, or possibly six, took place in the Teatro Farnese* Thus, besides the need to correct the misconceptions about the large tournament theatre, the other, less well-known theatres of the duchy deserve careful investi­ gation* In summary, the deficiencies of the literature are as follows:

1* Other than in works by Bjurstrdm and Nagler, there are no

comprehensive analyses of the lib retti of the seventeenth century festival operas in the context of the time and the place of composition and performance*

2* A large number of theatre plans and scene designs exist as

isolated units* Considered in isolation, however, they have little value* But they have some bearing on both the opera and the theatre that

grew out of the opera, and when they are analyzed as they relate to a

specific theatre or production, they can lead ultimately to reconstruc­ tion either of a complete production or of a theatre building. Analysis

in depth has seldom been attempted with any of the rather large body of

such information regarding the theatres of Parma*

3* Major sources of music and theatre history are not concerned with defining the theatrical elements of the early opera with regard to sceneography or the architecture of the theatre in which the works were produced*

Jf* Of all the available information, perhaps eighty percent is in Ita lia n * The language problem fo r many research ers i s compounded by other considerations:

a* The major portion of this material is either in manuscript, which is most difficult to read, or

b* it is written in a theatrically archaic form of the language, making translation more than a simple dictionary matter, and

c* by present standards many of the designers and mechanics of the seventeenth century were neither exceptionally articulate nor invariably completely literate*

5* The misconception that the Duchy of Parma had only one court theatre is perpetuated by an error of omission* Host treatises on the seventeenth century theatre are concerned with Venice, Florenoe, Rome, or

Naples, when there was admittedly more theatrical and operatic activity TO than in Parma* The omission of Parma from th is l i s t o f c itie s suggests that this small duchy did not compete with the major provinces and republics in the production of theatre and music, whereas actually the development of its theatres and theatrical fare closely paralleled the others*

It is clear from this summary of the literature dealing with the opera and the theatres of Italy between 1600 and 1700 that much research

•fhile about seventy operas have been verified for Parma between 1618 and 1699, Domenico Soarlatti, composing in Naples, produced 115 works in less than forty-five years* and many compilations of the results of research remain to be done* No single source can be expected to include all the available Information on the theatre of a full century* Such a diversity of material would not only involve a volume of impossible bulk* buck the study would also have l i t t l e u n ity o r d irectio n * Narrowing our concern to th e Duchy of Parma between the dates 1618 and 1690 reduces the problem to one of definable dimensions*

The s p e c ific aims o f th e study

The following objectives have been formulated as a result of problems arising from the deficiencies In the existing literature*

1* The study will deal briefly with the evolution of the opera

in Italy and with the effects of that evolution on the theatres then

standing* 2* The surface relationship between the court festival and the opera in general will be investigated* To see the overall picture of

theatre development, it is important to realize that these two theatre

forms were actually the same for many years.

3* Before the emergence of the opera, only one major theatre, a

playhouse, stood in Parma* All of the other major theatres in the duchy

were designed and built as a direct result of the Influence of the opera*

Almost without exception these theatres housed either opera or festival

spectacles, which were developmental forms of the opera* Most of the

spectacles were the exolusive product of the court theatres; thus, the

connection between opera as genre and the theatres in which it played

may be made more e a s ily a t Parma than elsewhere* 10

An attempt will also be made to define the difference in function between the public opera and the court opera« At Parma the existence of such a difference can readily be shown* There the subject matter of the court opera spectacles remained at odds with the subject matter of the public opera throughout all of the seventeenth century and part of the following century* While the works composed for the public opera moved progressively from the older, festival-inspired subjects of allegorlco-aythologieal origin to works of more modem inspiration dealing with adventure and intrigue, the court opera continued using allegory and mythology almost exclusively even as late as 1690*

The limitations of the study

The main limitations of the study are as follows:

1* The analysis and reconstruction of the theatres of Parma and

Piaoenza are limited to that information which is not presently considered

oomnon knowledge* Specifically, the portions of this study concerned with the theatre edifioe will deal with the misconceptions about the

Teatro Farnese and w ill present new information regarding other, less familiar theatres of both the two ducal cities*

2* Though a multitude of scene designs from the seventeenth

century may be found, this study will deal only with those which are unquestionably drawn for productions at one or another of the court theatres of Parma* Any designs not specifically originating at Parma are

used as examples of staging techniques in general*

3* A discussion of playhouse activity at Parma is not included

in this study* Although there was one theatre in Piacenza which was 11 demonstrably a playhouse rather than an opera house* the activity of any play-producing group at Parma is* for all practical purposes, completely undocumented* _

4-* This study does not deal at great length with what was one of the most important festival-opera productions at Parma during this period,

Mercurio e Marte. This work opened the Teatro Farnese in 1628, and it was completely documented by a contemporary chronicler, Marcello

Buttigli.^3 The exclusion of detailed discussion of this work is justi­ fied by the rather complete translation and discussion of Buttigli*s records by Alois Nagler in his latest book.^*

5* Detailed analysis of preserved libretti is confined to four major works which comprised nearly the whole of a festival ocoasion at court in the year 1690* General analyses of several other works which are not confined to Parma are made as examples of the subject matter and of the staging techniques of the early opera*

6* Discussion of the opera as genre will be limited in this study f o r two m ajor reasons:

a* Prior to 1600, or slightly thereafter, there was no opera in the truest sense of the term*

b. After 1600 the court opera did not appreciably change, but remained very similar to the court festival in general structure* It

13 Marcello Buttigli, Descrizione dell* anparato fatto ner honorare la orima e solenne entrata in Parma della serenissima princiuessa Mareherlta di Toscano (Parma: Stamperia di Cbrte, 1&295* " 14 Alois Nagler, op. cit* Mr* Nagler confines his remarks on Buttigli*s chronicle to one chapter in his book, entitled, HThe Medici- Faraese Wedding* M 12 was the public opera which was in a continual state of flux, experiment­

ing with new subjects and new organization. The public opera, however,

cannot be considered a major subjeet area of this study.

The nature of the evidence

The sources used in this study may be divided into two basic

categories, primary and mixed. Primary sources are those actually written

at the time of the production or at the time of the construction of the

theatre buildings under consideration. All others, even though they may

contain primary information or are the result of original research, are

called mixed sources.

1 . The Prim ary Sources.

a. The main body of primary material consists of the

lib retti for the productions of opera-spectacles at the court theatres,

many of which have been consulted in the original at the Music Division

of the Library of Congress.

b. Microfilmed materials in the Theatre Collection of the

Ohio State University include not only a large number of libretti but

also numerous ground plans and other pictorial evidence of important

early opera theatres. The staff of the Theatre Collection have con­

tributed greatly to this study in their readiness to procure on film rare

documents which have proved of interest and value. As a consequenoe, the

Collection now holds nearly all the primary sources consulted for this

study.

o. Other primary materials, mainly letters, documents and

excerpts from diaries, have been found preserved in the libraries of the 13

Duchy of Parma and elsewhere in Northern Italy. Again, the Theatre

Collection of the Ohio State University now owns most of these on m icrofilm .

2 . The Mixed So tiroes.

a. Paolo Donati*s Descrizione della citta di Parma (Parma,

1824), and Pietro DeLama*s Descrizione dell* teatro farnese (Bologna,

1818), have been used as basic reference sources on the oity of Parma and the Tournament Theatre of Parma. Donati*s description of Parma includes not only comments on theatres and theatrical activity, but com­ plete descriptions of buildings and institutions in the city. He dis­ cusses churches, public buildings, and colleges such as the Collegio dei

Nobili, providing an overall picture of the city and its society.

DeLama, on the other hand, lim its his discussion to the Tournament

Theatre, presenting perhaps the best collection of facts and dimensions a v a ila b le .

Poggiali*8 Menorie per la storia di Piacenza (Piacenza, 1789), and Giuseppe Zanetti*s Reggla fabbrlche de teatri di Piacenza (Blblioteea

Comunale Passerini Landi, Piacenza), have been consulted as basic sources on the town of Piacenza and on the theatres of that town. Pogglali does not comment on the theatres of Piacenza; he is concerned with those persons who contributed most to the developing society of the town after

about 1550. His comments, like those of Donati, are limited to an over­ view of the oity and its institutions. Zanetti*s collection includes

ground plans for two important Piaoenza theatres, the Teatro delle Saline,

built in 1592, and the Teatro della Cittadella, built £. 1650. Henry Prunieres* Histoire de l»Onera avant Lolly (Paris, 1926), and Ettore de Giovanni1 s Stndi di musioologia niaoentina (Piacenza, 1927), with Leowenburg*8 monumental Annals of Opera, have proved the most valu­ able general sources of the history of opera and related musical forms, and have aided in the establishment of an operatic chronology for the

Duchy of Parma*

b. Standard histories of the opera and music in general have been oonsulted for verification of dates, oonqoosers, and librettists*

c. Standard histories of the theatre have been consulted in those cases where a complete overview of the period was important*

d* Where unusual problems have occurred regarding th e staging of operas, or of the operation of little-known machines for the stage, reference to seminar papers written by scholars in the Theatre Collection of the Ohio State University has been valuable. In the absence of other documentation, these papers have been the source of many of the author* s hypotheses and conjectures.

In order to avoid the inclusion of excessive and loosely-connected material, this study assumes a basic knowledge of both theatre and music history on the part of the reader. Familiarity with the names of important designers and composers of the seventeenth century would be useful, as would some general knowledge of such precursors of the opera

as the edla and polyphonic music, though this knowledge is not

absolutely necessary* Also assumed is a general fam iliarity with the terminology of the theatre, especially terms dealing with the physical plant and with staging techniques. The study is organized In the following manner:

Chapter II covers two major subjects, the evolution of the opera and its development during the early, formative years of the genre and the investigation of the few documented theatres standing before 1600*

Before this date, there was no opera, and little is known of theatres standing in the sixteenth oentury*

In order to avoid confusion when referring to the opera in this study, the following definition of the genre is made:

1. Though simple and usable definitions of opera abound, none is quite ideal for this study, for nearly all are made on the basis of recent examples of the genre, exemplified by nineteenth century grand opera* All that these later works have in common with the opera consid­ ered in this study is the solo human voice, an orchestra of varied instru­ ments, and a stage of varying conformation*

2* The earliest operas were a synthesis of the arts of music, spectacle, dance and drama* Music and spectacle were the most important, for they were the most familiar to the publio of the seventeenth century, which was used to both the splendid choirs of the polyphonic composers and to the frequent and sumptuous spectacles of the royal celebrations at court* The element of dance was less important, but it was still integral to the royal festival* Drama ranked last in importanoe, for it was mainly limited to the plays of the then popular 77"m>Q'*fn groups and to the medieval ecclesiastic drama, neither of which was essentially dramatic in nature*

3* Drama is the single distinguishing element which differen­ tiates the earliest operas from the court festivals* By saying that the early opera contained drama, I simply mean that it had soae semblance of plot, conflict, and character development, however slight. Without this element it is impossible to distinguish the two genre.

4>. The major concern of the composers of the first operas was that the music itself be able to sustain the dramatic situation. Poly­ phonic music, the ultimate development at that time, could not do so. If the plays of the eowmarfia were essentially undramatic, so was polyphony, in which both conflicting lines of poetry and musio were sung simul­ taneously by the abstract voioe choir of up to twelve persons to a part.

The opera, on the other hand, is characterized by the use of the solo human voioe, agreed to be the only instrument which can oonvey drama in musical terms. Some of the earliest operatic attempts, however, were far

from perfect examples of the use of the solo voice. Often they were

conglomerations of polypheny, dramatic solo music and a situation which was, without the music, singularly unexciting and undramatic.

5* The early opera and the court festival were so similar on the

surface that in most respects it is possible to use the terms opera and

spectacle synonymously. For this reason I have elected the older term

spectacle for references to specific works from the period under consid­

eration. I have done so simply to obviate the possible confusion of these

formative works with later, more familiar works upon which the most

comaon definitions of opera are based.

Chapter III is a chronology of the theatrical activity of the

Duchy o f Farma, beginning a t 1 6 1 8 and ending at 1699* Such an arrangement

of events contains little but the surface record of the occurrences of an

epoch, but there is no other document available through which the events in the theatres of Parma may be connected. For this reason the statis­ tical and chronological information usually relegated to an appendix is partially included within the body of this study*

Chapter IV is concerned with the theatres of the city of Parma*

The Teatro Faroese is well documented, but newly unearthed information exists which w ill clarify some of the areas of confusion presently surrounding the aotual construction and use of this famous theatre*

In addition to the Faroe se, the city of Parma had four other theatres, the most important of which was the Teatrlno di Corte. I have con jecturally reconstructed this little-known theatre, which has proved to be an important example of the early theatre, which was to develop into the nineteenth-century opera house*

Chapter V deals in the same fashion with the theatres of the small town of Piacenza, where there was more important theatrical activity than was found in the city of Parma at many times during the century* Of the three theatres known to exist there between 1592 and 1700, sufficient new material has been found to effect a reconstruction of two, both important examples of the early box theatre*

Chapter VI is a report of the events and entertainments of the festival of 1690 arranged to oelebrate the wedding of Odoardo Faroe se II and Oorotea Sofia of Neuestadt (Neoburgo)* Four major works performed as part of this festival and staged at different theatres, provide an inter­ esting comparison with earlier works* The libretti for these four works are especially rich, containing many designs for machines and settings, many of them by the famous Ferdinando G alli da Bibiena* 18

Chapter YH, the concluding chapter, is intended to relate all the preceding chapters by discussing the theatres of Parma and Piacenza in relation to the development of the opera as genre, and by examining the relative importance of the Duchy of Parma to both the history of music and the history of theatre.

The appendices which follow the concluding chapter are simply intended as a repository for the larger bulk of such materials as letters and documents! which though interesting! are too long to incorporate into the body of the study. CHAPTER I I

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE OPERA

Introduction

To the opera lover today* as well as to the knowledgeable listener, the term opera and the adjective grand automatically go together* conjuring up visions of first nights at the old Metropolitan

Opera* of Caruso and Calli-Curci in Lucia, of Price in Alda, and of Callas in La Sonnambula. Verdi* Puccini, Donizetti, composers of grand opera* are synonymous with the definition of the genre today. Perhaps few opera lovers oare greatly about the origin of the word "opera;H however, its origin, as well as the origin of the genre itself, is a matter of more than idle curiosity. After all* the name need not be particularly apt.

In ay view, the musical comedy, for example, is often neither musical* nor comic, and the operetta (little opera) is seldom any shorter than an opera. These forms are basically theatrical: they are all syntheses of music, spectacle* dance, and drama* w ith some semblanoe of plot* theme* and character development.

This basic construction of the genre is not new. Vase paintings from Greece which seem to depict actors and musicians playing a ll manner of instruments suggest that the theatre of Greece contained the same elements in 250 B.C. Even though these figures cannot be proved beyond any doubt to be theatrioal* it should be evident that arts as Important

19 20 to a society as were music and dance to the Greeks would inevitably find a way into the theatre of that society. It is possible to make the same statements about the theatre of the Romans and of the Etruscans* and possibly about the social and religious rites of the Incas and the Aztec* The medieval theatre fits the definition well also, but it was, perhaps, more musical, more spec­ tacular, and even less dramatic than its earliest precursors* By about the thirteenth century the Italian festival parades and tournaments placed great emphasis on spectacle, de-emphasizing drama, dance, and music* The oommsdia emphasized th e dram atic element a b i t more than i t s immediate precursors, but subsequently became singularly undramatic* Considering the construction of both ancient and medieval theatrical performances, it should be evident that the formula for the construction of the first opera, which appeared in 1600 , was fa m ilia r to all theatre-goers. Indeed, primary sources in both theatre and music history indicate rather conclusively that such oomposers as Monteverdi and Cavalli did not call their works "operas,M nor did the composer of polyphonic music refer to his compositions by that name, for there was no musical style extant from which his work needed to be distinguished*^

An important development in early and medieval music was the addition of another melody or melodies to the chant or the plainsong* The melodies then acted as counter-melodies, all sounding at the same time* From these additions slowly grew the whole process of polyphony, and finally of harmony, the one lasting characteristic of western music. Nearly all sacred forms take their point of departure from the chant, which was usually incorporated in one way or another into the new music, usually in a lower voice, sometimes called the "tenor." Early forms which incorporated the chant or plainsong include the descant, organum. and the motet. The motet illustrates many aspects of medieval life, basing music on the plainsong relates all the parts to the known part* The deliberate horizontal arrangement of the motet is characteristic 21

The music had simply grown out of all the music which had gone before in a metamorphosis which seldom occurred so rapidly that a "new" form needed any definition.

After the beginning of the eighteenth century, perhaps as late as

1750, when other musical forms such as the onera seria. the chamber composition, and the oratorio had been devised, the term opera began to designate a specific type of theatrical work with music. However, the word has multiple meanings. It can mean "to act" or "an act," "to work" or "a work, * much as it did in 1600. The connection of the word with eighteenth-century music-theatre is valid only insofar as such musical works were made of separate pieces of music which could stand alone, out of context. In other words, early music dramas were "a series of indi­ vidual musical and dramatic works, in combination forming a dramatic whole, but which could be performed separately as well.This construc­ tion fits well within the scope of the meaning of opera ("a work") or opere ("a group of works").

Defining the early opera by universal standards is difficult, for normally the definition is colored by our contemporary acceptance of the standards of in d iv id u al composers. Our concern a t th is moment, then, i s to be able to look at the opera as if it were still the year 1600.

of the horizontal social organization of medieval life, which was more international than national, dominated by the Roman ohurch, by the Latin language and by the stratified structure of feudal society.

2 Author*s definition. 22

The first onwa

The birth of the opera, often credited to Claudio Monteverdi, who was among the first composers of the new form, should actually be attrib­ uted to the Bardi oamerata. a group of nobles who met habitually at the home of one Signor Bardi in Florence. These men were among Italy*s most i cultured and intelligent 2 the group included Vicenzo Gallilei, the father of the famous astronomer; Jacopo Peri, the composer; and the singer Giulio Cacoini.3 Peri is generally credited with the first opera, a work entitled Dafne. which he wrote in 1600. In the same year, Cacclni wrote the second opera, Eurldioe. which was first performed for the court of the Medici* The fact that Euridice was performed for the wedding of

Henry IV and Maria di Medici indicates that the composers in the came rata were considered the world* s best* From the very beginning, as we shall see in succeeding chapters, opera was adopted by the wealthy nobles of

Italy, who spared no expense or trouble to have the very best of every­ thing for their court festivals* For them the opera seemed to have an appeal which transcended all other forms of entertainment, theatrical or musical* Thus, the new operas were destined to fame, not only because they were written and performed by the finest artists the world had yet produced, but also partially because of their early association with w ealth and power*

The men composing the Bardi oamerata had probably come to realize that the multi-voiced choir of polyphonic music, just then in full flower, could not hope to express any real aspect of either character or situation*

3 Vicenzo Galilei, Delle muslca antica e moderna (Firenze, 1581), 23 They consequently went one important step beyond the polyphonic composers, using the solo human voice as the prims instrument of their music. This use of the solo voioe is the very heart of the opera today, for dramatic situations can best be well expressed by a combination of narrative and d ialo g . Peri and Caccini managed some semblanoe of the dramatic in their first works, but these were thin and watery affairs, not only by compari­ son with contemporary operatic works, but with polyphony as well.1* less bound to tradition, and perhaps of greater genius, was Claudio Monteverdi.

He used both the solo voioe and the polyphonic practice of dashing melodic lines to create in his first work, Orfeo. and opera typified by often shrieking and usually remarkably effective harmonies.^ In 1607, when he wrote Orfeo. Monteverdi was court composer to Duke Vioenzo

Gonsaga of Mantua. About a year later, presumably due to the sucoess and popularity of his first work, he was commanded to produce another opera, a work for the celebration of the marriage of Francesco Gonzaga and

Margherita of Savoy. His responded with Arlanna.

A. A. Abert, The Opera (Amo Volk Verlag, Cologne, 1962). Abort states flatly that the first opera was Orfeo. written by Polziani in 1^71. However, no similar work followed this innovation for over a century. 5 In the past half-century there has been some effort to return Orfeo to the repertoire of several opera houses. In 1912 the Metropolitan Opera attempted a concert version of Orfeo with one of its very popular recitals, this one by Eamy Destinn and Pasquale Amato. As a result the audience was hardly attuned to the old work when it began. In 1913 the Chicago Grand Opera Company produced Orfeo in concert and the result was artistic and financial disaster. In May of 1929 the first full-stage production of Orfeo in America took place tinder the auspices of Smith College. Unfortunately no critiques of this production have been found. A full recording of Orfeo is available to the collector on Musiohe Italians Antiche records, conducted by Ferruccio Calusio. Zb

During th e period in which he composed Ariaruna. Monteverdi was mourning the death of his wife. Several sources draw the immediate con­ clusion that this cireuastance resulted in the sense of longing and lone­ liness which fills his music. According to Antonio Capri. Ariannats first audience was very moved: among the 6,000 persons present, many were seen in tears, both during and after the performance.^ The opera was immediately and overwhelmingly popular, producing the first operatic

"hit tune, N Lasclateml morire (Let me die alone), an aria of sadness and longing whioh typifies the attempt of operatic composers through the centuries to write music with an emotional impact.?

The musical style of the ggf l y gp?r» The general style of the first operas seems to have been that of the favola pastorale, the most unaffectedly musioal style in poetry during the sixteenth century, whose recognized ideals were Aminta. by Tasso, and Pastor Fldo. by Guarini. The music which resulted from the

Influence of the favola pastorale was an evenly-flowing speech-song with a cadence at the end of eaoh line of poetry and music, producing sections of song of exactly the same length throughout the work. (See Figure I, a

selection of music from 0000101*8 Euridice. which exemplifies this kind of organization.) Because the pitch, rhythm, and harmony were restricted,

Antonio Capri, II melodfwwf dagij origlnl ai noatri giorni (Modena; Guanda E d ito rs, 1938). 7 Wallace Brockway and Herbert Weinstock, The Opera (New York: Simon and Schuster, 194-1). lasoiatemi morire is one of the only remaining pieces of music from Arianna. and it has been recorded by Victor, number 17914- (12*). 25 the style was entirely dictated by the words of the poetry* Orchestra­ tions were limited mainly to the "ground bass" instruments; that is, the harpsichord, the lute, and the theorbo. The entire work was typically broken by a number of choral passages in a manner somewhat suggestive of the classical Greek chorus.

The examples set by the Bardi oamerata in Florence and by Claudio

Monteverdi were soon followed in Rome. At first Roman operas tended to make up by grand expenditure what they ladced in talent and experience. Theirs was a highly moralistic, allegorical drama with music consisting mainly of spectacle, a form which, as we shall see, held much favor O throughout the century in the court opera house. By about 1610 or 1615* the Florentine composers began experiment­ ing with the first aria-recitative division of song.9 They had added

Examples of the Roman operas, II San Alesslo. and II Palaszo Incantata remain, and are preserved in H, Goldschmidt, Studion tur Geschichte der ltallenishen Oper in 17 Jahrhundort (leipaig, 1901), Vol. I. 9 7Generally speaking, the aria and the recitative have always been defined according to purpose. The aria was a lyrical comment on the action which had just been fully described or instituted in the recitative. The scene made up of the aria and recitative was essentially a monologue describing (1) what had, or what was about to happen, and (2) how the individual Involved felt about the situation. The recitative took one of two basic forms, either the recltativo secoo. accompanied only by the harpsichord, or the recltativo acconpagnato. acoompanied by the entire orchestra. More recent examples of the recltativo secco come from Mozart*s Cosi Fan Tutti. The recitative accompagnato is best exemplified by such works as Verdi's H Trovatore. The aria, the very heart of the opera, began with the da capo (from the top) aria. In this form the first part of the aria was always repeated, so the song invariably ended at the end of the first part. The popularity of the aria, combined with the leva of the Italian for beauti­ ful singing (bel canto) has resulted in the present day aria, performed out of context as often as in the opera. more imposing choruses* and already there was evidence of more imagina­ tive use of the orchestra* By this early date the major elements of the opera were already being formed*

As the popularity of the opera increased, several features appeared which find a distinctive parallel in both American musical theatre and legitimate theatre* One of these was star worship* The sopranos of the early opera were extraordinarily feted and fortunate women* Most of them became duchesses or countesses, or, a t the very least, ladies of high repute. Their social success seems all the more startling when one remembers that women bad not long been on the stage, and that reputations among actresses were normally far from high* The operas, however, soon became little more than vehicles for sopranos, an opportunity for them to display their singular talents. Composers were slaves to their every whim; everyone indulged them to a degree which would seem curious if some women did not exist in a like situation today in cinema studios*

Of only a little less importance than the sopranos were the

castrati, artificially preserved male sopranos and altos* These men were not deposed from their position of importance on the operatic stage until late in the seventeenth century* Some, in fact, continued to hold favor into the early eighteenth century* During the papal ban on actresses, many women nevertheless performed on the operatic stage, and there are a number of instances in which women shared female roles in a work with

castrati. Long after women were sanctioned on the stage, the castrato 29

continued to find favor in some places.^ To so compete with women, the popularity of the castrato must have been great, as is somewhat attested to by the unverified report that the role of Hercules was often sung by a male soprano,

The year 1637 saw the opening of the first public opera house, a turning point in the development of the genre. The opera had been the toy of wealthy nobles, but now, in order to survive, it had to become a generally available and enjoyable commodity. As a result, the public opera immediately dropped the allegory and mythology of the earlier court operas and the Homan moralist operas and adopted intrigue and adventure, and eventually history, as subjects. The opening of the first public opera, the Teatro Novissimo in

Venice, was e ffe c te d w ith the opera Andromeda, by Francesco Mane H i . % this time the speech-song of the earliest operas was rapidly being replaced by a pattern in which the plot was carried by dramatic recita­ tives and arias were self-contained units. Thus, by the time the genre was less than fifty years old, it already contained all the basic elements by which we distinguish it today.

As th e a ria and the re c ita tiv e of the opera became more im portant to the drama, the orchestra and the chorus decreased in relative

There are several unverified reports that one Padre Francesco Melani, a male soprano, sang the title role in an opera entitled Hercules, and that this same castrato also performed the role of Queen Amnestris in CavaUifs Serse in l 660 . This was approximately fifty years after women had begun to displace the castrati in opera.

^Alfred Wotquenne, lib retti d*Operas et Oratorios Italians (Catalogue de la Bibliothec du Conservatoire de Bruxelles; Bruxelles: Oscar Scheppen6 and Co,, 1901), 30 importance.^ In l 6 *f0, for example, a large chorus or orchestra was

found only in the private court opera, where expense had never become

a fa c to r. By l6k5 Monteverdi had abdicated his throne as leading Venetian

composer, and his student Francesco Cavalli had taken over. More and

„ .more from this date, the music became the prime element of the opera, and

the plot became less Important. Of the developments to this time, Pietro

Delle Valle, in his Discorso. states, “This development is not insignif­

icant, actually it [the opera] is better in every way than [the operatic works of] the past age.M^*’ Delle Valle continues by explaining that,

after the ascension of Cavalli and Marc Antonio Cesti, composer of II

Porno d,oro. the emphasis on music was carried so far that plot and music,

represented by the recitative and aria respectively, ran in parallel lines which never met.

From about 1620 to 1680 the court opera continued to exist in

i t 8 original form, influencing the public opera little . Sometime around

1680, however, Venice lost its hold on the public opera, and the city of

Naples became the operatic capital of the world. With the 115 works of

Bjurstrom, op. clt.. states that the major portion of the average public opera house was spent on virtuosi rather than on personnel for either the chorus or the orchestra. He further claims that, by 1650 , the chorus was almost nonexistent in the public opera. 13 Henry PTunieres, Cavalli et l*opera Venetian au XVII sleds (P a ris: Lbs Editions Rieder, 1930). Pruniires explains that the orohes- tra of public opera was out to Ma dozen strings and two harpsichords, one to unite the orchestra, and the other played by the maestro to accompany the singers." To augment this light ensemble Na pair of trumpets to lend a festive air to triumphal scenes and overtures” were often used. lif Pietro Delle Valle, Discorso. cited by Capri, o p . c l t . 31 Alessandro Scarlatti cane a renaissance of interest in spectacle and drana in the opera.^ For nearly fifty years afterward, the court opera was the source of Influence and innovation* The movement toward the

Baroque in opera, in music, and in scenery had begun. Capri says of this p eriod :

With the last works of Cavalli and his successors and musical contemporaries, the structure of the opera underwent a profound change . . . toward the L*Bta Barocoa . . . where the spectacle and opulence of architecture and stage scenery characterised the scope of entertainments, and the final triumph of the song over the opera was realized.l°

Thus, the development of the musical style of the opera is represented in the struggle for predominance of the Roman public opera, the Florentine and Venetian public opera, and the private court opera, with the last finally exerting a major influence.

The subjects of the early operas

Whereas nineteenth century opera dealt mostly with believable, if rather romanticized, heroes and heroines in somewhat plausible situations, the early seventeenth century operas used classical, mythological, and allegorical heroes in situations often so complicated that they could only be resolved by a deus ex machine. Giacomo Puccini s e t to music the plights of good-hearted seamstresses and courtesans, but the works of Manelli and Cavalli are filled with tritons and sea machines, personified planets and flying machines. Giuseppe Verdi inoluded in his works

15 s Prunieres, op. oit. Alessandro Scarlatti, born in 1660, died 1725, is often confused with his son Domenico Soarlatti, whose works for the keyboard are still part of the repertoire of every artist, and are considered standards of excellence in keyboard composition* 16 C apri, op. c it. 32 something of the worst in his protagonists, but Aurelio Aureli personified

auch abstractions as "virtue in general" and "virtue sublime." Clearly, the court opera and the public opera grew from the sane roots. However, once fomed, the court opera remained stable, while

change characterized the public opera. An examination of three samples of opera by subject type will indicate more clearly the early approach to opera as drama. Since all the examples are relatively early, they also

serve to further define the court opera as it compares to later public opera.

The first example draws its subject matter from classical mythology:

La Favola d*orfeo. Claudio Monteverdi, l607» The Cast:

Orpheus, a singer Tenor* Kuridice, his wife Soprano Apollo, the god of music Tenor* Pluto, the god of the underworld Bass Proserpina, his wife Mezzo-soprano* Charon, ferryman of the Styx Bass Sylvia, a messenger Mezzo-soprano Music Mezzo-soprano Hope Me zzo-soprano^?

Those roles marked with an a s te r is k are often dene by different voices today. Present-day opera singers are no longer trained in use of extreme high and low ranges. Tenor roles in many early operas are often done by baritones today, and mezzo-soprano roles by sopranos. This is only partially because of the difficulty of the mu6io, and partially because of association. The baritone voice, for example, is more easily associated with swashbuckling heroes today than is the tenor or counter­ tenor voice. Among women*s voices today, the general rule is that the lower the voice, the greater the maturity of the character. Also; Henry W. Simon, 1Q0 Great Operas (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, i 960 ) states that the part of Orpheus was done by a woman. In 19^9* at the Florence Opera Festival, Orpheus was performed by the great contralto, Fedora Barbieri. The short overture to the work is followed by the appearance of the character of Music* who sings a prologue of six stanzas in which she tells the audience that she will narrate the fable of Orpheus for then and commands then and a ll the sounds of nature to be silent during the performance.

Act I is composed of a number of expository choruses relating to the general happiness of the narriage of Orpheus and Euridiee. The coiqple sings in turn of his or her happiness* and the act ends with another chorus of joy and exultation* Act II finds Orpheus alone* still singing of his happiness. A group of shepherds* delighted to hear him sing* plead for more* Accom­ panying himself on the lute, he prooeeds with an aria describing his former sorrow and loneliness* At this point* a messenger arrives with the news of the tragic death of Euridiee, who has been bitten by a poisonous snake* The shepherds sing of their horror at this news* and Orpheus sings of his determination to visit the "King of the Shadows" from whom he w ill take back Euridiee* He accepts the possibility of his own death in this venture* when he sings, in the last line of his aria*

"Farewell to earth* farewell to sun and sky* farewellI" The act closes with a song of lamentation by the shepherds* Act III finds Orpheus on the banks of the River Styx, where he reads the inscription "Abandon hope, all ye who enter here*" His first task is to convince the ferryman, Charon, to take him across the river.

Finding that pleas do not work, he sings the grim ferryman to sleep* A final chorus ends the act, describing the journey of Orpheus across the 34

Act IV, set in Hades, first reveals Proserpina and Pluto*

Proserpina*s tears move her husband to grant Orpheus* wish, on one condi­ tion, that he oust not look back at Euridioe even onoe, or he w ill lose her forever* At first Orpheus prooeeds happily, but he becomes more and more morose at not being able to look at his wife* Finally he looks baek; with a soft reproach, she dies and her spirit is taken back to

Hades* Orpheus tries to follow but is unable to do so* The act closes with a chorus moralizing on the fact that, while Orpheus can conquer hell itself, he cannot conquer himself*

Act V finds Orpheus wandering in Thrace, lamenting his loss* The music of this act is made more effective by the use of an off-stage echo of Orpheus* singing* The god A pollo, calling Orpheus Hson," offers to take him to the heavens, where he may trace the beauty of his lost love in stars forever* The act and the opera close with a happy shepherds*

chorus and a Moorish dance*

This work i s c le a rly l i t e r a r y In n atu ret i t does not embody much action that is easily staged, and the conflict is limited to the classical concept, somewhat w atered down, of man versus him self* The chorus in

Orfeo acts very much like a Greek chorus, commenting on the action of the drama rather than entering into it* There is only one instance in which the dramatic situation deviates from the old fable, the very end of the drama, where Monteverdi has changed the tragic ending to one of hope and

joy* Instead of being torn to bits by the Thracian women for mourning his wife too long, Orpheus symbolizes a ray of hope and enlightenment*

Rather than dying in vain, he is sent to contemplate his loss in paradise; essentially, he has been rewarded for his folly* 35 The characters of the opera have little opportunity for physical interaction; instead* the work stresses singing and scenery* The locales of Hell, Thrace* the River Styx* and so forth* were probably more inter­ esting to the audience than was action on any realistic plane* Further examination of the lib retti of early operas will more conclusively show this to be true* The subject of the second example is Christian history*

la Regina Sant* Orsola. Marco da Gagliano, 162 ^ ,

The Cast:

Ursula* daughter of the Sing of Cornwall Lucifer (often called Pluto) Gauno, King of the Huns The Archangel Michael Prince Ireo, a heathen, in love with Ursula The god of th e Arno Twelve River Nymphs Twelve Huns Twelve Tuscan Nobles Twelve Virgins The In fe rn a l Fury The P rie s ts of Mars Choirs of angels, Romans, and C h ristian s The prologue is set on the banks of the Amo* where the god and the nymphs of the r iv e r sing a hymn to the Archduke Karl* The c ity of Florence is painted on the drop hiding the stage; when the prologue ends it flies out to reveal the setting for Act I*

Act I is set in Hell* where Lucifer is seen seated on a seven­ headed Hydra, surrounded by twelve devils. (An oversight in the copy of the libretto consulted that these characters are not listed?) Lucifer is plotting a course of action which will aid the Huns in capturing the city of Cologne* At the end of the act, the Archangel Michael is seen in the sky, presenting a menace to Lucifer* The scene changes to the walls of the city of Cologne, with a v is ta of the Rhine in front* Gauno, king of th e Huns, swears he w ill not rest until the city has fallen to him. The act ends with a song of lament by a chorus of Christians. Act II is set in the same place, but the temple of the Infernal

Fury is seen in the foreground. Six priests of Mars offer sacrifice to the god of war, after which Ursula and twelve virgins appear. The virgins are prepared for martyrdom, and Ursula urges them not to be afraid. Following her exit there is a battle, and the Huns are repulsed by the

Roman defenders of the oity. Act H I begins with the proclamation by the Infernal Fury that

the oity of Cologne w ill be safe so long as Ursula and her virgins are unharmed. Lucifer appears to goad the Huns into another attack, but

Michael frightens off the devil and the furies. The act closes, how­ ever, with the announcement that all the virgins except Ursula have been s la in .

Act IV begins with a chorus of Huns, singing a song of praise to sensual love as Gauno attempts to seduce Ursula. The heathen. Prince

Ireo, tries to save her, but fails. Ursula is taken to the temple of

Venus where she is slain. Again a chorus ends the act, proclaiming the danger now facing the prince.

Act V begins with a messenger, who brings news that Ireo has converted to Christianity; at this development, Gauno kills the prince.

In turn Gauno is destroyed by a bolt of lightning from the heavens. Thus

the Romans are vietorious and Cologne is saved. The opera ends with a ballet, after which Ursula appears on a glory and all the choirs sing a

song of praise to virtue and the joys of paradise. 37 Again, in this work we see the chorus as a commentator on the

action, each act ending with a choral hymn or lament about what has just

taken place. (The unusual agreement in numbers found in the various

choirs in the work cannot be explained in terms of any fam iliar symbolism.

Probably twelve was the proper number which could sing the vocal parts as

composed.)

There is more action inherent in this opera than in Orfeo. but it

is doubtful that much of that action was portrayed realistically. First,

the task of playing battle sequences while singing was probably far too arduous for the singers (it unquestionably would be judged too difficult

today); and secondly, the effects of realistic battle scenes, such as the

attack of the Huns on the wall of Cologne, would be more than painted

canvas scenery could withstand. Figure IV, which follows, shows the Huns attacking the walls, but one should note the very formal arrangement almost like a ballet. It is my contention, based upon a later discussion

of scenograpby in early opera, that all such scenes were formally choreo­

graphed, pantomimed In a sense, while the orchestra and singers described the impact of the action.

The subject matter of La Regina Sant1 Orsola exemplifies the

position of the public opera at mid-century, treating historical subjecrts with inherent action and adventure; in comparison Orfeo shows the roots of the more visually oriented court opera. While the court opera con­

tinued to trade on mythology throughout the century, Orsola already shows

the changes dictated by the strong Influence of Christian history. The only god in this work, for example, is the god of the River Arno, possibly

this is because he is one of the least offensive of the gods. Priests of

Mars do appear in the work, but Mars himself is symbolized in a heathen 38 idol* In Act IV the libretto clearly states that, "the heathen idol of

Mars crumbles, and is swallowed into the earth," Lucifer (the god Pluto) has beoome far more an allegory than a god. According to the libretto, he is the personification of Hybris and is the antithesis of Ursula and her virgins,*® So far ve have investigated two different subject types used by the opera, the myths of classical literature and Christian history. We have noted that most early operas were concerned more with scenic spec­ tacle than with action, and that characters were not realistically drawn at best. Further, the chorus, or choir, of the early opera was much like the chorus of classical drama. Apparently, Capri*s contention that the first operas were attempts to re-create classical drama with music has some v a lid ity ,*9

There remains one more major source of subject matter utilised by the opera, whioh, for want of a better name, I have called "fantasia,"

18 Andrea Salvatori, Ar content o della Regina Sant* Orsola (Firense; Per Pietro Cecconcelli, l624je Also see The American College Dictionary: "Hybris, n, hubris, insolence or wanton violence stemming from excessive pride," The characterisation of the god Pluto as Lucifer (Hybris) is not uncommon in the public opera after about 1650 , He is normally rather sketchily described in the libretto for such works, but he is actually illustrated by Alfonso Parigi for this work. Several of the designs by Parigi for La Regina Sant* Orsola follow, and should be carefully con­ sulted, for it was characteristic of seventeenth century designers that they were vague, perhaps Inaccurate, in representing details of costume, decor, and general personal appearance. Figure III shows Lucifer seated on the Hjrdra, and he could be mistaken for one of the more kindly gods from this drawing. This is evidence for disregarding seventeenth century scene designs as precise references to mythological and allegorical geneology, 19 Capri, flpa.pjt. 39 Works based on fantasia were almost completely spectacle-oriented. Early

In the oentury most of the fantastic works seen were short vignettes used as intermezzi. placed between the aots of a major work,20 Later In the oentury we see the court opera developing fantastic works into full- length operas; thus there is clear indication of the popularity of speo- tade on the stage, even at the expense of drama. An example of the early use of fantasia for an Interneago comes from the libretto for Amlnta. part of the celebration of the Medioi-

Faraese wedding in 1628.^ This short spectacle, entitled Bradanente e

Ruggiero, clearly typifies the court*a concern with spectacle. The setting of Rredy— is a wild Alpine landscape with the castle of

Atlanta in the center, where Ruggiero is being held captive. The Inter­ mezzo opens as a black horse with the wings of a bat flies on the stage.

Astride this fantastic beast is Bradanente, accompanied by the soroeress Melissa, At a challenge by Bradanente, Atlante appears mounted on a

Hippogriff, half horse and half griffon. In the ensuing battle, both utilize magic, but Bradanente proves immune to the magic of Atlante and gains entrance to his castle. The reunited Bradanente and Ruggiero sing a song of love in a beautiful garden. At this point a large cloud appears bearing Atlante and many demons, who alight. The castle and the

20 Intermezzo, lit, intermission or interval. Commonly used in the theatre to designate a short work placed between the acts of a longer, major work, often to cover the interval and the noise of major scene changes for that larger work. (Intermezzo and Intermedio or Internedli are generally used synonymously,;

21Buttigli, op. oit,. p. 148. Cited in Nagler, op. cit,. p. 143. ko lovers are carried away to an unknown place, and, at this unlikely point, the intermezzo comes to an end. Buttigli spent over two pages in his account of the Medici-

Farnese wedding describing the miracles of scenography in this short work, mentioning especially such effects as real water flowing in fountains, strange disappearances of the entire scene in "the winking of an eye, " and the marvellous steed ridden by the combatants. -An investigation of other early intermezzi clearly shows that in this form the continuity of story line and character development, whether of fantastic, historic, or mythological origin, was of little importance; it was the spectacle of the machines on the stage which held the audience. The early opera thus used three major sources for its subject matter: the classical myth, the parable or fable of Christian history, and fantasy. As early as 1620 there was also some evidence of opera based upon more modem history. In the course of the century the genre tended to split, moving simultaneously in two directions: the first within the court opera*s established tradition of spectacle, allegory, and machinery; the second, in a development to some extent paralleling

Shakespeare*s, in which history, intrigue, and adventure were mixed with comedy and spectacle. However, from the similarity in the treatment of these different topics, and from an investigation of the libretti of a number of different works from Parma, it is possible to formulate several conclusions about the opera of the seventeenth century in general. I. The concept of the genre stemmed directly from an original plan to re-create classical drama with music. a. The very accuracy with which most early composers treated

subjects of antiquity suggests that classical dramas were the origin of the opera. b. The characters of Monteverdi, for example, were classical, but similar to living persons in spirit and heart. His works were filled with a spirit of nationalism and his inspiration seemed to come from a

spontaneous flow of sentiment, imagination, and fantasy. c. Throughout the early opera the chorus fulfills the func­ tions of the classical chorus, commenting on the action rather than taking

an active part in it. This practice occurs with such regularity in opera

after opera that there can be no doubt that it was intentional. d. The Aristotelian concept of enlightenment is embodied in

the relief and ray of hope for the protagonist with which nearly every

opera ends. (The exception to this general rule is the work based entirely on fantasy, where hope and relief, human factors, have no

b earin g .) II. Since the basic precepts of opera precluded much interpersonal

and personal action, the genre became, almost immediately, a showcase for the marvels of machinery and scenography which typified the Baroque period

in theatre. a. The singing of opera demanded considerable virtuosity, and

allowed neither time nor strength for much realistic acting. Instead of

attempting to perform such difficult feats as singing and fighting at the

same time, the opera singer was merely asked to comment upon his personal

feelings about the action, whioh was usually performed by dancers. This bz practice led to the aria-re citative division of operatic music still in vogue today. b. The stage of the opera house of the seventeenth century was not really large* Scenery and machines used almost all the space on these stages, so that most singing and action took place on the forestage•

c. The painted cloth scenery of the seventeenth century opera stage could not withstand vigorous action. This was an additional reason for relegating the singers to the forestage, well away from the scenery and out of the way of the machinery. d. The illusion of seventeenth oentury opera scenery was all painted. No matter how well this was executed, however, it could not con­ vince when well lighted, or when the actor was placed near it. The inher­ ent danger of fire from the candlelight illumination was another very important factor influencing the low level of light on the opera stage.

e. The fantastic subjects of many operas were best expressed in mechanical terms. One marvel, for example, which was guaranteed to excite the audience, was the sight of a man flying through the air. With such miracles occurring on the stage, there was little reason for realistic action or story line. f . There is an implied connection between the opera and the auditorium which evolved from its influence. In nearly every available design from the seventeenth century which includes characters in action in the scene, these characters are pictured in a line or other formal arrange­ ment on the forestage. Though this formality might have resulted from any number of unknown factors, the most logical cause is the problem of theatrical acoustics. The construction of the Tournament Theatre at Parma was such that a singer could be neither easily heard nor easily seen. The box theatre was an acoustical improvement. The fact that opera theatres became progressively smaller until about the end of the eighteenth century further indicates that acoustics were influential in the development of the auditorium of the opera theatre. III. The opera, then, from its very inception, required a different type of theatre from the classical facade theatre or the tournament theatre. In spite of its strong classical orientation, opera could only be played well in a box theatre. The following features are those which were most important to the opera: a. An enclosed stage was required to change settings and hide the machinery used to fly actors. b. A forestage was required upon which the singers could per­ form, so that they could be both easily seen and heard by the entire audience.

o. The sight-lines of the opera house stage required that the audience be seated in a rather narrow arc from the proscenium and that they be as dose as possible to the opening. This arrangement was necessitated by the machines and settings, all of whieh were placed well up-stage, so that they could not be easily seen from a wide seating aro. d. The orchestra of the dassical theatre had to be replaced by two units in the opera theatre: the orchestra pit and the parterre, or orchestra seating area. e. The gradine and public gallery of the public playhouse could not aooommodate a s u ffic ie n t number of patrons and s t i l l place every­ one near enough to the stage for good acoustics and sight-lines. The box theatre was the only efficient plan in this regard. 44

f. In addition to seating which would allow good sight and hearing* the plan of the early opera theatre had to provide for separation of the social classes* The box theatre was ideal for this purpose* for each tier was separate from the others* while all seats were equally desirable as to distance from the stage.

IV. These demands placed upon the seventeenth century opera theatre by the genre itself could have resulted in only one theatre plan, the box theatre.

Early operatic scenoeraphy The stage of the early opera theatre and the scenery and machinery used on that stage are so closely related and so mutually influential that the two must be considered at the same time. It is impossible to say which had the stronger effect on the other. Since scenography is considered again later in this study as an important element in defining the court opera* there are several features of early seventeenth century scene design which must be clarified. Many theatre researchers tend to overemphasize the value of scene designs in analyzing drama or opera.

There are no general rules which may be applied in such analyses* but an investigation of Figures III through VI may be of some help. The figures inoluded in this discussion were drawn by Alfonso

Parigi in 1624 for the opera la Regina Sant1 Orsola. These designs are not exemplary of the best of the century; they are average, including most of the errors in perspective and scale which prevent accurate analysis on the basis of such designs. I. The designers of the seventeenth century did not always draw a proscenium around their design renderings. As a result, errors are often made in estimating both the overall stage dimensions and overall playing space* II* Parigi is typical of many designers who either used no scale at all in his renderings or varied the scale from drawing to drawing. If a scale is established for Figure III, for example, it would be about 5

- 1 foot. This scale will work very nicely for both Figures HI and IV, but when it is used for Figures V and VI, the actors vary in height from three to four feet. The same scale shows the stage to be about twenty- five feet in width in both Figures III and IV, while in the next two figures it has grown to almost sixty feet. While this practice of vary­ ing the scale was not used by every designer in the seventeenth century, it is a factor in scene design which must be considered. III. The four drawings used as examples here are atypical of most collections of design renderings. These four were not only drawn by the same artist, but they were finished by the same engraver. Libretti of early operas often contain engravings hy as many as three or four differ­ ent men. Each engraver was an individual artist, imparting an individual style to his work, which resulted, not only in changes of scale, but also in drastic changes of style and detail as well.

IV. Figures V and VI present a second problem with scale which might result in misconceptions about the depth of the average opera stage. If the scale of the engraved rendering is to be believed, Figure V shows a stage which is over fifty feet deep. While this is not impossible, for many stages were this deep, there is no evidence anywhere in the history of early opera for placing actors (singers) inside the setting at such a depth. Figure VI is more difficult to estimate, but it is nearly fifty feet in depth. k6 The following chapters dealing with the theatres of Parma and Piacenza will show that, while opera stages were often nearly fifty feet in depth, the placement of wings and shutters on these stages effectively cut th e a v aila b le playing depth to no more than t h ir t y f e e t in many cases and to less than thirty feet in most cases* V. Elements of costume and fine details of decor were seldom accurately drawn by scene designers* In fact, several of the designers of the Bibiena family were remarkably unable to draw a reasonably accurate 22 and believable human figure* Descriptions found in libretti often do not ooincide in detail with the accompanying designs* Part of this difference may be attributed to the designer and part to the engraver*

These five basic problems inherent in the analysis of seventeenth- century scene designs are a ll well embodied in the four designs on the following pages. Later in the century many designers and engravers improved their techniques, and some of these common errors beoame less important, but generally speaking, a scene design or set of designs cannot be used to determine the type or the size of the stage on which they were placed* As the various techniques of scene design and scene painting were improved later in the century, settings more closely approximated the design renderings* In the final analysis, however, it must be remembered that the essential simplicity of these settings was a factor in the development of the opera house stage* The stage, in fact, resulted from the demands placed on it by the genre of opera, and designers used what was available in developing their individual skills*

Author*s contention, supported by designs collected in Alpheus Hyatt Mayor, The Bibiena Family (New Yorks Bittner and Company, 19^+5)* 50

FIGURE VI

TRrOMTO U r S. OR SOLA ItfCtM LOtM fLLQ 2)1 ROMAftl YtnCtTQRt■>. :.%■ ______'FtJPS. -* l . A

The triumphal final scene of La Regina Sant* Orsola, designed by Alfonso Parigi, showing Ursula on a glory, rewarded for her virtue* CHAPTER H I

A CHRONOLOGY OF THE COURT THEATRES OF PARMA

The chronology of opera at the court of Parma begins with the year 1628* Prior to that time there were thought to be two playhouses standing in the city of Parma and one in Piacenza, but there is no evi­ dence of any musical production at any of these theatres* The first work with music recorded for Parma was Mercuric e Marie, staged in the newly completed Teatro Fam ese in December of 1628* M usically and th e a tr ic a lly ,

Mercurlo e Marfce was more a tournament than an opera, but its definably operatic elements proved the new theatre not so flexible and desirable as was thought. As a consequence, when the opera so quickly and definitely took precedence as popular entertainment, several new theatres were built in the duchy. These new theatres followed the pattern of box theatres set earlier by the Teatro delle Saline, the playhouse in Piacenza, and by earlier opera theatres in Venice, Florence, and Padua,

From 1628 to 1700 the several court opera theatres of Famese housed over seventy new operas and opera-tournaments. While this is hardly a prolifio output when it is collared with the 250 works produced in Venice during the same period, it must be remembered that the popula­ tion of Parma probably never exceeded 20,000 during the seventeenth century and that Piacenza was not even a city, but a small town. Venice, on the other hand, had a total population of one million or more during this period,

51 52

By 1 6 1 5 the new musical form was in full flower in Venice and developed to some degree in Florence* but it was not seen in Parma until much la te r* At f i r s t glance, i t might seem t h a t Parma was la te in espousing the form, but a quick look at the rest of Italy, where opera was not recorded until as late as I 67 O, indicates that this is not the case* The first opera produced at Siena, Cesti* s LtArgia. was played in

1670* Turin did not see an opera until 1660, when Zianni* s Le fortune di rodope played there, and Cesti*s 1^ tyvHa -was the first opera to appear in Macerata, opening there in 1665*^ Home had little opera until about

1620, and Naples followed even later* The first opera heard outside of

I ta ly was Giaccobi*s L*Andromeda, which played in Salzburg, A u stria, in 1 6 1 8 ,2 The records from which these isolated examples are culled are filled with like references to first works and other works of special interest* There is some genuine doubt, however, of the accuracy of many of these records, for the lib retti and the music of many of the operas have been lost* Such records do indicate, however, that Parma was not so late in producing opera as its own theatre chronology might imply.

The following chronological charts have been constructed with two objectives: to provide a quick general means of comparing the theatrical activity of Parma with other provinces, well-documented elsewhere, and to provide a simple means by which the reader may link together the events,

^Alfred Leowenburg, Annals of Opera (Cambridge: W, Heffner and Sons, Ltd,, 19^3), La Doria originated at a theatre in Venice, though it is not known for certain at which theatre* Interestingly, it is the only new opera recorded for Venice in the entire year, 2Ib id « 53 the construction of new theatre buildings, and other important occasions at Parma. This procedure helps to form a complete general picture of the duchy, before looking at specific events and theatres in later chapters.

The reader should note carefully that many of the productions listed in the following tables have been dated and located by inference and other speculative means. Where the work is listed only by year, without month and day included, or where other information such as the names of composer, designer, or librettist is missing, it should be con­ cluded that complete records for that production have not been found. On the other hand, when a libretto or other concrete evidence of an opera has been found, note has been made in the tables of the location of an original copy. In the interest of brevity and clarity, many notes of interest which pertain to the chronology have been left out of the tables; they may be found in Appendix A. The notes in that appendix are footnoted to the various additional sources available.

Throughout the charts there are a number of terms, theatre names, and locations which are often repeated. These have been abbreviated in order to avoid crowding. The key to abbreviations is as follows:

Comunale Teatro d e lla Palazzo Comunale, Piacenza Ducale Teatro della Cittadella, Piacenza N obili Teatro della Collegio dei Nobili, Parma Saline Teatro delle Saline, Piacenza Santivale Teatro Santivale, also called the Teatro della R acchetta, Parma T eatrino T eatrino d i Corte, Parma Tournament Teatro Fam ese, Parma

A Arsenal, Paris Arch Archivio di Stato di Parma BCP B iblioteca Comunale P a sse rin i Landi, Piacenza BM B ritish Museum BP B ib lio teca P alatin a, Parma 5 ^ But Buttigli LC library of Congress Led Leclerc Leo Leowenburg Lomb Lombardi Nas Nasali-Rocca New Newbury L ibrary, Chicago

The last column on the right of each table, labeled "loc.,* is a catch-all column. In addition to showing the locations of each original libretto, an entry in this column may indicate the location of either the only available copy, film or other, or the most pertinent reference to an opera in case there is no libretto available. When a number is placed in this column, it is the Ohio State University Theatre Collection film number, locating a complete microfilm copy of the document in question.

When no entry is made in this column, the reader may infer that the information preceding is based upon conjecture.

When an entry is made in the column under "comments," it is normally an abbreviated comment, and further notes may be found in

Appendix A for that work or theatre, or in either Chapter IV or V, covering the theatres of Parma and Piacenza,

Cpnpftugipng

Several early conclusions which w ill be substantiated in later discussions may be drawn from the chronology of theatre at Parma, They are as follows:

1. The move away from purely allegorical or mythological topics for opera, which took place in the public opera, occurred to only a slight extent in the court opera, 2 , In the eighty-two years between the completion of the

Tournament Theatre and the end of the century, that theatre was used a TABLE 1

The Chronology of the Court Theatres of the Famese, 1592-1699

Theatre Xear (and (o r Other Title of Spectacle Composer (o r Designer (or Month and Place of (or Other Svent, Librettist) A rchitect) Comments Loc. Day) Production) Theatre, or Occasion)

1592 Teatro Theatre built during — Unknown Playhouse, never d e lle th is year used for opera Saline

1600 Teatro Theatre may have been Unknown Theatre of the d e lla built in this year college of the Collegio Nobles, supported Dei N obili by the Famese Dukes

1618 Not P erf. la difessa della Alfonso Pozzo A le o tti, For the opening Lomb b ellezza G iu tti of the Tournament Theatre; was never performed

1618 Teatro Work stopped, — — Aleotti left Sept, Fam ese th e a tre not coin- Parma p leted TABLE 1 (Contd.)

Theatre Tear (and Title of Spectacle Composer (or Designer (or (o r Other Comments Loc. Month and Place of (or Other Event, Librettist) A rchitect) Day) Production) Theatre, or Occasion)

1628 Tournament Mercuric e Marte A ohelllni A le o tti Opened the T. But Monteverdi G iu tti Famese. The Bentivoglio theatre was com­ Po zzo pleted only weeks before t h is date

1628 Temporary Aminta Tasso G iu tti Favola pastorale But Dee. 13 Theatre Monteverdi with intermezzi (see Chap. IV)

16*5 Consftunale Theatre probably built — Unknown See Chapter V Nas during this year L e d

16*6 Comunale 11 ratto di Elena M anelli Unknown Neither music nor L e d libretto is extant

I 650 Ducale Theatre built during — Not c ertain See Chapter V Nas t h i s year BCP

1650 Dueale L* amide Ferrari Unknown Possibly the Leo inaugural prod, at the Ducale TABUS 1 (Contd.)

Thaatre Title of Spectacle Tear (and (o r Other Composer (o r Designer (or or Other Event, Comments Loc* Month and Place of Librettist) A rchitect) Day) Theatre, or Occasion) Production) 1651 Ducale L 'E gisto C avalli Unknown Not an o rig in a l Leo production to Parma

1652 Tournament Le vicende d e l tempo Monaldo Unknown The f i r s t prod* LC ; (opera-tournament) at the Tournament th ea . since 1628

1655 Ducale Giasone C avalli Unknown Probably Cavalli*s Leo most popular work, not o rig . a t Parma

1660 Tournament I sei Kigli Bem i Pasetti Only the third LC (tournament-opera) M anelli production at the Tournament thea, since 1628

1660 A Piazza 1a eara deal! element! Berni Pasetti For the marriage LC near the F e rra ri of Ranunccio to Duke's Maria of Savoy Garden

1660 Unknown La f i l o overro Giunone Berni Pasetti Another for the A same wedding f e s tiv a l TABIE 1 (Contd.)

Theatre Tear (and Title of Spectacle Composer (o r Designer (or (o r Other Comments Loc* Month and Place of or Other Event, Librettist) A rchitect) Day) Production) Theatre, or Occasion)

1661 Tournament Not known MM -- See Chapter IV

1662 Ducale L* Andromeda Bassi Unknown Composed by a LC Tortone native of Piacenza

1664 Tournament Not known MM Celebration of the second marriage of Ranuncoio II, this marriage to Margh, of Savoy

1664 N obili Li casta Manelli Unknown One of the very Leo few prod* listed for this theatre

1665 Ducale La Doria C esti Unknown Cesti1s only work Leo perf* a t Parma* It was only a revision of La schiava fedele

I 667 Unknown Diaostrazioni festivi Ottuso Unknown For the visit of A Pope Clement IX TABIE 1 (Contd.)

Year (and Theatre Title of Spectacle Month and (o r Other Composer (o r Designer (or Comments Loc. or Other Event, librettist) A rchitect) Day) Place of Theatre, or Occasion) Production)

1668 Tournament La Parma Anadriani Unknown For the marriage Leo (possibly) of Ranunccio U BM to Maria D * Este BP

1669 Ducale Coriolanus Cavalli Unknown One of the few BCP works a t Parma not VA composed especi­ ally for an occa­ sion. This occ. was b irth of Odoardo

1673 P rivate L'Ineanno trionata Ruberti Unknown — Arch Thea, of Bazzani Count of Sissa

1675 N obili Ennenearda invincible Gaddi Unknown - - Leo P o licci

1681 Santivale Amalasunta in Italia Guidi Unknown — New U ccellini

1686 Santivale Furio Candle L o tti Unknown — Leo Sabadini TABIE 1 (Contd.)

Theatre Tear (and (o r Other Title of Spectacle Composer (or Designer (or Month and Place of or Other Event, Librettist) A rchitect) Comments Loc, Day) Production) Theatre, or Occasion)

1687 Ducale Olinroia olacata A ureli Bibiena Bibiena*s first LC Sabadini set design at 45857 Parma

168? Ducale Didio Giuliano L o tti Bibiena — LC Sabadini BCP ^5857

1688 Ducale Teseo in Atena Aureli Bibiena This work was (o r poss, actually Medea in T eatrino) Atena. by Gianetti. w/ add, mus, by Sabadini

1688 Teatrino Theatre possibly — See Chap, IV — LC built in this year Arch

1688 Ducale L'ercole trionfante Aureli Bibiena Originally LC written in l66l 45857 by Moneglia in 1 Florence TABIE 1 (Contd.)

Tear (and (o^Other Title of Spectacle Composer (o r Designer (or Month and piace 0f or Other Event, Librettist) A rchitect) Comments Loc. Day> Production) Theatre, or Occasion)

1688 Ducale Hierone tirrano Aureli Bibiena Mistakenly placed LC Sabadini at the Santivale BP by several sources *4-5857

1689 Teatrino Dionisio siracusano Unknown Bibiena For a spring LC (not listed cam e vale in *4-5857 in libretto) Parma

1689 Teatrino Amore soesso inganno Aureli Bibiena Part of the same Leo came vale as

1690 A pond in La g lo ria d 1amore A ureli Domenico, One of the VA the Duke*s Sabadini Pietro, and largest nautical LC garden Caspars shows of the A Mauro century 156*4-

I 69 O Teatrino L*eta del 1 pro L o tti Ferdlnando The first col- A (and Ducale) To si and Fran- laboration of VA oesco Bibiena the Bibiena 1565 brothers TABIE 1 (Contd.)

Theatre Year (and (o r Other Title of Spectacle Composer (or Designer (or or Other Event, Comments Loc. Month and Place of Librettist) A rchitect) Day) Production Theatre, or Occasion)

1690 Tournament 11 favore d e z li d e l A ureli Mauro and Only the fifth New Sabadini Bibiena verified prod, at this theatre since 1628

1690 Teatrino L*idea di tutte le L o lli Ferd, and Intro, to a A derfezione Durido Fran Bibiena b a ll New l

1690 N obili Teodelinda Unknown Bibiena Part of the fest New for the marriage of Odoardo

1690 Ducale Poneo continent® Sabadini Bibiena — Leo

1691 Ducale Diomede A ureli Bibiena — LC

1692 Ducale Circe abbandonata P ellardo Bibiena — VA

1692 Ducale 11 massimo Sabadini Bibiena — Leo

169^ Ducale Deaetrio tiranno Aureli Bibiena — LC Sabadini TABLE 1 (Contd.)

Theatre fe a r (and (o r Other Title of Spectacle Composer (or Designer (or Loc. Month and Place of or Other Event. Librettist) A rchitect) Comments Day) Production Theatre, or Occasion)

169^ Ducale La costanza in amore Mazzoleni Unknown — New Lomb

1696 Ducale Eradea Sabadini Bibiena Not an original

1698 Ducale 11 trionfo di Camilla Bononclni Bibiena This vras the only Bononclni works ever performed a t Parma

1699 Ducale P e rt inace Lanzi Unknown 6 if total of only four times, which indicates that it was not a good theatre for opera and that tournaments were not so frequent as they once had been.

3. The court th e a tre s of Parma were e s s e n tia lly autonomous, mostly housing operas written and composed by artists in residenoe at the court. Only a very few works were imported from outside the duchy, and then most of them were rewritten for special occasions. k. Opera at court retained not only its initial popularity throughout the century but its basic structure as well. In a later chapter the festivals of 1628 and 1690 are compared and these are found to be nearly the same in general structure. With only minor exceptions, the subjects were the same, and staging and scenography, while much advanced by 1690, were also very similar. There was obviously a formula for the construction of a successful court opera, a formula used con­ sistently for one hundred years. In succeeding chapters that formula will be investigated. CHAPTER IV

THE THEATRES OF THE CITT OF PARMA

The city of Parma is today the administrative, cultural, and tra n s p o rta tio n a l center of th e province of Parma* At the end of th e

Middle Ages, however, Parma was a walled city of the county then called

Emilia-Romagna, a geographical division of Northern Italy* After the second Punic War, Parma was Roman, but it fell successively to invasions by the Goths, Byzantines, Lombards, and Franks* During the fourteenth century it was ruled by a series of signori from outside the county, including the Della Scala, the Visconti, and the Sforza families* In

15^5 the Duchy of Parma was created by Pope Paul III, who placed his son,

Pier Luigi Famese, on its throne* Pier Luigi was killed two years later, after which his son Ottavio ruled for some time* He was suc­ ceeded about 1600 by Ranuccio I* Ranuccio and his sons and successors were an enlightened group, though inclined to embark on ventures too ambitious and costly for the resources of the small state, a fact which relates directly to the theatrical history of the duchy* During the latter part of the seventeenth century there were four active theatres in the city of Parma* The oldest of these was the Teatro di Honore at the Collegio dei Nobili, possibly active in 15^5» when the college fell under the patronage of the Famese Dukes* About 1604-

Ranunccio I endowed the college richly, and from that time it was properly called the Collegio dei Nobili* (The college is also referred to as the

65 66

Collegio di Ss Catterina and the University of Parma*) little concrete evidence of the Teatro di Honore exists, other than several settings painted by Ferdinando Galli da Bibiena, which were found at the theatre in the eighteenth century. (Chapter IH , Chronology, contains several notations of the Collegio dei Nobili, but most of the libretti are lost, and no pictorial evidence of the theatre has ever been found.) The name of the theatre implies that it may have been nothing more than an audi­ torium, which indicates that any scenery found in it may have merely been stored there. In all, the Teatro della Collegio dei Nobili is an enigma, for, while certain records indicate theatrical entertainment took place there, no factual evidence exists to prove that even a stage was there. Both the college and the theatre are mentioned briefly by two important chroniclers of Parma, Paolo Donatl and Pietro DeLama, but, altogether, too little information is extant to reconstruct the theatre.^

The second theatre built in Parma was the Teatro Santivale, often called the Teatro della Raccbetta. The few records which mention this theatre stress only that it was used mainly by dilletanti of the city for opere buffe and comedies and that it was not ordinarily open to the public.^ The theatre is mentioned briefly in Donati*s description of

Parma, where he describes it as a box theatre with four tiers of boxes, totaling eighty-six altogether, and estimates that it seated 1,500

^Donati, Citta di Parma, and Pietro DeLama, Descrlzlone della teatro famese (Bologna, 1818). 2 Dilletanti (dilettantes) is not used in a derogatory sense here, but infers amateur status rather than lack of skill or motivation. This iw what the word originally connoted to the best of my knowledge. 6 ?

FIGURE VII

A late seventeenth century map of the city of Parma, showing the locations of the active theatres of that city between 1600 and 1700* 1, The Tournament Theatre (The Teatro Famese)* 2. An old theatre, mentioned only by Donati, of which nothing more i s known today. 3* The Teatro Santivale, sometimes called the Teatro della R acohetta. *f. The Church of S* Pietro Martire, site of a temporary theatre* 5* The Collegio dei Nobili, now the University of Parma, site of the Teatro di Honore* 68 persons.^ No pictorial evidence has been found, and what little is known of the theatre beyond Donati1s description comes from the few extant libretti of productions there. No exact date has ever been established for the construction of the Teatro Santivale, and in the absence of evidence to the contrary, it has very tentatively been placed earlier than the Teatro Farnese.

The third and fourth theatres built in Parma were the Teatro

Famese, still standing, and the Teatrino di Corte, built in 1689 and used regularly until 1822, when it burned. Both of these theatres were of great importance and w ill be discussed at length.

There was, in the literal sense of the word, a fifth theatre in the city, but it was only temporary, built as an adjunct to the Teatro

Famese in 1628. It was used for only one production, after which it was immediately dismantled. Newly found information makes it possible to reconstruct this temporary theatre later in this chapter.

Since all the theatres in Parma had at least two commonly used names, to avoid confusion they w ill henceforth be called, in the order previously named, the Dei Nobili, the Santivale, The Tournament Theatre, and the Teatrino. The first two require little comment, but in the case of the third, the Teatro Famese, there is a genuine problem with the names. Everything in the Duchy of Parma had th e same su ffix , "F am ese," creating a veritable prolix of similar sounds. Because of its location in the salon of the Pilotta Palace, the theatre was originally known as the Teatro nel Salone, but the association with its function as a

3 Donati, Citta di Parma, p. 42. tournament theatre is much stronger, hence the decision to use "tournament theatre" as the name for the Teatro Faroese.

The Tournament Theatre of Parma

Considerable confusion surrounds both the real reason for the construction of this theatre and about the person to whom the final credit for the design of the theatre and its original machinery should go. The first question may never be answered, but it is so surrounded hy inter­ esting conjecture that it deserves discussion. The seoond, the question of the designer of the theatre and machinery, may be investigated more objectively as a result of a large quantity of recently discovered information which is s till largely unpublished.

The construction of thq theatre

The idea of building a large theatre at Parma came from several possible sources. At some time during 1604, the Duke, Ranunccio I, is reported to have witnessed a production of Dafne at the private theatre of the Cosimo di Medici at Florence.^ This particular production may well have been the first operatic work seen by the Famese Duke, for

Dafne was the first true opera, and it had been written, to the best of knowledge, only four years before. The work probably had a twofold influence on Ran ucdo; an artistic influence which was reflected in his somewhat selfish desire to have as much of the new musical form at court in Parma as possible, and a political influence reflected in constant

inter-provincial competition.

I*. Edward Garrick, "Theatre Machines in Italy," The Architectural Review. 70 (London, 1931-32), pp. 9-14 and 34-36. 70

Although the Duchy of Parma was small it was rather wealthy, and there is evidence that the Duke was eontinually attempting to outdo anything created by the court of the Medici. Possibly the strained rela­ tions known to have existed during the early seventeenth century between these two houses were the result of this competitive spirit. That

Ranunocio was cognizant of his poor relations with the Medici is substan­ tiated by his decision to marry his son, Odoardo, to one of the daughters o f Cosimo I I . The idea may have been in h is mind as e a rly as 1604, but it is doubtful, since Odoardo was not born until 1612. The plans for the theatre, however, are often related to this wedding. There was already a well-established tradition of specially planned and designed festivities attaohed to the solemnization of a royal wedding. For centuries these festivals had taken all imaginable forms; with the advent of the opera they were already becoming more formal and more strictly theatrical. To the lavish Farnese duke the implication was obvious; he needed a magnif­ icent new theatre for his festivals, a theatre which would also outdo anything that the Medici had produced. This commonly accepted conjecture will be indicated as fallacious. Many Important details about the Tournament Theatre are misunder­ stood today. The construction of the theatre was begun in 1618, but it did not open until 1628. The reason for the delay is shrouded in mystery.

Another question arises concerning its influence. It has been conjec- turally called the world’s first proscenium theatre, and it is often eredited with far more influence on later theatres than it really had.

As a basis for discussion, the generally available textbook knowledge of this theatre is outlined here, followed by a list of the actual facts. 71 I. According to common knowledge, the Tournament Theatre was—

a. built in 1618 .

b. designed and supervised by Gianbattista Aleotti (Giacomo Torelli is sometimes given this credit).

c. home of some of the most lavish spectacles known in the history of theatre.

d. the world*s first proscenium stage.

e. one of the largest theatres ever built. f. influential on all theatres throughout Europe which followed in the development of the renaissance opera theatre.

II. In the same order, the facts may be stated. The Tournament Theatre a t Parma was—

a. begun in 1618 , but was completed in 1628 .

b. originally designed by Aleotti, but considerably modified by several of his colleagues, at least one of whom designed most of the machines credited to Aleotti. c. intended to have opened in 1618 , but delayed a decade due to several factors, not all of which are fully understood. A tournament entitled La difessa della bellceaa was written for that opening. The theatre then opened ten years later with the tournament Mercurio e Marte.

d. probably the world*s first wing stage theatre. Prosceniums in varying developmental forms are in evidence as early as the second century A.D. e. the largest private theatre ever built. It was far from the largest public theatre ever built. f • very seldom used--only seven times in a full century.

g. of far less influence on theatres to follow than were several small theatres in the duchy whioh are not even mentioned by most historians. Clearly, a number of misconceptions about this theatre require discussion. Since, however, all these factors tend to overlap, the following discussion w ill be broken into only two major parts, one dealing 72 with the questions about the theatre itself and the other with the questions about the machinery for the stage of the theatre*

The forerunners of the Tournament Theatre a t Parma The various plans and photographs seen in Figures VIII through

XIII clearly show the influence of the Palladian architecture of the Teatro Olimpico on the Tournament Theatre at Parma* In fact, it differed from the Olimpico in only two basic respects: the tournament arena and the wing stage behind the proscenium arch* Seating was very similar, with a sectioned gradine and two public galleries* These two levels of public seating are interesting in the Tournament Theatre not because they are similar to the Olimpico, but because the sim ilarity was not originally intended* Figures XI, XII, and XIV all clearly indicate that these levels were not built as they were designed* According to the early designs, they would have become the forerunner of the balcony rather than a copy of the older gallery* As actually constructed they were neither*

In general, the decor of the Tournament Theatre owes a heavy debt to the

Olimpico and to all of Classical and Neoclassical architecture*

Buontalenti1s theatre at Florence and six centuries of tournament history in Italy were of even more influence than the Olimpico* Of the first, Per Bjurstrom states;

The auditorium of The Teatro Famese probably did not differ in principle from its forerunners, but developed out of Buontalenti1s theatre at Florence* On the other hand, it is generally considered to have been the first theatre to have a wing stage with all the increased possibilities for changes of scene that this provided* In reality the Teatro Farnese 73 FIGURE VIII

Photograph by Franklin Mohler, O.S.U.T.C. Film 1782

The facade of the Teatro Olimpico, built by Palladio and Scamozzi in about 1580 at the academy of the same name. This facade should be compared in detail with the following two figures, both of the interior of the Tournament Theatre at Parma, The similarity of these two theatres is clear; both have the same sets of pillasters and niches on the proscenium wall, and the same general architectural decor throughout. Of special interest is the sim ilarity between the Olimpico and Aleotti18 original concept for the Parma theatre, seen in Figure XIV, implying that most of the innovation at Parma was not done by Aleotti, but by his colleagues. 76

FIGURE XI

An interior elevation of the original concept for the Tourna­ ment Theatre at Parma, It is not known for certain if this drawing is by Aleotti, but the decor and detail matches very well his early project drawings for the theatre. (See Figure XIV,) Note the finished galleries with fixed seating; these were not built in the finished th e a tr e • 77

FIGURE XII

$8$

An undated and unsigned plan for the Tournament Theatre, This plan is not of the theatre as it was finally built, and it is thought by the author to be a copy of one of Aleotti*s early plans for the th e a tre . Compare this plan with Donati*s plan of the theatre, seen in Figure XIII on the following page. 78

FIGURE XIII

Donati*s ground plan of the Tournament Theatre, considered to be accurate, which shows the relationship in size of the arena, the seating areas, and the stage. Note the differences in size and shape between this and the previous plan, seen in Figure XII. 79

was primarily a tournament theatre with the auditorium arranged around the tourney, and the stage placed out of the way at the sid e .5

The concept of the tournament theatre was hardly an innovation as la te as 1600 . Such a theatre is, in fact, exemplary of an entertainment form documented as early as 1 1 0 0 A.D., when records show tournaments arranged in honor of visiting royalty to several of the smaller towns of

Italy. Elena Povoledo has gathered records of a large number of tourna­ ments dating from 1332 through succeeding centuries to the fifteenth century, when the Torneo a Soggetto ("tournament with a theme") became popular.^ More than ten are ire corded between 1*4-51 and 1*490, but after this time the tournament began, in general, to decline in popularity.

During the next century tournaments continued to provide festival enter­ tainment, but they were often performed indoors, set to music, and played in theatres especially built for them. The term tournament began to mean something entirely different from the jousts and tilts it once implied.

The term covered a ll of the games, the multitudinous forms of armed combat, mounted and on foot, the quadrille, balletti a cavalll (seen in

Figure XIV), and precision marching and drilling. History clearly indi­ cates th a t as the tournament became more form al—i . e . , organized a s p a rt of a more th e a tr ic a l entertainm ent—i t became i t s e l f more th e a tr ic a l.

Perhaps this development was the natural result of playing the tournament in a theatre rather than in a courtyard. At any rate, the Tournament

Theatre of the Famese was built long after the tournament had ceased to

^Per BjurstrSm, on. cit.. p. 25.

^Elena Povoledo, Le theatre tournoi en Italie pendant la Renaissance. Le Lieu th 6 atral a la Renaissance (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 196*4-), p. 532. 80

be a really popular entertainment form* This theatre then, in spite of

its modern stage, was actually a medieval theatre* Because the medieval entertainment form no longer existed, however, it was outmoded before it was even conceived*

1 6 1 8 or 1628?

It is commonly thought that the Tournament Theatre at Parma was

completed in the year 1 6 1 8 when Gianbattista Aleotti was in residence in

that city.? It is also thought that the completion of the theatre was

scheduled to coincide with the date for the marriage of Odoardo* The first hint that this connection may not have existed comes from Madam Povoledo, who states;

The m arriage was arranged between R anuccio I and Cosimo H at the end of 1 6 2 0 when Odoardo and Margherita were both only eight years old, and the couple finally arrived at the court of Parma in 1628, finding the court gathered to inaugurate the grand tournament theatre built ten years before by Giovan* Batt, Aleotti.®

The reference of Paolo Donati to the same delay was even more brief and to the point:

The opening of the theatre was delayed a decade until the marriage of Duke Odoardo and Margherita di Medici.9

These statements clearly imply that the wedding was simply being delayed until the couple was old enough to be married; they were obviously too

7 Aleotti is variously called Giovanni Battista, Giambattista, Gianbattista, Giovan Battista, and L* Argenta. The last was a nickname by which he was known to his colleagues* 0 Elena Povoledo, Machine e ingeenl del teatro Famese Prospettive, 19 (Parma, 1959)» PP« * 1 9 -5 7 . Short title reference, Teatro Famese. ^Donati, Cltta dl Parma. 81 young at eight, though there is some evidence of such expeditious royal weddings. On the other hand, Professor Irving Lavin states that the delay in the wedding date was simply the result of indecision by Coslmo dl Medici. At the sane tine that he was considering the Medici-Farnese alliance, he was also considering a second union, this one with the young Duke of Orleans.^ In fact, the question was which of the marriage­ able daughters would go to which house. Mlnucci Del Rosso states that the final contract for the marriage, signed in 1620, did not even then name the spouse of Odoardo explicitly. The final date set for the completion of the theatre evidently bore little or no relationship to the wedding celebration which opened it. Two additional factors which relate to the delayed opening of the Tournanent Theatre come from Donatl, who states; The work on th e th e a tre was term inated in 1 6 1 8 , but the con­ struction of the grand portal was not completed, but was executed in 1 6 2 8 , the main reason being that the Duke, Ranunceio I, had died in March of 1622.*2 This is first hint that the theatre was actually not completed in 1 6 1 8 , a conclusion which is indicated more clearly by other documents. The death of Kanuncoio, however, is connected only tenuously with the delay, for his death occurred after the final arrangements for the wedding had been made and also four years after work on the theatre had been

10 Irving Lavin, Lattrea de Parmes. Le Lieu t heat rale a la Renaissance, Centre National de la Recherche, VII (Paris, 1 9 6 * 0 •

^Paolo Minucoi Del Rosso, Le nozze di Margherita dl Medici con Odoardo Farnese. Duca di Parma e Piacenza. Rassegna Nazionale, Vol. 21 (Firenze, I 885 ), pp. 5 5 1 -7 1 . ■^Donati, Citta dl Parma- 82 terminated. While it is possible that the Duke suffered a lingering

illness which might have struck as early as 161? or 1618, before the theatre was completed, there is no concrete evidence for this conjecture*

There must have been other factors which caused the delay of the opening of the Tournament Theatre.

Preserved in a collection of documents and letters in the State

Archives of Parma and published in part in the Historical Archives of Parma is the complete scenario and argument for a toumament-opera entitled La difessa della bellezza. by Alfonso Pozzo.The scenario is undated, but the subtitle reads Composizione del Conte Alfonso per

I 1 aperture del teatro farnese (Composition by Count Alfonso Pozzo for the

Opening of the Teatro Farnese).^ This tournament was never performed, however, either in Parma or elsewhere. Clearly, then, the theatre was to have been opened much earlier regardless of the marriage of Odoardo.

(See the discussion later in this chapter which oonneots Alfonso Pozzo with the supervision of construction on the theatre before 1 6 1 8 ) . Why was it not only not opened as scheduled, but not even completed in l6l8?

Why did ten years elapse before it was completed and used for the first timet The Tournament Theatre at Parma was therefore possibly not

completed in 1 6 1 8 for two reasons: lack of sufficient funds and the absence of the designer of the theatre from Parma.

13 Lombardi, p p . c i t .. p . 4 ? . The design and the construction of the theatre

The credit for the design of the Tournament Theatre has been

given variously to Torelli, Aleotti, and Giutti. Some historians connect

Giacomo T o re lli w ith the th e a tre because the name G. T o re lli appears on

sev eral e a rly l i b r e t t i fo r productions there* However, G, T o re lli was Gaspare Torelli, evidently no relation to Giacomo. This case of mistaken

identity is probably the strongest argument for Giacomo Torelli, however,

for when one looks at the dates involved, one finds that if Torelli 1 4 designed the Tournament Theatre, he did so when only ten years of age. There is yet another argument for Torelli, however. Hammitzsch claims

that Torelli was connected, not with the theatre itself, but with the machines for the stage of the theatre.^ He says that these machines were not built until 1628 and that Torelli, at that time a student of Aleotti,

influenced the design for them. First of all, it seems doubtful that a twenty-year-old student had the experience and finesse to invent such radically new machines, and second, there is irrefutable proof that at least some of the machines were actually designed and built in l 6 l 8. Therefore, it is not possible to consider Giacomo Torelli the inventor of either the theatre or its machine s.*^

14 Torelli. Giacomo. Enciclopedia dello Spettacolo, Vol. VIII, and Parma. Vol. VII, ibid. The misconception of Giacomo Torelli's connection with the Parma theatre is perpetuated here. In the first article his age in 1618 is definitely established as ten years, while in the second arti­ cle he is named as the designer of the machinery for the Farnese stage.

Hammitzsch, Per Modeme Theatrebau (Berlin: Beitrage zur Bauwissenschaft, 1906), pp. 36 f f .

^Bjurstrom, on. cit., p. 47. Bjurstrbm states that the first work of note done by Torelli was probably La Finta Pazza at the Teatro Novissimo in Venice in 1 6 4 1 . 84 Among the many documents pertaining to the Tournament Theatre which have been unearthed recently is a letter, dated March 18, 1618, from Gianbattista Aleotti to Ranu.ccio I, The opening of this letter is of interest; Most Serene Prince and Patron,

The model for the flying machine of Mercury has been put in place, and it gives the desired results0 I have also settled on the machine for Aurora, and have put in the works several telari [scenic wings] as well as a machine for moving these wings back and forth, a ll of which is well understood by Paolo Froni and Paolo Cimardi, and I have also invented a machine for making undulating waves.^7

From the remainder of the letter (See Appendix A) we find that only a total of seven machines is mentioned; the machinery for Mercury; Aurora*s machine; one machine which, by changing some details of appear­ ance, w ill suffice for Venus, Virtue, and Neptune; one machine for flying tritons and nymphs; several sets of wings and a machine for moving them; and the wave machine. These, he states, completed the design; he then closes, begging permission to leave Parma in May on private business*

Although some portions of this letter are quite comprehensible, there is reason for concern over problems of translation in other parts. Alois Negler, for example, quotes from a portion of the same letter, saying,

"the model of Mercury*s flying machine achieved the desired effects,"^® clearly implying that the machine had already been built and tested. It is not clear if model takes the modern connotation or if the word actually meant the finished machine. Another important word in this letter is posto. which, in the context of this letter, can mean "put in place,

17t Lombardi, op. cit.. pp. 29-31. X8 Nagler, op. cit*. p. 153 . moved, supposed, staked out, or s iz e ," Thus by juggling the p o ssib le meanings of such words as this one, we can establish either that the machines were completed in 1618 or that they were only in the design process at that time* To clarify this matter, then, we must turn to

Cither factors* Since it has been definitely established that Aleotti did leave

Parma in May of 1618 and that he did not return thereafter, the next question is, was the design and construction so nearly complete by that time that he was no longer needed, or did he leave the site with the work unfinished? One hint that the theatre was not nearly completed when Aleotti le ft comes from an undated ground plan which unquestionably was of the Tournament Theatre. The plan, seen in Figure XIV, shows a horse ballet, one of the choreographed combats which were integral parts of many court festival productions and often used as intermezzi to cover the time and confusion of major scene changes on the theatre stage. This plan is notable because it does not show the theatre as it was actually built, but probably as it was originally planned* There are too many discrepan­

cies between this plan and the actual theatre to have been the result of either accident or shoddy draftmanship* The plan, in fact, is more similar to the early drawings by Aleotti for the construction of the theatre than to the finished plant. There is no concrete evidence that this plan was Aleotti*s original concept, but, when the physical features of the theatre are fully considered, it is highly possible that the horse ballet was designed for the intended 1618 production of La difessa della bellezza. The discrepancies in the plan could then be explained, because 86

FIGURE XIV

# g | L »’

Enciclopedia dello Spettacolo, Vol. VII

An undated and unsigned ground plan for the Tournament Theatre at Parma, showing a formal horse ballet in the arena of the theatre• Possibly this ballet was for Pozzo*s la difessa della bellezza. 87 Pozzo1s scenario was completed well before many parts of the theatre were fin ish e d . Further evidence comes from a diary of the construction details kept by Francesco Giutti, dated July, 1618.^9 From it we find that

The first quarter of the painting of the ceiling was finished this week. The second quarter will be finished in another week, and the third quarter is in the design process now. The fourth of the painters from Cremona has arrived and has begun his work. Paolo Cimardi has finished the center of the ceiling. The Spada (Stefano) was in bed this morning with a high fever.

Work has begun on the gold on the ceiling. In order to complete the gold work in the scheduled eight days, work must be well under way this morning.

The plasterers have been given notice that when they are finished with the cornices they will be payed off and are free to leave.

As late as July, 1618, there is no mention of the stage or of the machinery. The payroll lists for the months of July and August are of interest in this regard. For clarity I have listed the persons by both city of origin and by occupation. Painters from Bologna -

Domenico G a b rie lli Giovanni Maria Tamburino Girolami Curti one Hgarzonew for Curti Giovanni Cales Paolo Fianrello Paolo Cimardi

Painters from Ferrara Luigi Anguilara Giovanni Andrew G hirardoni Giovanni Battista Lovati

^Lombardi, op. cit., p. 46. 88

Painters from Piacenza Giovanni Battista Agazzi Giovanni Antonio Alsona Andrea Agazzi Giovanni Antonio Cogni Giovanni Francesco Cogni Paolo Pino Bassano Bollari Pietro Rive Hone one “garzone" for an otherwise unlisted Antonio Bassonato

P a in te rs from Cremona

Francesco de Luca da Borgo Leonardo Cremonese Lorenzo Capra Allessandro Penadi P a in te rs from Parma Sisto Badalocchio Pietro Antonio Bamabeo Alessandro Bamabeo Anibale Bertoia Giulio Orlindino In addition to these men, we know that plasterers we re at work, though there is no listing of them. In all, not one known stage mechanic or scene painter is included on the rolls at this date. By this time several other men had appeared as stqwrvisors for various aspects of the work on the theatre. The first is Francesco

Giutti, whose diary indicates that he was in charge on the construction site. The second is, surprisingly, Alfonso Pozzo, the librettist.

Sharing the responsibility with him, we find Enzo Bentivoglio, who was also at the construction site during this period. There is a letter from

Pozzo to Bentivoglio, dated Kay, l6l8, which states in parts You have suggested to work first on the loges in the theatre, but I suggest that this will entail very slow work, for 89

other painters w ill be working below you on the cornices while you are thus occupied*2**

Whether this is sound advice or not, Pozzo*s use of the first person in his letter olearly indicates that he was in a position of control regard­ ing the finishing of the theatre; the letter further indicates that the Marchese Enzo Bentivoglio, an architect of some renown, had possibly replaced Aleotti, and was actually working in the theatre in Nay of l6l8*

(Other sources have reached the sane conclusion regarding Bentivoglio*)^

In the closing portion of the letter just quoted, Pozzo refers to the absent Aleotti in saying;

It is long since I have bent to your will, but I now do so in regard to the foundations of the portal designed by L*Argenta • * * *

The work of Aleotti was obviously not sacred to these men; it was, in fact, much changed by them throughout the process of construction* The fact that one of these alterations was a major change in the shape and size of the auditorium makes more plausible the idea that there was some physical reason for the delay in completing the theatre* It was the

Marchese Bentivoglio, in fact, who was responsible for this change.

Pietro Delama concurs with this conclusion in part, when he states;

Giambattista Aleotti was the first architect, and designed a semicircular auditorium; the Marchese Enzo Bentivoglio then elongated this original plan into a "semicireo.*22

20 Teatro Farnese. G a lle ria In fe rio rs , Archivio d i S tato d i Parma* 21 lavin, on. cit.. p. 3^7* See also Giuseppe Malipiero, Claudio Monteverdi (Milan, 1929)* 22 Pietro Delama, op. cit.. p. 37. 90

Although he does not clearly state it, he implies that Bentivoglio made this change as architect. In other words, he had replaced Aleotti as the a rc h ite c t fo r the th e a tr e . Paolo Donati a lso comments on B entivoglio*s contribution, although he does not make precisely the same point.

Aleotti certainly used examples of the most beautiful archi­ tecture, his ideal being completely classical and constructed of wood and stone, and it is seen that he took the advice, from the beginning and continuously, of [Enzo] Bentivoglio, regarding the semicircle or horseshoe shape for the auditorium, which resulted in a greater audience capacity.23 There is no question, then, of Bentivoglio*s contribution, but there is a question as to when this change in the shape of the auditorium was made. If it occurred late in the building process, it unquestionably delayed the completion of the theatre. Pictorial evidence of Aleotti*s first conception of the theatre is seen in Figure XV, where it w ill be noted that, as a result of the change in the size and shape of the audi­ torium, the three levels of galleries above were never completely built, but became only a decorative facade. Hissing is the grand portal even­ tually built to the stage-right side of the proscenium. It must have been added later, possibly not by Aleotti, but by Giutti or Bentivoglio.

To make either or both of these additions and deletions would have been a time-consuming process. Even more important than the time required to change the auditorium is the contingent change in the position of the proscenium. Referring to Figures XII, XIII, and XV, one can see that a major alteration in the length of the seating area would have entailed moving th e proscenium w a ll. Since th is a lte ra tio n of seatin g was made,

it is not illogical to assume that the stage was also changed. If this

23 'Donati, Gran Teatro. p. 57. 91

FIGURE XV

u i 1 I r * Tiimurruiinrirj y •■= a y -l

muiic ; rauirn t iMwiir-;

'i; 'Tn».nst'

MS Cl L 763, F165, Biblio Com. di F errara

A reproduction of one of the original drawings by Aleotti for the Tournament Theatre. Note the important discrepancies between this figure and the finished theatre. 92 l a s t change was made, i t undoubtedly consumed both time and money, and thus delayed the completion of the theatre. The evidence regarding the changes in the auditorium indicated that the theatre was not completed in 1618. However, there is further proof that neither the theatre nor the machines were completed until 1628,

This proof is the presence of Enzo Bentivoglio and Francesco Giutti in

Parma in 1627 to prepare for the opening tournament. Since they were to supervise all the aspects of the opening, including the design of new machinery, they must have been responsible for all the rest of the theatre.

According to Madam Povoledo, Giutti and Bentivoglio went to Parma

simply to supervise the machines for the tournament Mercurio e Martet

It is written that Francesco Giutti and the Marchese Enzo Bentivoglio came to Parma to oversee the machines and the theatrical apparatus for the festival organized in view of the marriage of the young Duke Odoardo • • .24

Though no date for their arrival in Parma is given, it can be fixed at

late 1627 on the basis of a series of ten letters found in the Biblioteca

Comunale d i F e r r a r a .^5 These letters are all signed by Francesco Giutti,

and each closes with the line "di Parma li , . followed by the date.

The dates of these ten letters are as follows; August 19, 1627 August 20, 1627 September 7, 1627 September 15, 1627 September 22, 1627 October 24, 1627 February 18, 1628 March 3, 1628 March 15, 1628 April 18, 1628

^Povoledo, Teatro Farnese. p. 51 • 25 MS no. 660, Biblioteca Comunale di Ferrara. See also, Lavin, op. cit., where part of these letters are published. 93

Contained in the body of these letters is irrefutable proof, not only of the fact that Giutti and Bentivoglio were at Parma for over a year before the opening tourney, but that Giutti certainly designed many of the machines for that tourney. The following short excerpts are simply an indication of the information contained in the letters.

This morning I have finished the bodies for the two furies, and have made the models in iron • • . ,

Yesterday the duke [it is not known if this was Odoardo, Francesco, or Ottavio] came unannounced to the theatre, which he visited with great awe • • ■ ,

Of the third invention, Signor Achellini writes that Amore arrives on a cloud made of seven globules , • • when the instruction is finished Amore liberates the cloud into the heavens. All the machines, at this moment, are either finished or have been begun. Aurora, The Zodiac, The Furies, and Discord, Mercury is begun. Mars, Venus, Rocca, are begun, Vengence, Pluto and Amore are well begun, Bellona and Neptune and all the seats for the other gods are being finished. The others w ill be unver way soon.

This week the scenes over the Salone w ill have reached their ultimate capacity, they will not hold another thing . . .

Tamara has made two models in iron for the horse of Bradamente [for the Intermezzo, Bradamente e Ruggiero].

Although much more of the content of these letters is interesting, the translated passages here will suffice to prove that Giutti was indeed at Parma, not simply to oversee the operation of the machines, but as designer and architect of the tournament and probably the theatre as well.

Summary

In view of the facts which have been stated regarding the con­ struction of the Tournament Theatre of Parma, it is necessary to re-evaluate the contributions of the men who worked on the theatre. 94

Instead of giving all the credit to Aleotti, as is commonly done, it should be allocated as follows: 1, The original design for the theatre - Aleotti,

2, The horeshoe [semicirco] arena - Bentivoglio, 3, The alteration and completion of the auditorium - Giutti, Bentivoglio, and Pozzo,

4, The basic machine designs - Aleotti and Giutti,

5m The completion of the machines - Giutti, 6, The supervision of the machines for the opening tourney - Bentivoglio, with the assistance of Giutti,

7, The supervision of personnel - Bentivoglio, 8, The original scenario - Pozzo, 9, The revised scenario for the opening of the theatre - A c h e llin i.

The evidence i s conclusive in re je c tin g the ideas, f i r s t , th a t Giacomo Torelli ever had anything to do with the Parma theatre, and second, that

Gianbattista Aleotti was solely responsible for the finished theatre.

There is also no question that the theatre was not completed in

1618, It definitely was not finished until early in l6280 One hypothesis regarding this delay may be stated as two separate ideas. It is my con­ tention that work was stopped in 1618, before the theatre was finished, because there were insufficient funds to complete the job immediately.

Construction was delayed because of the many changes in the basic plan, which were made necessary by Aleotti*s departure from Parma before any part of the job was complete. 95

The machines fo r th e stage of the Tournament Theatre Because the stage of the Tournament Theatre departed from generally accepted concepts of staging practice in the sixteenth century, the machines for that stage also differed from those generally in use.

The installation of the machines originally designed for the stage at Parma was delayed for the same reasons that the completion of the theatre was delayed. As a result of the delay and the changes in the structure of the theatre, they too were designed by several men over a period of ten y e a rs. By comparison with machines invented later, the machines for the

Famese Tournament Theatre were simple and unsophisticated. However, in them can be seen two levels of achievement: the first is comprised of the l6l8 machines by Aleotti and Giutti; and the second, the machines done by G iutti to complete the machinery for the opening tournament.

The cloud machine

Figures XVI and XVII are drawings, probably by Aleotti, for a cloud machine to be used in the tournament La diffessa della bellezza.

The essential simplicity of the machine is somewhat exaggerated by the unpolished drawing of the designer. Figure XVI shows the working frame­ work of the machine in two positions. The top part of the drawing indicates the entrance position and corresponds to the finished appear­ ance of the cloud in Figure XVII. The lower part of the first figure shows the machine in the lower*;d position, from which the chorus and the actors could dismount to the stage floor. Clearly, each of the nineteen operating lines shown would have to move a different distance to allow the cloud to unfold as is indicated, making the far upper part of the 96

figure xvi

Closed machine designed by Aleotti or Giutti, 1618, Archivio di Stato d i Parma,

A drawing of one of the original machines for the Tournament Theatre at Parma. This machine was to suffice for the entrances of Neptune, Venus, and Virtue, described in the libretto for La difessa

FIGURE XVII

Archivio d i S tato d i Parma

The finished appearance of the cloud machine in the previous figure. The cloud detail was probably two-dimensional. 98 drawing an over-simplification. As drawn, each of the lines is affixed to a separate winch, which would have to be operated individually by hand. If this net hod of operation was actually used, it was probably the best possible reason for the snail number of machines originally designed for the theatre. Though the drawing of the machine is far from clear or detailed, it indicates that this machine was probably two-dimensional. Any three- dimensional cloud configurations would have interfered with both the fo ld in g mechanisms of the machine and w ith the fre e movement of the machine between the wings of the settings on stage. In addition, if the drawings may be taken literally, it is doubtful if this machine was strong enough to bear much weight in excess of the twenty-six persons who rode on i t .

The umbrella machine

The umbrella machine is one of the machines invented by Giutti for Hercurio e Marte to supplement the original machines of Aleotti, The machine is constructed for the appearance of Apollo and a group of six Amorini. and it rests on the stage floor between two sets of wings rather than being suspended from above. In the folded position, seen in the upper portion of Figure XVIII, the machine is compact, requiring only two operating lines. One is a fixed line, labeled "HH on the drawing, and the other is a lifting line from the loft. The operation of the machine is simple: when beam WC" is lifted, line WHW below the beam is shortened, p u llin g block MFW back toward th e beam on rod "D,11 As *F" moves back, i t lifts and spreads the rods in umbrella fashion, lifting and projecting the seven actors onto the stage. This machine could only have been used 99

FIGURE XVIII

Archivio d i S tato d i Parma

The umbrella machine invented by Francesco Giutti in 1628. Note the much more sophisticated drawing style which has evolved since 1618, 100

In a very large theatre, for it required no less than five feet of space between a pair of wings for operation. The primary advantage of this machine was its floor mounting, leaving space above it for the operation of loft-mounted machines, doubling the amount of useful space in that part of the theatre in which it was used.

The star glory The star glory machine was invented by Giutti for Mercurio e

Marts. Figures XIX and XX show it in three operating positions. The first, seen in Figure XIX, is the fully ascended position with all the actors suspended above the stage floor. Figure XX shows the second two positions: on the right the machine is shown as it descends to the stage floor; on the left, it has completed its descent and is in the position from which the actors could dismount from it. This very simple machine was intended to be finished with two-dimensional cut-outs which would not interfere with its movement. The most interesting part of this design, however, i s the drum shown below the stage flo o r. I t i s thought by many authorities that this sort of drum-operated machinery was invented by Giacomo Torelli in 1641, but from this design it is clear that it was in operation at Parma about thirteen years before that date.

Unverified Parma machine designs The following two machines, one to be used in the appearance of fifty persons and one a machine of communicating bridges, are both logically machines for the Tournament Theatre at Parma, but neither has been verified as such. Figure XXI shows the first machine, a typical seventeenth-century flying machine. This machine could be operated only Archivio d i S tato d i Parma

Francesco Giutti*s star glory machine, shown in the ascended position* Note the operation by drum under the stage* 102

FIGURE XX

I'y^’J*. A'* ».* . * \ *

m m

Archivio d i S tato d i Parma

Giutti*s star glory in the second two positions as it descends to the stage floor. 103 on a very large stage such as that at Parma, The stage would have to have a minimum of fiv e s e ts of wings to mask the fiv e u p rig h t beams which support and lift the machine. Whether the machine was intended to fold in any way or if it was simply to be flown directly out of the scene is not known. The number and arrangement of diagonal braces seems to pre­ clude any folding. It would be a heavy and clumsy machine to lift or to fold, requiring many lines and many stagehands. The relative inefficiency of this machine would seem to date it earlier than 1640, and the unsophisticated drawing style is strikingly similar to that seen in the

Aleotti designs in earlier figures. The second machine, a system of communicating bridges, was intended for the appearance of a complete scene in mid-air ( "Machine a pontili communicati, per la comparse di scene in aria"). The design shows the machine in two positions, on the right in the closed or off­ stage position, and on the left, in the on-stage position. Seen on the left are a large number of lines which would connect to pulleys and winches in the loft of the stage, from which the machine would be lifted and folded, accordion fashion, up-stage and off the stage at the same time. The four large beams seen at the left of the figure rest on the stage floor to support the weight of the machine when it is operational; they also directly lift the supporting structures, seen under the various sets of steps, thus aiding in moving the machine. These beams connect directly to the loft by means of lines and winches. This machine could operate only in a theatre with at least five sets of wings and a rather

Povoledo, Teatro Farnese. p. 31. FIGURE XXI

P ro sp ettiv e, 19* 1959

A machine for the appearance on stage of fifty persons* Note the sim ilarity between this machine and the Parma machine seen in Figure XVI, both in drawing style and in mode of operation. 105

FIGURE XXII

W*V f< V

P ro sp ettiv e, 19, 1959

A machine of communicating bridges, one of the large machines which could have operated only at Parma for a number of years, because of its very large size. 106 deep stage, much like the Tournament Theatre at Parma. It could have fit into the Ducale in Piacenza, but the design appears to be far too early for that theatre, which was not built until 1688 or 1689*

The n a u tic a l b a ttle in the arena a t Parma

When the Tournament Theatre opened in 1628 with Mercurio e Marte. whose finale was a naumachina, it was doubtless assumed that the theatre would house many other such spectacles. However, the next documented spectacular nautical show was performed on the neschiera in the duke's garden in 1690. Though records show other productions in the Tournament Theatre, none were demonstrably nautical shows. There must be good reason why the spectacle was not soon repeated, since the first nautical show was the highlight of the evening. According to Edward Carrick, the final scene of Mercurio e Marte occurred as follows:

Neptune emerged from a wave, surrounded by tritons, accompanied by organ music, and the sea gradually swelled until it over­ flowed into the auditorium until the floor was covered, and then, through the side doors entered many huge sea monsters (see Figure XXIII), and many small islands, upon each one a warrior. The warriors then engaged in combat until a signal was given, at which time the drains in the auditorium floor were opened and the water emptied from the hall.2?

Carrick goes on to explain that the water was pumped into large tanks below the stage on the day before the tournament, and, at a signal, it was let out into the arena to a depth of about two feet, the lower part of the auditorium and the gradines having been covered with sheets of lead to prevent leakage.

2? Carrick, on. cit.. p. 14. 107 Other chroniclers of the tournament disagree concerning the depth of the water* Marcello Buttigli, secretary to the Farnese dukes, stated that the water in the arena "was raised to the second level of the 28 theatre." It is not clear precisely what "the second level of the theatre" means, but one can assume that he meant the second level of steps leading into the arena* If so, the depth of the water would have been about a foot and a half.

The Abbe Folchi, quoted in several sources, visited Parma for this tournament and said of the nautical show;

I was afraid to sit in such a large hall overloaded with thousands of spectators and many machines* Moreover the same hall later had to sustain the weight of the water which rose to a height of more than half a braochia (a measure­ ment equalling about nine inches)*29

Thus, there are three estimates of the depth of the water; two feet, one and a half feet, and nine inches. The question is, would the theatre, situated on the second floor of the Palazzo Pilotta, already over a century old, bear the weight of so much water? Using the two extreme figures, two feet and nine inches, the volume of water in the arena would have weighed from 3&0 tons at the minimum to 580 tons at the maximum* To this figure the weight of the spectators, about 300 tons, and the weight of the machines, another 50 or more tons, would have to be added* In addition, other such unknown weights as the tanks to hold over hO,000 gallons of water, the internal structures of the theatre itself, and others, would raise the total weight of the theatre to over 1,000 tons*

28 Buttigll, op. cit.. p. Ih7.

Abbe Folchi, quoted in Nagler, The Theatre Festivals of the Medici, loc* cit.. and Lombardi, op. cit.. p. ^8, 108

I contend that the palace could not bear so much weight in safety. Per

Bjurstrdm is far more conservative in his estimate of the depth of the water, guessing only ua few decimeters at most. **30 Though this figure would reduce the total weight of the theatre by about 500 tons, it is questionable whether the machines designed by G iutti would have operated well in such shallow water. (See Figure XXIII, a reconstruction of one of these machines.) It is not known if the weight of the water resulted in permanent damage to the foundations of the building, but this possibility explains better than any other reason why the theatre was not used again for any purpose until 1650 or after.

Simrniayy

The Tournament Theatre at Parma was used only a total of five times in a little less than a century. The generally accepted dates for these productions are 1628, 1652, 1661, 1668, and 1690. Although the construction of the theatre coincided almost exactly with the emergence of the opera, the theatre was not constructed with that genre in mind.

The audience in the Tournament Theatre was placed too far from the stage for good viewing, and they were seated facing the arena, rather than the stage. Although the stage was rather large, this awkward seating arrange­ ment prevented its efficient use for the illusionistic staging of opera.

The theatre was thus outmoded before it was completed. Finally, this theatre was not so radical a departure from tradition as is commonly

30 Bjurstrbm, on. cit.. p. 25* 109

FIGURE XXIII

1 Y" L | I A .. fiTonstarFuh mode of canOas ond. El I bent luoodLf cowered voith tin Apointed . | | JB . Small boat or punt upon which ' 1 _ A u T n o u n te. d 1 C . A hola. cut throudh boat,but boarded I a t sides to keep o u t water. D . U njean man du-odLng boat by I \ ’ouaUcinf in the twate r . E . H w ' . \ F lo o ra/ The sh e / i f c l } \

Architectural Review, 70, 1931-32

A conjectural reconstruction, by Edvard Gordon Craig, of one of the sea monsters invented by Francesco Giutti for the tournament Msrcurio e Marte. performed at Parma in 1628. 110 thought, nor could It have been as influential on following theatres throughout Europe as is generally accepted. Further research promulgated in this study indicates that few of the immediately following theatres in

I ta ly , or even in th e Duchy of Parma fo r th a t m atter, were strongly influenced by the Tournament Theatre.

The Teatrino di Corte By the year 1688 the th e a tr ic a l productions of th e Duchy of Parma were falling into a pattern, with the Saline and the Ducale at Piacenza proving admirably suited to both the contemporary drama and the opera.

At the same time the city of Parma still had only the Tournament Theatre, the Dei Nobili, a college theatre, and the Santlvale, a playhouse. The

Tournament Theatre had been used only four times since its inauguration; it had proved itself inflexible, mainly because of its tournament seating arrangement. As an obvious result of this inflexibility, the duke built the Teatrino di Corte, which was to do for Parma what the Ducale had done for Piacenza: that is, make the city a center for the production of opera. The architect Stefano Lolli was commissioned to design the theatre, and it was built in a large room to the stage-right of the

Tournament Theatre, on the second floor of the old Palazzo Pilotta. It was completed in 1689 * This theatre is not well documented. It is only mentioned by several men who describe the Tournament Theatre. An example is Pietro

DeLasu^s remark:

The one [portal] to the left [stage right] served as the entrance to a small but beautiful theatre, built at the I l l

orders of Ranunccio II by Stefano Lolll, which seated about 1*500 persons.31

The exact capacity of the Teatrino is not known, for Donati, who knew the theatre intimately, said that it seated 2,000 p e r s o n s . ^

Only one piece of pictorial evidence of this theatre remains, in the fora of an engraving of the theatre in section. This engraving, seen in Figure XXIV, is very unclear; it does little more than permit the establishment of a comparative scale of size with the Tournament

T heatre.

Using several of the known vertical measurements of the larger theatre which are evident on the sectional drawings, the scale of dimensions for the Teatrino has been established as follows:

Teatrino The Tournament Theatre

Height 30* 0" 56 * 6 " Width 31* 2“ 80* 3" Prose (high) 19* 9M 3^r 0" Prose (wide) 19* 9" 31* 6 “ When an approximate 2 to 1 relationship was discovered to have existed for all the evident measurements, the ground plan made by Donati for the

Tournament Theatre was consulted. That plan shows a room to the stage- right of the larger theatre which could have been the Teatrino. The room measures 108 feet in length, almost exactly half the length of the

Tournament Theatre and easily long enough for a theatre seating in the vicinity of 1,500 persons. Adding this last measurement to the list, we now have a full set of general measurements from which the following

^DeLama, on. cit.. p. 63 . 32 Paolo Donati, Gran Teatro. Figure I. 112

FIGURE XXIV

Cleveland Public Library

Two sectional views by an unknown engraver of the Toumament Theatre and the Teatrino di Corte• This is the only available pictorial evidence of the Teatrino* 113 conjectural sketches were made.33 Figures XXV and XXVI show, respec­ tively, the relationship In size and location of the two theatres, and the probable appearance of the Teatrino.

The Teatrino was in regular use until 1822, a life-span of 233 years, which is exceptional for a theatre from the formative seventeenth century. It almost completely supplanted the huge Tournament Theatre, which was little used from 1690 onward. The theatre was one of two favorites, with the Ducale in Piacenza, of Ferdinando Galli da Bibiena, court designer of the Farnese for twenty-eight years and the most famous of all early designers and painters. In Chapter V we shall look more closely at Bibiena and his work in the theatres of Piacenza.

The temporary theatre at S. Pietro Martire Let us direct our attention once more to the year 1628, and specifically to the evening of December 13# The wedding festivities planned for Odoardo and Margherita were too great for the Tournament

Theatre, so they began on that evening in a temporary theatre built Ok especially for one evening*s entertainment*^ Most sources agree that this theatre was built by Girolamo Rainaldi, court architect to the Duke of Parma, and it is often assumed that the assignment was given Rainaldi in order to placate him after the Tournament Theatre was built entirely by non-local architects and engineers. Letters found recently in the

33 ^Since the Teatrino was built on the second floor of the palace, it is assumed that no major architectural changes were made to accommodate the theatre. 3 k Lavin, op. cit.. p. 3^8. Professor Lavin calls the theatre, wun grande p a la is p ro v iso ire de Venus e t de l*ifymen, n but does not explain this singular mythological symbolism. 114

FIGURE XXV

90

£ a A m c c ~to o / n n o

. 7 M k * /S m e s e

The author's ground plan of the Tournament Theatre and the Teatrino di Corte, showing the probable relationship between the two theatres in size and location. 115 FIGURE XXVI

The author*s conjectural reconstruction of the interior of the Teatrino di Corte■ 116

Biblioteca Comunale di Ferrara prove that this supposition is erroneous and that the theatre was designed and built by Francesco Giutti, assisted by one Francesco Mazzi.3-* The first theatrical piece of the evening, Tasso's Aminta. generated little enthusiasm, but the intermezzi by Pio di Savoia, with music by Claudio Monteverdi, were the highlight of the evening.3^ The scenes and machines for -Aminta were designed and supervised by Francesco Giutti, and the production was directed by Enzo Bentivoglio.^? According to descriptions by both Bubtigli and Inghirami the entire production lasted about seven hours, during which the cold December wind rushed into the auditorium through the stage opening.3® The stage, it seems, was not covered by a cloth velarium as was the rest of the theatre. From the previously mentioned letters in the Library of Ferrara a series of descriptive phrases have been taken, which, when added to the ground plan, complete the description of the theatre. The stage was to the north of the courtyard of the church of S. Pietro Martire. It was separated from the audience by an open area 25 - 1 /2 feet wide, extending

35 MS no. 660 d i A ntonelli, B iblioteca Comunale d i F e rra ra .

Buttigli, pp. cit.. p. 19. Also Intermedii / recitati / in musica dalle piu ecellentissimo / voci dal nostro secolo / (Parma, Seth et Erasmo Vlotti, 1628). 37 R. Rolland, L1 opera en Europe avant Lully et Scarlatti (Paris, 193l)» implies that the entire 1628 festival consisted of one single production. Further, he states that the entire festival took place in the Tournament Theatre.

38Buttigli, op. cit«. and Camillo Giordani, quoted in A* Saviotti, Feste e spettacoli nel seicento. Giomale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 41, 1903. 117 all the way across the theatre. At either end of this open area was a triumphal arch, through which the audience entered. The polygonal audi­ torium was 68 feet wide and 76-1/2 feet deep.39 A raised gradine sur­ rounded the orchestra, and above this were two levels of galleries, each divided into large boxes. The lower level was finished in the Ionic style and the upper level in Corinthian. In the center of the orchestra there was a raised dais for noble guests. The stage extended the full width of the theatre, but the proscenium opening was only 36 feet wide. The proscenium facade was built entirely of wood, intricately carved with many statues, garlands, festoons, and escutcheons, covered with stucco, and then bronzed. In general appearance, this theatre was a "missing link" between the Roman and the Greek theatres exemplified in the Teatro Olimipico, and the theatre developed by the opera. It was obviously

Influenced by the Tournament Theatre at Parma, but the public galleries and the general shape of the theatre were actually much more like many later box theatres. Figure XXVII is Francesco G iutti1s plan for the theatre as drawn by his assistant Francesco Mazzi, and Figure XXVIII is Ilq the author*s reconstruction of the theatre.

39 Lavin, on. cit.. p. i^Q Parma. Encielopedia dello Spettacolo, Vol. VII, states that Rainaldi built, *un teatro ligneo . . . nel cortile del palazzo." This comment seems to be a combination of the Teatrino and the temporary theatre at S. Pietro. Nagler, op. cit.. p. lh-3, credits the temporary theatre to Giovanni Battista Magnani, who may have been an assistant to either Giutti or Mazzi, but was certainly not the designer of the theatre. Sir Banister Fletcher, A History of Architecture (London: Charles Scribner* s Sons, 19**8) states that "cortile" invariably implies a large room in a palace or castle. This comment is in error in this particular case. 118

FIGURE XXVII

A b W C 'Tift* ^5 •fro?'? y,' E 0^- .'•*'■■ E J a b ob CS**fonu* jtiu k ,'cju farn^ e(lJt*— /i Qt^tl«t%ud» JJ ^nlrrr J*./*** /An-’ *&’ □

% p c/S V S V ...~ fc..-'...... ■«*SSa^ H » » Q I ' A . m m m

7 fl

MS no. 660, Biblioteca di Ferrara

The ground plan for the temporary theatre at S. Pietro Martire, designed by Francesco G iutti and drawn by Francesco Mazzi. FIGURE XXVIII

- V_- . I S «VrnHi id

The author*s reconstruction of the temporary theatre at S Pietro Martire. 120

Final conclusions The Tournament Theatre at Parma is by far the best known of the

Famese theatres* Because of a number of misconceptions about this

theatre, however, its importance and influence have been exaggerated. It was not actually the world*s first proscenium theatre; however, it con­

tained the first wing stage, hiding movable wings and space for other

scene shifting machinery,^ This wing stags was the theatre*s only major contribution to the theatre of the future* The other major Parma theatre,

the T eatrino d i Corte, was a developmental th e a tre , lying somewhere between the tournament theatre and the box opera theatre in general

conformation* Strong evidence leads me to discount the Tournament Theatre*s importance in the Duchy of Parma a f te r 1628* The tournament was on i t s way to oblivion by this date, and the opera was increasing in popularity*

The Tournament Theatre could house opera on its stage, but the conforma­

tion of the auditorium eliminated it as a theatre for opera* The

Teatrino, on the other hand, was built specifically for the opera, not

only in the machinery of its stage but in the seating plan and audience

sight-lines in its auditorium* Because of the continuing popularity of

the opera, auditoriums underwent striking changes in the seventeenth

century* Once the wing stage had appeared, a theatre of illusion naturally followed; the only other necessary change was the development of a seating

arrangement from which this stage could easily be seen*

Tlordecai Gorelik, Theatre. Collier*s Encyclopedia, Vol* 18, 1966 * A form of proscenium arch is described in the Natvasastra of Bhatra, dated approximately in the second century A*D* CHAPTER V

THE THEATRES OF PIACENZA

The t r i p from the c ity of Parma to th e small town of Piacenza can be made easily in three hours today. Three hundred years ago the same trip might have taken three days or more, depending on the luggage one carried and the state of the weather. Although the Famese dukes1 establishment of a complete second court at Piacenza, with a castle, two palaces, two theatres, a printer, etc., seems redundant today, it was eminently practical in 1600 or 1650. The dukes established palaces en route to several major destinations; besides their palaces in Parma and Piacenza, they owned another pair of palaces outside the duchy. But the court at Piacenza must have housed them especially frequently, consider­ ing its completeness, which is indicated particularly by the two theatres.

If only one reason were to be given for investigating the theatres of Piacenza, the research would be worthwhile, for this small town was one of two homes, for twenty-eight years, of a renowned seventeenth century scene designer and painter, Ferdinando Galli da

Bibiena. Ferdinando came to the Famese court as "primario pittore ed architetto" in 1678 and stayed until 1712, when he left to work at the court of the Etaperor Karl of Austria.^ With his brother Francesco, he

^Corrado Ricci, I Bibiena (Milano: Editor! Alfieri e Lacroix, 1915), p. 22.

121 122 produced some of the most spectacular stage scenery seen in the seven­ teenth century, and he is considered to be the founder of a dynasty of scene designers which made a profound impression on the concept of stage design—an impression still felt today. Alpheus Hyatt Mayor states that the designers of the Bibiena

Family (Ferdinando, Francesco, Carlo, Giuseppe, and Antonio) produced over 200 designs, n early a l l of which are l o s t . However, t h is fig u re does not truly represent the scope of their work. It is probable that

Ferdinando himself produced more designs than this in his lifetime. It i s known, fo r example, th a t he did many p a la is a v o lan te. o r stock settings, for the theatres of Parma.3 Paolo Donati adds that quite a number of scenic pieces by Ferdinando were found in such little-known theatres as the Teatro Santivale and the Teatro della Collegio dei Nobili in Parma.^ In addition to designing scenery and machinery for as many as four active theatres, Ferdinando designed and decorated ohurches, grand halls, ballrooms, and other buildings in the duchy,-5 He also designed a large number of gardens, among them the magnificent Colorno

Gardens in Parma, which he designed and whose layout he supervised during the same period in which he was writing his famous Arohitettura civila prenarata sulla geometrical

2 Alpheus Hyatt Mayor, The Bibiena Family (New York: Bittner and Company, 19^5). p . 9- •^Mayor, ib id . It Donati, Citta di Parma, p. 32.

^R icci, o p . clt.. “decoro chiese, loggie, sale, e stanze per tutte Emilia, talora insieme al fratello Francesco, talora insieme a ll1 Spolverini e al Draghi.11

^Ricci, ibid. 123 The accepted date of Ferdinando1 s arrival in Parma is l68^+, though the first production done there which lists his name as designer was Olimpia Placata. performed at the Ducale in Piacenza in 1687.^ From then until the end of the century he contributed, sometimes alone and sometimes in collaboration with his brother Francesco, to nearly every production design in the Farnese court theatres. 8 Beyond the fact that the Ducale was evidently one of the favorite theatres of Bibiena, there is another reason for investigating the theatres of Piacenza. The old theatres of this town have a combined life span running from 1592 to 1804. The Teatro delle Saline was built about

1592, and the Ducale, the last theatre to be built in the seventeenth century, stood and was in regular use until 180^. Although a few other sixteenth and seventeenth century theatres stood that long, and although several stand even today, very few could claim to have been continuously active, useful theatres for such a long period. The theatres themselves, then, warrant close attention.

Two of the three theatres discussed in this chapter have been briefly mentioned by two sources, Leolerc and Nasali-Rocca.^ Both of these sources include the same single ground plan for these theatres, but

7 Olimpia Placata / drama / rappresentato nel novissimo teatro Ducale / (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1687). g Of nineteen verified productions at the court theatres of the Farnese between 1687 and 1699* ten were designed by Bibiena for certain. Seven list no designer, and only two list another than Ferdinando Bibiena. 9 'Emilio Nasali-Roeca, The Old Theatres of Piacenza. Mask Magazine, Vol. 10, 192^, and Helen Leclerc, Les origines italiennes de ^architec­ ture th6Strale moderne (Paris i Librarie E Droz, 19^6)* P* 51. 124 in neither is there an attempt to reconstruct them. Only recently, however, it has been discovered that the remainder of the plans for both of these theatres is extant. These plans, added to what is known of staging techniques and scene design in the l 600 *s, make it possible to reconstruct both with some accuracy.

The Teatro d e lle Saline Until the end of the sixteenth century no records of a theatre in

Piacenza exist. The earliest date for a theatre there is 1592, according to Dr, Nasali-Rocca: this theatre was called La Sala della Commedia.^®

We know that it was built near the old church of Santo Protasto, on the spot occupied by the Casa Fracasi today. Some time after its construc­ tion, probably well into the seventeenth century, someone discovered that it was built over a large deposit of salt water, and from that time onward it was known as the Teatro delle Saline. The original name of the theatre, La Sala della Commedia, is the first of three hints to its purpose. The second hint is a reference to dilettante productions and productions of veglioni at this theatre.^

The third, and perhaps the most suggestive, is an analysis of the physical plant, which indicates that the theatre could not have been used for the production of seventeenth-century opera-spectacles.

Nasali-Rocca, o p , cit. Dr, Nasali-Rocca is curator of the Civic Library of Piacenza, where nearly all of the theatrical records of that city are kept,

“^Nasali-Rocca, ibid.. p. 4?, “Veglione" is an Italian word presently meaning a fancy-dress ball, or masked ball. In the older con­ text, however, it probably refers to the dress occasions at theatre, where the entertainm ents were probably commedia. 125

FIGURE XXIX

An old map of the City of Piaoenza, circa 1550, indicating the small size of that community. Seen on the map are the "Castello Cittadella,N the location of the Teatro Ducale, and in the lower-left of the map, the wCastello Farnese, * built by Pier Luigi Farnese in the fifteenth century. 126

The date of the construction of the Teatro delle Saline indicates that it was built by Duke Ranunccio I, although there is no concrete evidence to support t h i s co n jectu re. However, i t d e fin ite ly was a private theatre, the attendance at which was limited to nobles and patricians of the city, who actually owned the boxes there; the general public could attend only at the express invitation of these nobles,

sitting either as guests of box-owners or on temporary benches placed in the orchestra,^ Documents collected in Piacenza by the Associazione del* Arte support the notion of a private playhouse, describing occasions on which theatrical amateurs of the city used to produce p l a y s . ^ Unfor­ tunately, no records have been found which mention any specific production at the Saline. Since, however, relatively more accurate records of

operatic activity during the same period are available, this theatre was apparently never used for the production of opera. This conclusion is augmented by information concerning the dimensions of both the stage and the auditorium of the Saline, By analyzing settings for opera, not only for productions at Parma, but from other parts of Italy, certain minimum

standards of space and facilities may be set up, none of which are met by this theatre.

Statistics and measurements of the Saline

The auditorium of the Saline was very small, measuring only forty-five feet from the proscenium to the back of the auditorium, and

12 Cristoforo Poggiali, Memorie per la storia letterai di Piacenza (Piacenza; N. Orcesi, 1789), pp, 40-bl, 13 Palestrelli MS Collection, Biblioteca Communale Passer ini Landl, Piacenza, 127 Ik just over twenty-six feet across from wall to wall. The proscenium

measured about seventeen feet in width, and it was probably slightly

higher than this at the center of the opening. Since no elevation

exists for this theatre, this last figure, as well as all others dealing

specifically with height, is conjectural. Host theatres built during

this period, however, were definitely Influenced by the fixed facade and

the classical decor of such theatres as the Olimpico; ordinarily the proscenium opening was higher than it was wide. (Generally speaking,

though the proscenium opening continued to change in shape, it was not until the nineteenth century that it became wider than it was high.)

The stage of this theatre measured twenty-six feet wide by about thirty feet deep. The actual playing area, however, which was delineated by the wings to the side and the last shutter at the back, was only about

fifteen feet wide and twelve feet deep.

The boxes in the auditorium were quite small. On first glance it would seem that they could hold only one person each, but when some of

the dimensions of this theatre are compared with other playhouses in other parts of the world as late as the nineteenth century, one can see that they are plausible. Although these tiny boxes contained only about ten and one-half square feet, they probably held three or even four persons.

lif Carrick, pp. cit. One bracchia = 17 inches. 128

Pertinent measurements for the whole theatre may be seen more clearly in the following outline: I. The auditorium:

Length - 45 feet Width - 26 fe e t Height - 30 feet (approximation)

II. The boxes:

Width - 3 feet or slightly less Depth - 3-1/2 feet Height - under 6 feet (approximation)

III. The Ducal box: Width - 10-1/2 feet Depth - 9 feet Height - 11 feet (approximation)

IV. The proscenium:

Width - 16 feet Height - 20 feet (approximation) Thickness - 3 feet V. The s ta g e :

Depth - 30 fe e t Width - 26 f e e t Height - 30 feet (approximation)

VI. The plan of the stage:

Maximum depth of playing area, from the apron to the last shutter - 12 feet Mean width of the playing area - 14- feet Distance between proscenium and first set of wings - 3-1/2 feet Distance between first and second sets of wings - 2 feet Distance between second and third sets of wings - 1-1/4- feet Distance from second set of wings to last shutter - 2 feet Distance from shutter to back wall of the stage - 15 feet VH. The orchestra pit:

Depth from the rail to the apron of the stage - 6 feet Width - 17 feet 129 Two important factors must be taken into consideration in recon­

structing a theatre from the sixteenth or seventeenth century. The first

is the practice of drawing, on all plans of this kind, most of the small details such as stairs, wall thicknesses, doorways, supporting pillars or walls, and passages by hand, without regard for scale. At best, the accuraoy of the scaled portions of some drawings are suspect, but the

smaller architectural details, which are considered standards today, are not at all accurate. It is entirely fallacious, for example, to use a

stair tread or rise as a check on the scale of other details of architec­ ture. In addition to the fact that stairs and passages were often extremely small, they can be seen to have been drawn entirely by hand, without the minimum of drafting equipment. Such simple variables as the thickness of a poor pen point can make a difference in a wall thickness of as much as a foot and can cause a stair tread to vary from three inches to over one foot. When such a variable is combined with free-hand drawing, the only safe assumption which can be made on these smaller architectural details is that they were indeed small.

The second factor which is pertinent to this discussion is the

intended use of the theatre. Naturally the luxury and comfort found in the twentieth century theatre auditorium is not the result of any similar

consideration in the seventeenth century. A theatre such as the Saline may have been used only once or twice a year. When theatre was such a rare treat there was little need to entice an audience by the comfort of the theatre. In designing a theatre, the general public was probably not

considered in any case. They attended the theatre only rarely and were not accustomed to comfort. The nobility who owned the small, cramped boxes in such a theatre as this were patrons of the art, who were 130 probably Interested enough In theatre to attend at least once or twice a year without regard for great personal comfort. Finally, the royal owners of private theatres did not need to concern themselves with box- office receipts; they could continue to stage productions regardless of audience count. Thus, they often built their theatres in as small a building as possible, at a considerable saving of both money and space.

The concern with space which originated in the walled feudal cities of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was still a major concern as late as 1600 .

The seating capacity of the Teatro delle Saline is not mentioned in any source, but it can be estimated from the ground plans published here. By actual count there were twenty-six boxes in three tiers, one public gallery above these boxes, and one royal box. Keeping in mind that space and comfort were not important considerations, it can be estimated that each of the boxes held two or possibly three persons. This figure could be raised to four if chairs were not used, since a bench for two persons would need to be only three feet wide and ten inches deep. Using the last figure, the maximum capacity of the boxes would be 312 persons.

The public gallery above could possibly have held as many as 150 persons. There were no partitions in this gallery, and it would have been possible to place as many as three rows of benches around the entire circumference of the auditorium. The orchestra of the theatre, presumably filled with temporary benches, could have held about 200 persons in twenty rows of benches. Assuming the Ducal box held as many as five special guests of the duke, the total seating capacity of the Saline can be estimated at

667 persons. It is highly doubtful that it ever held this many persons 131 during the first part of the seventeenth century, for the population of Piacenza at this time was probably no more than one thousand.^

There are three factors which result in the conclusion that the

Saline was a private playhouse, never used for opera. The first is that there are no records of opera at this theatre. The second is its small size. The popularity of opera at court, coupled with the fact that it was not invariably performed on any schedule (but was often rare), placed certain demands on the opera theatre for seating capacity, (Audiences for festival operas often numbered over 7,000 in Parma during the seven­ teenth century.) The third factor is the very small size of the stage at the Saline. Careful analysis of the scene designs of the seventeenth century opera indicates that most of them could not have been placed on this stage. To substantiate this hypothesis, a random selection of scene designs from the last half of the century has been made. This selection included forty designs, representing thirty different works by such a r t i s t s as Ferdinando Bibiena, Domenico and Gaspara Mauro, G iulio and Alfonso Parigi, and others. Only four of the designs in this group were intended for one of the Farnese theatres. In nine out of ten cases a ground plan of the design could be made with some accuracy, showing the placement of wings and shutters. A complete breakdown of the clearly definable elements of these forty designs follows.

1. 23 se ttin g s were composed of 5 se ts of wings and 1 or more sh u tte rs . 11 s e ttin g s were composed of 4 s e ts of wings and 1 or more sh u tte rs .

Robert Gale Woolbert, Parma. The Colliers Encyclopedia, Vol 18, pp. 457-58. 132

FIGURE XXX

vfl B MAMTA BCL PfUNtO OKDIMB JT-Y t I S f mm ««#rntmn* /».» A*4 *tr** *. '* * * ? j 2* AA _iSf* « >5"W 4 4 > jU < . m. S M y ftr * w> t i * mu *y«4W ,y4-M . <^4 irMwVl6'HII>/V^,4> UfN'l CM ■ ^ «d(iV «o«4 ^ 4 mtJi'*** ttmm /*** *■* 2 !*• JW' * * « A A / / . m «. .»/ ££*« #c A >rm mf rmmrj'tfjk.. H mf>*S s j4 m * .

18 r r r r

JVo^^ J3nuit

The plan of the auditorium and stage floor level of the Teatro delle Saline, showing the small size of the stage, and especially the small size of the stairs, passages, and boxes in this theatre. 133 FIGURE XXXI

P1A N TA - 4 * — U C I L ' ORPINL 4 E C O N D O J Ttfayn*'rttM * 9 f m < J ^tnii^er tntntt a i / . j o . * tftA yf^/t X*& ,k*c .l/.vrftJJ/'J# J ,-#« yit/ .amjKt, } ± Jamt*Jit auftrwc *t£* o r s t uu j f V j r&*si H Q jii'tdkper *t q •& * /.vr .jtJc* t \ i u nJCf.iMH* jU mtjfd, / j . . i f i ,« * u 4 . v • JdU ZrmAf4t. ,

k rx J i tA J*j, mx xxM. jbmaupj* >*.V m , :M m j: i^M^rZujtaJT______

m x r c r c

The plan for the second level of boxes in the Teatro delle Saline* The royal box of the Duke of Parma is seen as the la te st box at the rear of the auditorium* The third level above was an exact duplicate of this levelt while the fourth level was an unpartitioned public gallery. 134

FIGURE XXXII

The author*s reconstruction of the interior of the Saline. 4 se ttin g s were composed of 3 se ts of wings and 1 or more shutterso 2 settings were composed of less than 3 sets of wings and 1 or more s h u tte rs 0 2. 7 settings had 2 or more evident shutters. 5 s e ttin g s had 3 or more evident shutters, 6 se ttin g s showed 1 sh u tte r p a r tia lly open, and another set or more of wings behind it. 22 settings had only 1 evident shutter.

3. 3 settings contained pieces which were probably three- dimensional. 10 settings contained some form of wing and return combination. 5 settings contained wing and return combinations which were practical, i.e., these contained arches, doorways or other openings which could have been used by actors. While nearly every one of these settings would have fit into the Tourna­

ment Theatre at Parma, the Teatrino di Corte, or the Ducale, only four of the entire set of forty designs could have been fitted to the stage of the Saline.

In addition to being too small for the average opera setting, the

stage of the Saline would not accommodate the machinery which is commonly

associated with the opera-spectacle. Not only was a playing area of twelve by seventeen feet far too small for most flying maohinery, but the very dose placement of the wings would not permit most machines to work between them. There was a space large enough for machines behind the

last shutter, but only in rare cases were machines placed in that posi­ tion. That space was probably used for the storage of scenery and properties.

Hypotheses

The Teatro delle Saline enjoyed a useful life-span of 212 years,

from about 1592 to 1804, when it was finally destroyed to make room for more modern buildings. During this entire period it was used for the 136 production of comedies and other plays, by both resident commedia players* touring cpmmedla groups, and stage-struck dllettants of the town of

Piacenza. Although there is no record of what plays were produced at this theatre, its long life testifies that it was a useful, well-designed t h e a t r e .^ The theatre itself, which is admirably suited to the needs of a *»ntnnuj>flin group, suggests th a t a re sid e n t commedia company may have been present at the Farnese court during the seventeenth century. There is at present no documentation to prove this hypothesis, but it seems illogical to assume that it was built only for occasional touring players and the dilettanti of the city. In any case, research into the history of this little theatre would be valuable. One final consideration concerning this theatre should be made, i.e ., whether the plans published here represent a remodeled version of the Saline of the theatre as it was originally built. The first assump­ tion is the more logical, for if the seoond were true, the Saline would have to be called the world’s first wing stage theatre, pre-dating the

Tournament Theatre by at least twenty-six years* It is difficult to accept this conclusion, but there is no real evidence to disprove it; the possibility must thus be kept in mind until it is completely negated.

Records for the production of plays at the Saline during the late eighteenth century are not presently available. Although suoh records may exist, and although they may indicate other uses of this theatre, such a change in use would not affeot the thesis of this study, which does not attempt to cover any activity after 1690. 137 The Teatro della Clttadella (more commonly w ile d the "Ducale")

H61hne Leolere refers to this theatre as the "Theatre Clttadella, or Ducale, which supplanted rapidly the theatre at the Palazzo Comaunale in Piacenze."^-? She also explains that it was connected to the Palazzo

Farnese by an enclosed gallery, through which persons of nobility might reach the theatre in inclement weather* The site of the theatre building is now occupied by the Scuderia di Maria Luisa, a m ilitary stable.

The exact date of the construction of the theatre is not known, but i t was oompleted no l a t e r th an 1662, f o r in th a t y e ar LtAnromeda. by the Piacentine composer Carlo Bassi, was produced there, according to

Leowenburg’s records*^ The Ducale may have been built as early as 1650, however, for in 1651 two operas, Lt Armlde and L»Eeisto. were performed in Piacenza* 20 Both of them were by Cavalli, a composer famous throughout

Italy at this time* They probably would have been done in the newest and best-equipped theatre available. The Ducale was a popular theatre* Of the twenty-six verified productions at Farnese court theatres between 1662 and 1699* twelve were staged at the Ducale, eleven were scattered among the four theatres in the city of Parma, and three are not definitely placed* The theatre was apparently used in its original form until about 1730, when, according

L eelerc, on* o l t *. p . 69 * 18 Nasali-Rocca, The Old Theatres of Piacenza, p. **8, 19 Leowenburg, op * c i t *. p . 273* 20 Ibj£., p. 281. 138 to Or, Nasali-Rocca, it was remodeled, after which it remained in regular use until it burned in 1798.^ The Ducale was one of the first theatres in Italy which had box seating only in the balconies and permanent parterre seating on the main floor. There was no public gallery, or loggione. as the top level in the auditorium. Unlike the Saline, in which the first of the boxes were built into the proscenium arch, the Ducale had boxes separated from the stage by an orchestra pit. This separation of stage and audience is one of the first concrete evidences of the permanence of the element of illusion in the opera. There were five levels of boxes in this theatre, the first containing twenty-four boxes, the second, twenty, with the ducal box as the twenty-first, the third level, twenty-two, the fourth, nineteen, and the fifth and top level, nineteen, a total of 106 boxes.

If the standards for seating space used with the Saline are applied to this theatre, the seating capacity would have been about 1,000, The seating was probably broken down as follows:

1, The first level of boxes, at five per box - 120

2, The second level, at five per box - 100

3 , The ro y al box - 20 4, The third level, at five per box - 110

5* The fourth level, at six per box - 114 6 , The f i f t h le v e l, a t s ix p er box - 114

7, The parterre seating on the main floor, in 22 rows of 20 each — 440

21 . Nasali-Rocca, op, cit.. p, 47, 139 The total capacity, according to the sane standards used in the Saline, would be exaotly 1,018, a much more realistic number for an opera house than th e 667 persons whom the Saline could seat* In creating the reconstruction of this theatre a basic scale has only been assumed. Since the plans for this theatre are part of the same collection in which the plans for the Saline are found, and since the two sets of plans are obviously drawn by the same hand, it has simply been assumed that the scale for both sets is the same*

S tatistics and measurements of the Ducale

I* The Auditorium

Width - 46 feet Length - 62 f e e t Height a t c en ter - 45 fe e t Height at proscenium - 40 feet Width, inside the perimeter of the boxes - 29 feet Length, from inside the last box to the proscenium - 50 feet

II* The Boxes

Width - 5 feet Depth - 6-1/2 feet Height - 6 fe e t Entrance to the Boxes - 17 inches wide by 5-1/2 feet high I I I , The Ducal Box

Maximum width - 17 feet Maximum depth - 17 feet Height - 12 fe e t IV, The Stage

Width - 46 feet Depth - 62 f e e t Height - 45 fe e t Distance from the first to the second sets of wings - 5-1/2 f e e t Distance from the second to the third sets of wings - 4 feet Distance from the third to the fourth sets of wings - 4 feet Distance from the fourth to the fifth sets of wings - 4 feet 140

Distance from the fifth set to the last shutter - 4-1/2 feet Distance from the last shutter to the back wall - 34 feet

V, The Proscenium

Width - 25 feet Height, at the spring of the arch - 20 feet Height, at the center of the arch - 26 fe e t Thickness - 5 fe e t

Although a number of other architectural details are shown on these plans, it should be noted that, like the plans for the Saline, most are drawn free-hand, without regard for scale. This is not to say that stairs only seventeen inohes wide, with a tread of eight inches and a rise of ten

Inches were never b u ilt in th ea tre s* Dumont*s P a ra lle l de p lan s contains a large number of theatre plans from 1565 onward which have such anomalies in architecture, drawing, and construction,^ The fact remains, however, that stairs, passages, and other access areas are often inaccurately drawn* (in reference to one set of stairs leading to the fly-gallery of the Ducale, seen in Figure XXXIII, which is drawn as having treads from three to six inches in depth and one foot in width, it would be of inter­ est to see the records of the injury and mortality rate among seventeenth century stagehands*)

The neoclassical influence of the Teatro Olimpico, so strongly reflected in the Tournament Theatre in 1628, had disappeared by the time this theatre was built* Instead, this theatre exemplified all the basic characteristics of the nineteenth century opera house, with its private boxes, parterre seating, high, nearly square proscenium, and its deep, flexible stage* Its seating capacity, at about 1,000 persons, was average for the opera house of the period*

22 Gabriel Dumont, Parallel de plans des salles de spectacles diItalie et de France (Paris, 1763)* 141

FIGURE XXXIII

The plan of the floor level of the Teatro Ducale . IkZ

FIGURE XXXIV

The plan of the second level of boxes at the Ducale. The third level was identical to this level. Note the large size of the royal box at the very back of the auditorium. 14-3

FIGURE XXXV

! flAMTA « D*L, OVAXTO m s m K { f y * * »>** > •tm f.J M M m p tU C t/f^ a h M4fe,«a»M kA«' '* * - * tjm .m tfi m» /m m nb/tl/n& M1 f “& M .^Sf®1 i'* Mi* fyr* P** v ® «ntk£».

The plan for the fourth and fifth levels of boxes at the Ducale 144

FIGURE XXXVI

A 1690 engraving of the proscenium of the Ducale, showing what is thought to be one of the scenes for L*Idea di tutte le perfections. one of the works of the 1690 wedding festival. This festival is thought to have taken place entirely in Parma, but this engraving proves that this is n o t tr u e . 2A5 FIGURE XXXVII

The author1s reconstruction of the Teatro Ducale« 146

The stage of the Ducale was well equipped, at least in size, to

handle all the opera-spectacles of its day. (All of the forty designs mentioned earlier in this chapter could fit into the Ducale.) There was ample space for an acting area and ample space between the wings both for the entrances and exits of actors and chorus and for the operation of

the typical seventeenth century machinery. The large space behind the last shutter could have been used for the storage of stock scenery—stock

settings were definitely used by 1660 —or for the creation of a scene of

great depth. If all the shutters were opened and a final shutter placed against the back wall of the stage, the scene would have had a perspective unequaled in the largest theatre.

The Teatro d el Palazzo Communale During the same period that the Teatro della Saline and the Ducale were active, there was another active theatre in Piacenza, the Teatro del

Palazzo Comunale. No certain dates are known for the inauguration or the

demise of this theatre, but it did not enjoy the long life of either of

the other two theatres. It was possibly inaugurated in 1646, but the

Ducale quickly replaced it as the favorite theatre. It remained active for only about forty years at most. Confusion shrouds the history of the Teatro del Palazzo Comunale.

Contributing to it is Dr. Nasali-Rocca1s contention that the theatre was

actually inaugurated in 1644- with a production of La Finta Pazza. by the

Accademici Filarmonici of Florence.2-^ This assertion adds little to the

information on the theatre, but it is of interest because two women are

mentioned as members of the c a s t. 23 Nasali-Rocca, on. cit.. p. 47. 147 As to more concrete information, there is no pictorial evidence of the Teatro del Palazzo Comunale. Some researchers are even uncertain of its location. The abundance of similar names in Piacenza and Parma only adds to the confusion. At Piacenza, for example, the building originally called the Palazzo Comunale was also often called the Palazzo Farnese, the Palazzo Ufficiale, and the Palazzo Civico, probably at least partially because both a Palazzo Farnese and a Castello Farnese existed in Piacenza and a Palazzo Farnese, a Palazzo Comunale, and a Castello Farnese were found in Parma. To make the profusion of names complete, there was a Palazzo Farnese in Caprarola and another in Rome.* According to a description of the theatre, found in the libretto of II ratto di elena in 1 6 h 6 , it may not even have been in the Palazzo Comunale. From the first part of this description it appears that the theatre was in its own building, possibly adjacent to the Palazzo, but in no way dependent upon it: There arises majestically, facing the great plaza, the newly constructed theatre of the duke. A great space is given to the stage, where pulleys, wheels, passages, and scaffoldings form a labyrinth which seems disordered and confused, and yet which controls with great order the machines which perform stupendous [sic] movements. The great space is completely hidden from the audience by a great tavolata, upon which in relief the city of Piacenza is depicted, much adorned with gold and bright with many lights,*5

Further in the same description it is revealed that the tavolata could open in "the twinkling of an eye" to reveal the stage. Also mentioned are "twenty-two columns of doric order," with capitals and bases of

24 Fletcher, on. cit.. p. 6h0.

25 Francesco Manelli, II ratto di elena (Codogno, l 6 h 6 ), pp. 7-15. 148 bronze (gilded?); the space between the columns were filled with tablets containing various decorative devices, all pertaining to the history of th e a tre .

In Leclerc further descriptive material, presumably from the same libretto, adds to the picture of the theatre. It is said to have had

Three levels of boxes, the upper two of composite architecture, each supported above the other by a row of columns. Above the third level was yet another row of columns which reached to the ceiling of the theatre . 26

In the spaces between the columns in the top row were the twenty-two statues mentioned before. The name most frequently associated with the theatre is that of the Piacentine architect Cristoforo Rangoni, but no concrete connection has been made between Rangoni and any theatre in the duchy. Thus, very little concrete information is available concerning this theatre.

Neither pictorial evidence of any kind, nor descriptive material dealing with size or seating capacity have been found. The descriptions quoted here, however, suggest a theatre housed in its own building, rather than one inside the Palazzo Comunale. It is even possible that this descrip­ tive material does not even refer to the theatre in question, but to either the Ducale or the Saline.

If the Teatro del Palazzo Comunale was indeed a self-contained theatre building connected to, or adjacent to, the palace, it is curious that a theatre with so mt^y virtues was used for only a few years and was so quickly and easily supplanted by the Ducale. One also wonders why research has revealed only two productions recorded for this theatre.

26 leclerc, op. cit.. p. 45. 049 In all. It is something of a mystery which seems to deserve further

research .

Summary

It is interesting to compare the Ducale, an opera theatre, and

the Saline, a playhouse, both used during the same period in the same

small town. Although the conclusions which result from this comparison apply only to a short period, 1660 to l 699 » they are of some interest.

It is clear by this late date in the century that playhouse activity was

minimal. Productions of operas or opera-spectacles outnumbered produc­ tions of plays by about fifty-to-one over a span of fifty years at Parma.

However, although the playhouse was seldom used, it was not razed; it

stood for over 200 years, used by dilettanti and touring players. These facts testify to the well-entrenched popularity of the play among the population of the duchy. While it is generally conceded that the

enmmadia had wide general appeal in all of Italy, even through the

seventeenth century, indications from Parma are that it had lost a major portion of its popularity to the opera.

By the last quarter of the century when the Ducale was in regular

use, the neoclassical influence in architecture was all but gone. The semicircular gradine had been replaced by tiers of private boxes. The

public gallery was no longer a standard area, but was also replaced by the private box. The proscenium was now almost exactly as high as it was wide, and the highly decorated proscenium wall was seen no more until

the nineteenth century. The empty orchestra and the temporary bench

seating in an arena-like area were obsolete; permanent seating was now 150 installed in the orchestra; and a pit, sunk below the level of the orchestra, separated musicians from audience* Finally, the wing stage had been almost completely developed, exhibiting characteristics similar to those of the nineteenth century opera theatre*

With these conclusions, the discussion of the physical plants of specific theatres is complete. To look more closely at theatrical activity, we turn to a comparison of the opera-spectacles of 1618 , 1628 , and 1690 * CHAPTER VI

THE FESTIVAL SPECTACIES OF 1690

In April of 1690, Odoardo II, the eldest son of Ranuccio II, was married in a union of financial expedience to Dorotea Sofia of

Neuestadt. After only a few years, Dorotea was widowed; immediately,

Odoardo*s step-brother Francesco married her in order to keep her huge dowry in the Farnese family. They had, it seems, already spent the money, primarily on their long-standing military effort against the Germans, who were partially occupying the duchy in the late l680ls»

Despite great debt and internal problems, however, they also spent lavishly on the festival which celebrated the wedding of Odoardo and Dorotea. Indeed the celebration of this wedding was one of the most sp ectacu lar of the century*s many f e s tiv a ls . The festivals of the latter part of the century, including this one, are better documented than those of the first quarter of the century. Thus, it has been possible to use five primary sources to reconstruct this festival; these sources have been relied upon continu­ ously, both for facts and hypotheses* Basically, the sources consist of a general description of the wedding and the wedding journey, and the libretti for the four major productions of the festival.^ Because this information is fairly rich, we shall see that several conclusions can be

1Leowenburg, Annals of Opera, op. cit. A fifth work, Teodelinda. was part of the festival, but both libretto and music are lost.

151 152 drawn from it concerning the development of the opera and the parallel development of the opera theatre. Throughout the century, the court opera remained the same lavish spectacle based on mythology and allegory. The theatre was adapted to suit the opera spectacle; most importantly, the wing stage, developed early in the century, was used from that time on without significant modification, well into the eighteenth century. Just as important was the auditorium of the opera theatre, developed after the advent of the opera, which remained the same for over a century. However, before turn­ ing to the spectacles which were a part of the festivities in I 69 O, i t i s interesting to note the lavishness of the wedding and the wedding entourage.

The wedding and the wedding entourage

The marriage of Dorotea Sofia and Odoardo II was to take place in the city of Neuestadt (Vienna Neuestadt, commonly called Neoburgo in chronicles of the marriage) in the church of S, S. Peter and Paul, On

March 13, 1690 , an ambassador of the Duke of Parma, Signor Odoardo Scotti, left with his own entourage for Neuestadt to make the final preparations for the wedding. A large number of persons accompanied him, including representatives of Parma and Piacenza, a secretary, a transla­ tor, and servants. Ranuccio and Odoardo, however, left with a second, even larger, caravan a few days later.^ The second entourage, which can

Giuseppe Notari, Descrizione delle feste fatte eseguire con Ranuncclo in Io90 (Parma: Rosati, 1690 ). 3 It has never been proven that Ranunccio even went to Neuestadt; the question will be probed later in this chapter. 153 be justly called a parade, was led by four mounted trumpeters who were to announce their arrival in each city en route. They were followed by fifteen nobles, mounted on horses richly dressed in silver and by many horsemen of the royal academy. Next came twenty-seven carriages and a large number of sedan chairs, carrying persons of note from Parma and

Piacenza as well as many servants of all callings* Three of the carriages were filled only with the wardrobes of Anna Maria Farnese III, Odoardo

Farnese II, and Ranunccio Farnese* These carriages were lavishly decorated with scarlet trappings and the Farnese arms; each was drawn by seven horses, symbolizing the seven lilies on the Farnese arms* The last of the carriages was the royal carriage, which carried the duke; it was covered with white and gold brocade, resplendent with the Farnese arms k worked in gold, silver, and other metals*

Altogether the entourage must have presented a magnlficant picture, with each of the carriages decorated with the arms of the Farnese and the various noble passengers and many covered with rich brocade canopies* Following this parade of wealth and nobility were over two hundred persons of varying rank and wealth riding in twelve more carriages, twenty-five sedan chairs, and mounted on horseback* There were also eight extra mules, one hundred and eighty horses, and nine wagons of gifts and supplies* Among the last group, confined in eleven carriages and wagons, was a complete kitchen and kitchen staff, including twelve kitchen helpers and eight lackeys, two large trunks of livery, two cooks,

Notari, pp. cit*. p. 27* Again there is the question of who is being referred to as "the duke," Since Ranunccio II died only a year la te r , in 1691 , it is most logical that he did not make the trip to N euestadt, and th a t the "duke" was young Odoardo* 15b two scribes, two vintners, two grooms, one armorer, two court waiters to the duke*s table, and several wagons of food. This magnificent caravan arrived in Neuestadt on April 1, after a rather arduous journey of about fourteen days. The trip could not have been especially easy, for the only approach to the area of Vienna was through the Tyrolean Alps, through Innsbruck, and across most of Austria, a total distance of nearly one thousand miles. The entry into the city of Neuestadt was announced by many trumpeters; it was followed by a long parade through the city which ended at the church of S. S. Peter and Paul, where the wedding was to take place. After a brief rest, the court attended the traditional ceremony in which the Princess Dorotea held audience and was questioned on her intelligence and poise as a future r u le r .

On the morning of April 1690, the wedding was held in a church filled to capacity. Hundreds stood outside in hopes of hearing portions of the ceremony, which was conducted in both Italian and German.

The next morning the couple left Neuestadt to the salute of many cannon. En route to Parma the ro y al cortege passed through many major and minor cities. In nearly every one of which, they were greeted with some form of ceremony. During the first part of the trip, they stopped and were feted in such Austrian towns as Fridenburg, Kirchen, and Motera, near Innsbruck. By April 18 they had passed through the Brenner Pass into Italy; they stopped at Egna and, on the next day, at Trento. On the

20th they were reported near the small town of Ala, and on the 22nd of April they passed through Adige. The caravan arrived at 7:00 in the evening of the 22nd in Verona, where a large celebration had been planned.

On the 23rd they left Verona and traveled toward Mantua, where they 155 arrived on the 24th* At the city gates a sbarra (combat at the barriers) was staged in their honor* Later in the day they witnessed a production of a pastorale in musica. a light form of opera, which was staged in the private theatre of the Duke of Mantua, Interestingly, this production, entitled Apollo in Anfriso. was reported by Notari to have been performed by an all-female cast* However, castrati may have been used, and the chronicler may have been confused by the sound of the voices.'* On the morning of April 25, the couple left Mantua and traveled to

Borgoforte, where they stopped to visit the Marchese Claudio Gonzaga* They then proceeded a short distance to Modenese and from there to the city of Modena, where a grand entrata (entrance to the city) had been planned* Leaving Modena the same day, they arrived later in the evening at the border of the Duchy of Parma. A large number of persons in carriages and sedan chairs were there to meet them and escort them the remaining distance to the city of Parma, where they finally arrived the next morning. In twenty-two days the cortege had traveled nearly a thousand miles and had made at least twelve stops for planned festivities.

At the city gates of Parma thousands of people were waiting to greet Odoardo and Dorotea* Among them were many famous and noteworthy persons, including the Duke of Mantua, the Duke of Modena, the Cardinal

D*Este, and the Prince of Denmark, The entire population of the city of

Parma and most of Piacenza had turned out, so that, with all the foreign visitors to the city, the streets were almost impassable*

The actual festivities began in Parma on May 17, giving the young couple a suitable rest from their arduous journey* There was a formal

“*Notari, pp. cit.. p. 31. 156 entry into the city, complete with a salute from ninety pieces of cannon,

followed by a grand parade through the city gates. Included in the parade were two companies of cavalry and 3»000 soldiers from the army of Parma, The sedan chair which carried the young Duke, Odoardo (and pre­

sumably Dorotea, the new Duchess of Parma, although she is not mentioned) was covered with a gold and white brocade; it was carried by seven mules, symbolizing the Farnese family. Here Odoardo is again called "the duke," indicating further that he had already succeeded to the throne, although his father, Ra n uccio II was still alive.

On the morning of May 18 a rich banquet for the nobles and royalty in attendance was given by the duke. During the banquet a comic play,

II trionfo di zuccaro. was performed. After the play the official announcement of the beginning of festivities was made. The official god of the celebration was Hymen (Imeneo), the god of fertility and fecundity in the seventeenth century court versions of classical mythology,^

That evening a grand procession proceeded through the entire city,

stopping at all the spots that were of interest to Dorotea, The next day,

May 19, the couple were the guests of the Collegio dei Nobili, where they witnessed the training of the students, heard them perform in many languages, and saw them perform at arms. On May 20, the court attended a special production of a new work, entitled L1 idea di tutte le perfezione. staged at the Teatrino as the

It is typical of certain seventeenth century librettists, poets, and authors in general, that the gender of god could be very simply changed to meet the requirements of a festival spectacle. This happened to the god Hymen on several occasions in Parma theatres. 157

introduction to a ball in honor of the two step-brothers of Odoardo,

Francesco and Antonio Farnese.? The inventor of the ball was Giacomo

Durido, choreographer; the inventor of scenes, Ferdinando Galli da Bibiena,

court architect and painter; and the inventor of machines for the stage was Stefano Lolli, court architect. L*idea was a rather short work, for it was to be followed by a grand ball, which was the real highlight of the

evening. Although the libretto for the work contains all the poetry,

there are no staging directions of any value; therefore it is not possible to write a scenario of the work as it might have been performed. However,

from the few descriptions contained in the libretto, it has been possible

to describe the settings and to assign the designs contained in the book to their respective scenes. These scenes are described generally as fo llo w s: Scene 1, The houses of the city of the goddess Berecintia, the

earth mother, in ruin from a previous battle between rival gods. In the

upper right of the design is Venus seated on a star and in the upper left, Amore, son of Venus, on a cloud. This design is seen in Figure XXXVIII.

Scene 2, fo r which th ere i s no design e x ta n t, showed Cybele in a

lionskin, seated in his carriage. Later in the scene Mercury was seen in

his carriage also.

Scene 3* seen in Figure XXXIX, shows the heavens opening, with Giove on his throne surrounded by Venus, Amore, and many other gods.

Llidea di tutte le perfezione / introduzione al balletto / di Serenisslmo Principi Francesco e Antonio Farnese / fatto rappresentare dal serenissimo signor / duca di Parma (Parma: Stamperia Ducale, 1690 ). 158 FIGURE XXXVIII

Scene I of Llidea di tutte le perfezione shows the city of the Goddess Bereclntia with the star of Venus and the cloud of Amore in the sky above. 159 FIGURE XXXIX

UilttSr*.

Scene 2 of the same work, showing the throne of Glove in the center of the heavens* The major god is surrounded by Venus, Amore, and many o th er le s s e r d e itie s* 160

Scene depicted in Figure XL, shows Venus over the sea; below her are many sea creatures, Tritons, and Furies.

Soene 5» seen in part in Figure XII, shows the delightful palace of Cybele, where Cybele is seen surrounded by lovely maidens* At the end of this scene, to the sounds of grave symphony, a glory descends from the heavens* This glory is seen in Figure XLU, with all the gods of the work seated upon cloud-like seats* The glory depicts the kingdom of L>idea di tutte le perfezione. and symbolizes the good wishes of the people of

Parma f o r th e ir new r u le r s .

With this scene the introduction ended, and the ball filled the remainder of the evening* On the following day, Hay 21, the court again visited the Collegio del Nobili, where they witnessed a production of a play by the students of the college entitled Teodelinda. No part of the production has ever been found, and one can only guess what it entailed.

Notari states that the settings for this work were done by Ferdinando

Bibiena, and thus the settings reported by Donati in Chapter IV might be from this production,® Notari cannot be taken as a final authority, however, for he obviously erred in many parts of his record.

On May 22 Odoardo spoke to the citizens of Parma. No details of this speeoh were recorded, but it is probable that it was of political nature*

On the evening of Hay 23 a performance of another short new work, entitled Lteta del'oro. was given at the Teatrino*^ The inventor of the O Notari, on. cit.. p. 3 1 . Also see Donati, Citta di Parma, cited in Chapter IV of this study* ^L'eta del'oro / introduzione al balletto della serenissima principessa Maroherlta / e delle dame / fatto rappresentare del / serenissimo signor / duea di Parma (Parma: Stamperia di Corte, 1690)* FIGURE XL

Scene 4 of LIldea. showing Venus on a oloud over th e sea. sea below is filled with various sea creatures, including Tritons and Furies* 162

FIGURE XU

Scene 5* The delightful palace of Cybele, where Cybele is seen in the center of the scene, surrounded by lovely maidens* Superimposed over this design at the top is another scene. It is not certain whether this is another part of Scene 5* or if it is part of a different scene. FIGURE XIII

The glory machine which was the finale to L»idea. This is a typical seventeenth century glory setting, representing in this case the kingdom of the symbolic "Idea of a ll Perfection." 164 ball was Gieomo Durido; the inventor of machines, Stefano Lolli; and the inventor of scenes, Ferdinando and Francesco Bibiena.

Judging from the libretto, which contains only poetry, by seven­ teenth century standards the work was very short, probably lasting less than two hours. The ball which was to follow the work was again the highlight of the evening. It is interesting to note that practically the same cast performed L»eta as had performed Llidea. It is quite probable that the duration of the spectacles was to some degree adjusted to this fact, for the same singers performed all four of the major works in this f e s tiv a l, and the l a s t two were f a r more arduous. Not only were the singers called upon to perform for long periods in an evening, but they were also under some nervous strain because of the various machines they had to ride upon in the course of any work.10 L*eta contained only four scenes, probably because only three days earlier there had been another spectacle in the same theatre. The scenes are described as follows: Scene 1, The Elysian Fields are seen, where among many spirit­ like creatures we see L*eta del'oro in the shade of a beech tree. This scene is depicted in Figure XUII. Scene 2 is a change from the opening scene, probably entailing the opening of a shutter to reveal another shutter in place behind it.

The scene is a mountain, where many d.linil are engaged in making arms.

After this, Eternity appears on a cloud; Glove enters the scene on a flying horse, and Imeneo follows on a cloud. The design for this scene is lost. Only one part of the scene, the cloud carrying Eternity, is

■^Luigi Inghirami, on. cit.. p. 142 165

FIGURE XLTII

Ferdinando Galli da Bibiena1s design for Scene 1 of the opera L*eta del*oro. depicting the Elysian Fields. 166 found in a drawing and this scene is found in the upper portion of

Figure XLIV. Scene 3 is a flowered field on the banks of the River Parma, with a view of the city of Parma in the background. This design is seen in

Figure XLV, Scene 4 shows the royal palace of Virtue, which descends from the heavens with the courtiers of Virtue and Imeneo, followed by L*eta del

Oro on a g lo ry . Figure XLV, which a lso shows p a rts of th e p rio r scene, does not include the glory finale to the work. At the end of this final scene the cast descends from the glory and calls the Princess Margherita and her ladies to the proscenium. Two of the ladies of the court have been costumed to take part in the finale, one as "virtue in general" and the other as ''virtue sublime," All join in a short dance, at the end of which they are joined by L*eta del Oro, who pronounces a blessing on the whole court. The young duke and his new bride were obviously only spectators at this production and ball, for Dorotea is not mentioned as a part of the formal ball. This is of some interest, for it will be recalled that

Odoardo was not a part of the personaggl of the ball given by his step­ brothers three days before. On the afternoon of the following day, May 24, the garden o±' the ducal palace in Parma was the scene of a spectacular aquatic show, entitled La gloria d1 amore.T h e scenes and machines for this production

La gloria / spettacolo festivo / fatto rappresentare d a l serenissim o signor / Duca d i Parma ( Parmas Stamperia Ducale, 1690). FIGURE XKEV

••-Si ^

The designs “bgr Ferdinando Bibiena for the last part of Scene 2, seen in the upper portion of the design, and for Scene 3» seen at the bottom of the drawing. 168

FIGURE XLV

Bibiena*s design for the final scene of L*eta del*oro. showing the bank of the River Parma, with Hymen approaching on a cloud with seven Amorini carrying lilies, the symbol of the house of Farnese. 169 were designed and executed by Domenico, Gaspare, and P ie tro Mauro, and the entire production was set on a large pond which had recently been constructed in the duke*s garden back of the palace. The magnificent stage constructed on an island in this pond is seen in Figure XLVI. The stage was surrounded with pillars which were richly adorned with festoons of flowers and interspersed with statues of the muses. The stage was connected on two sides to the garden by magnificent bridges, reminiscent of the canals and bridges of Venice. The production was divided into two major scenes. The first was the city of Caledonia; and the second, the beautiful palace of Dejanira, near the wall of the city of Etolia, These two scenes were sub-divided into five and nine shorter scenes respectively, although the libretto indicates no break of any kind between the scenes. The entire production probably ran continuously and lasted no less than four hours. An orchestra consisting of "horns and strings" was seated on the stage.^ This group was augmented by other horns and strumenti da mano played by different groups of actors as they took part in the drama.

In addition to the poetry for the arias, the libretto for this work contains several general descriptions of the action in the drama as follows: Bellezza and Virtue appear with the first of a group of many

Amorini. They move about the pond and then dock at the steps leading to the stage. This part of the action probably alludes to the royal couple, who had finally settled in Parma. Next, Thetide and Neptune appear on a large sea machine, ornamented with coral, shells, and other rare objects

12Ibid.. p. 12. 1?0

FIGURE XLVI

The setting for the aquatic opera La gloria d*amore. designed fcy Domenico Mauro. This splendid isla n d w ith i t s connecting bridges was inspired by the lagoons and canals of Venice. 171

from the sea, Neptune sings an aria which narrates the fable of the son

of A lcide (H ercules) and D ejanira. (The basic fa b le to which he refers

is the story of the competition of Acheloo, or Achelous, and Hercules for the beautiful Dejanira, At this point, however, literary accuracy ends.)

Giove, Mars, and Fama descend from the heavens over the stage and

command the ships of the argonauts—Jason is not included in the cast—to

sail in defense of Ercole in his conflict with Aleide, Mars then

apparently changes sides, for the next reference is to his command to the

Amazons and the Mori, who assemble in many machines on the water and, to

the sound of trumpets, prepare to aid Alcide. Neptune appears with seven

other machines, aided by his son Protheo (Protheus), to fight on the side

of Acheloo,

At this point it becomes clear that rather than being a contest

between Alcide and Acheloo, the combat now includes three individuals, the additional character being Ercole the poet. In opposition to Ercole

is Neptune, who commands a number of Harpies in addition to his other

cohorts. After a parade around the pond by a ll the machines assembled

there, Ercole battles with Acheloo and Alcide (see Figure XLVH), The

followers of Alcide are dispersed; then those of Acheloo, who is wounded

and admits defeat, are scattered, Ercole and Dejanira enter the city of

Caledonia in a triumphal parade.

The symbolism of this production is simple and familiar, involving

the glory of love (La Gloria dlAmore) and its triumph over all the forces

of war and evil, exemplified by Acheloo and Alcide, and the final victory

of the arts (the poet Ercole) over war (the god Mars), 172

FIGURE XLVII

One of the thirty or more aquatic machines and monsters designed for La gloria dtamore by Gaspare and Pietro Mauro* This particular craft was for the poet Ercole, as he sailed against Alcide. 173

On the evening of the following day, May 25* the final spectacle of the festival took place. This work was II favore degli dei (The Favor o f the G o d s).^ I t took place in the old Tournament Theatre, where, reportedly, 1^ ,000 spectators witnessed the drama.^

The in ven tors of the sp ectacle were Domenico Mauro and Ferdinando

Bibiena. Machines were by Gaspare and Pietro Mauro; ballets by Fereico

Crivelli; and costumes by Gaspare Torelli, This production was by far the most spectacular part of the festivities. Before the performance began, the duke passed out huge quantities of chocolate, flavored ices, and pastries to the audience and a large number of people outside the palace who could not be fitted into the theatre. The cast of the produc­

tion was huge, probably consisting of over two hundred singers and actors,

and, because of the number of formal ballet intermezzi, the work lasted

a total of over eight hours.^

The production was divided into three acts and thirteen scenes.

Although the designs for all the scenes in this work are extant, this

study has included only the first five scenes of Act I to show the

general style of the work. The plot of the drama is clearly outlined in

the libretto, and is translated as follows:

Himeneo, the messenger o f fa te and esteemed of B erecin tia, the mother of all the gods, asks that goddess to obtain his fruitful seed from the celestials by whatever means at her

13 I I favore d e g li d e i / Drama F antastico Musicale (Parma: Stamperia Ducale di Bazachi, 1690). l*f Notari, on. cit.. p. 2 1 . This figu re must be erroneous, fo r the Tournament Theatre seated only about 4,500 persons.

15Ib id . 174

disposal. He wished to bestow the seed upon the royal couple o f Parma, Odoardo and Dorotea, as a symbol of Fecundity. Berecintia, who is familiar with the great virtues of the young couple, promises to intercede for Imeneo in their honor.

While invoking the gods for Imeneo, Berecintia learns from Mercury that Giunone, jealous of Giove on earth, has abandoned the divine realm for earth, where he has fallen in love with the mortal, Bellezza. She learns likewise that the god Apollo has had assignations on banks of the River Penco with Dafne, the nymph daughter of the river god, and that Mars has laid down the sword and shield, delirious with love for Venus. Berecintia realizes that, in order to comply with Imeneo*s wishes, she must extinguish the flame of mortal love in all the gods. Her wish is to bless love between two mortals rather than between mortal and god. -

By certain of her powers to affect the gods, Berecintia manages to attain her goal. With a mighty crash of thunder, Giunone, forced by his jealousy to descend to earth is transformed, as punishment for his crime, into a wolf. Dafne is aided in flying from the lust of Apollo. Venus, who is actually in love with Adonis, is aided in feigning affection for Mars, and, as a result, Mars, the w arlike god, i s mocked and a l l h is e ffo r ts again st h is rival are in vain, Calisto, persecuted by the hate of the jealous Giunone, is comforted by Giove. Berecintia, in the end, takes from each of them the memory of earthly love, so that they, with Bereointia and Fama, are favorable to the union of the houses of Neuestadt and Farnese, which is propitious of a fruitful and lasting marriage. 16

Mythological and allegorical anomalies at Parma

As in II favore degli dei. mythology and allegory were the subject and the methodology of a ll the Farnese court operas. With few known exceptions these works were written and performed for very special occasions and functions relating to the private and personal lives of the royalty of Parma. It was only natural that such spectacles should

II favore degli del, o p . cit«. p. 17. See also Thomas Bulfinch, The Age o f Fable (New York: The Tudor Publishing Company, 1935)• Nowhere in classical mythology is the god Imeneo a symbol of fecundity or fertil­ ity. This is a further example of the poetic license of the seventeenth century librettist. FIGURE XLVTII

A very rare engraving of the-proscenium of the Tournament Theatre of Parma* The engraving shows what could be either a highly decorated act curtain or a rather exaggerated scene from the opera II favore degli dei. performed there in 1690 * FIGURE XLIX

Domenico Mauro*s design for Act I, Scene 1 of II favore degli dei. Note that this scene probably consists of five parts, i.e., it is made up of either five sets of wings and a shutter or at least four sets of wings and a shutter on the same plane as the last set. 177

FIGURE L

Act I, Scene 2 of II favore degli del, designed Toy Domenico Mauro. 178

FIGURE II

Act I , Scene 3* o f I I favore degli dei, the royal palace of the god Mars* 179 FIGURE I I I

Act I, Scene 4 of II favore degli del, the royal bath scene, designed and painted by Ferdlnando Galli da Blbiena. 180 FIGURE LIII

Act If Scene 5 of II favore degli del, designed and painted by Domenico Mauro, 181 symbolize the good wishes and the hopes of the people of the duchy on such occasions as marriages and births* Such symbolism could not be used in the public opera, for it dealt with intrigue, adventure, and other more contemporary topics.

The court opera at Parma seems im plicitly to have observed two general rules. The first is the invariable use of mythology and allegory as vehicles for symbolism, and the second is the strangely colloquial nature of the allegory and mythology. Early in the development of the court opera; liberttists seem to have hit upon a successful formula, which relied on poetic license. So that old associations could be replaced by contemporary ones, classical heroes were often given new names: H ercules became Alcide a t Parma, probably as a r e su lt of M ilton's reference to him as *'Alcide s. Thedite, a male god in the work La gloria d'amore. can only be traced to Thetis, a goddess known for her beauty, who was pursued by Jupiter himself. 18 New allegories were invented to go with those which were more fam iliar, A common allegory was L'Eta del Oro, which referred to the age of innocence and purity when man and the gods were in communion. The Parma f e s t iv a ls freq u en tly included another age, however, in L'eta del ferro (Iron Age), which symbolized the grievous tendency of the Farnese to go to war. Fame, Love,

Jealousy, and other such a lle g o r ie s were fam ilia r and common at Parma,

^Bulfinch, op. cit.. p, 187,

1&The role of Thetide was performed by Francesco Grossi, a castrato. so that it is entirely possible that the gender of the god was changed for this one production to better suit the singer who was to perform the role. 182

The works performed at Parma and Piacenza to celebrate the marriage o f Odoardo and Dorotea in 1690 c le a r ly follow the two general rules* But much earlier operas also followed them. A comparison of works created in 1618 and 1628 with those performed in 1690 shows th a t a fu ll century saw no significant change in the basic structure of opera- spectacles at the court of Parma, It also shows the influence of these allegorical works on the development of the theatre building and its facilities*

The mythology and symbolism of la difessa della bellezza. 1618

It will be recalled that in l 6 l 8 Alfonso Pozzo wrote an opera- tournament fo r the intended opening of the Tournament Theatre of Parma,

The scenario of the work, which was briefly discussed in Chapter IV,

contains the following introductory remark:

This festival w ill be called The Defense of Beauty and actu­ ally begins with the discord which results from the sentence of Paris in favor of Venus, and proceed in the following manner* 19

Paris is asked by Jupiter to choose the most beautiful of three goddesses who have each claimed the golden apple. Choosing Venus, who has promised

him the beautiful mortal woman for his wife, he alienates the other two

goddesses, Juno and Minerva* At t h is p oin t, the resemblance of the

opera to a known myth or fa b le ends.

Among the other characters in the cast, who are unrelated to each

other in most ways, are the following: Aurora, the goddess of the dawn;

19 Lombardi, o.p* c i t *. pp. 47-51. 183

Mars (Ares), the god of war, whose relationship with both Paris and

Aurora is not known; Mercury, descended directly from Jupiter and Juno, and related to the mythology of Greece only as the defender of Juno, who

is not part of this drama; and Discord, an allegorical figure, the god­ dess who, in a rage, offered the golden apple to the most beautiful

goddess, touching off the strife in which Paris became involved. Among the other characters in the work are Vulcan; Iride, a figure who is not tra c e a b le ; Giove; and Amore, th e son of Venus.

Despite all of the classical or pseudo-classical figures, the

resemblance of the opera to any of the fables of classical antiquity is vague. However, it also contains absolutely no reference to the nuptials

of Odoardo I and Margherita for which it is assumed to have been written,

to the house of Farnese, or to any other pertinent social or political matter. This lack may account for the fact that it was never staged.

Mercurio e Marte. 1628

The tournament-opera, Mercurio e Marte. invented by Claudio

Achellini, is quite similar to La difessa della bellezza. Among the

anomalies worthy of note are many practices which became fam iliar and

were standards throughout the seventeenth century.

Aurora, the goddess of dawn, opens the work in a carriage drawn

by Pegasus, the winged horse, symbolizing the dawn of a new reign in the

house of Farnese. Next to appear is a zodiac, with twelve actors

symbolizing the months of the year. Each of the four months which begin

the seasons, March, June, September, and December, sings a madrigal,

suggesting that the calendar blesses the couple. IQk

The allegorical figure, Golden Age, is next portrayed by a young man who moves across the stage as he sings, thus symbolizing the impermanence of manrs rule. To further augment this allegory, he is followed by three furies. Discordia and two Eumenides, who introduce

Mercury. Mercury in turn expresses his displeasure that the Duke of

Parma has paid homage to Mars, an oblique reference to the political problems the duchy had been having with several nearby provinces. He further expresses a hope that warfare w ill soon cease.

The entire plot of the evening1s tourney was based on the work of

Mercury, who claims to have hidden a ll the combattants of the tourney in inaccessible places to prevent any more fighting. However, the young

Duke Odoardo Farnese appeals to Venus, who frees him. In turn, a ll of the members of the tournament are liberated by Mars and his aides,

Castor and Pollux, Glory and Triumph, Terror, Fear, Revenge, Cruelty,

Conquest, and Plunder.

The general resemblance of Mercurio e Marte to the works per­ formed in 1690 to celebrate the marriage of Odoardo and Dorotea indicates th a t in 1628 Claudio Achellini hit upon a successful formula for the court opera. He had created a situation and a plot involving the virtues, both known and hoped for, of the royal spouses, and had invented allegorical characters to represent these virtues. In the process, familiar figures from mythology and fable became allegorical also, representing something they were not. The connection of the characters and the situ a tio n to a myth became tenuous: no one seemed to care i f , for example, the gender of a god was changed, as long as the proper b lessin g s were forthcom ing. However, a stron gly c la s s ic a l in flu en ce can 185

be seen in many works, especially in the endings: peace, both temporal

and spiritual, was very important to the seventeenth century librettist, who attained it in his works through true deus ex machina endings.

From this comparison nf the 1618 and 1628 works with those per­

formed in 1690, several conclusions can be drawn. First, while the

public opera was developing a tight budget, box-office orientation, as

well as cutting the orchestra and chorus to a bare minimum and wooing the

public to its doors with adventure and intrigue rather than spectacle,

the court opera remained lavish: the spectacles of the last part of the

century were as rich and costly as those of the early seventeenth century.

The court opera also continued to rely for effect on the same topics as

had been used in 1610 to 1 6 3 0 : the same formula can be seen at the

heart of Mercurio e Marte and II favore degli dei. This stability in the

structure of the court opera may have been a factor influencing the

gradual change in the seventeenth century theatre building and the

ensuing stability in the design of the theatre for several centuries.

The wing stage, which appeared first in 1628, was so well suited to the

opera, especially the strongly illusionistic court opera, that it was

duplicated, with few exceptions, in the opera theatres that followed for

over a fu ll century. The auditorium evolved more slowly, for it was

perhaps even more important to the opera than was the wing stage. Once

the box theatre had emerged, we see the opera theatre of the eighteenth

and nineteenth centuries anticipated as early as I65 O. Clearly, the

stability of the court opera, reflected in the comparison of the festi­

v a ls of 1618 , 1628 , and 1690 , was the factor which allowed this

evolution of the opera theatre to catch up to the opera itself. CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION

It is the major contention of this study that the evolution of the opera out of the court festival and medieval drama was both directly and indirectly responsible for the evolution and development of the major characteristics of the modem proscenium arch theatre. The first opera may have added little to the already well-established court festival and it may have advanced little at court during the better part of the seventeenth century, but its legacy to the present-day theatre is great. Out of the opera, especially the court opera, which was much more stable than the public opera for several centuries, came the development and use of the wing stage and the innovations of the box theatre, permanent and reasonably comfortable seating, better acoustics in the average theatre, and the concept of illusionistic staging. These and other developments of the early seventeenth century cover, essentially, all the major aspects of the modem theatre plant.

The investigation of the various court theatres of the Farnese and the introduction of new material pertinent to these theatres has been included in this study for two reasons. First, and most basic, is the importance of these theatres as isolated architectural units. Little, if any, information on these theatres has been commonly available, leaving a considerable gap in the history of the development of the theatre building. This study has added significant material regarding 186 the theatres of the Farnese, which points more accurately to the rate of development than do general histories of the theatre. The second reason for the concern with these theatres is the remarkable resemblance they bear to many very modern theatre plants. The ideally designed and executed twentieth-century theatre building goes beyond the Ducale in

Piacenza in only limited respects, some of debatable value and novelty.

For example, the fan-shaped auditorium, with or without a balcony, differs in appearance from the opera theatre of 1650, but this difference is only one of development. The balcony is nothing new; one can see it in the form of the public gallery in the Teatro Olimpico and in the tier of boxes in the early opera theatre. Roman theatres often had galleries, as in fact did their circuses and coliseums, and the inn-yard theatre of the strolling players of England developed mainly because of the existence of balconies for good viewing. Even the "new* fan-shaped auditorium is not at all new, but only returns, with some modification, to classical theatre design.

The ultimate goal in designing an auditorium for dramatic presen­ tations (assuming the drama in question, like the opera, is essentially representational and thus requires the aid of convincing illusion for effectiveness) is the creation of the best possible sight-lines and hearing for every member of the audience. In contrast, the first proscenium and wing stage theatres of the early seventeenth century were built with ideal

sight-lines for one person: the royal patron of the theatre. All others had a less desirable view of the stage. The first attempt to solve this problem was the box theatre, which was a direct result of the development of the highly illusionistic opera. Although the attempt was only 188 partially successful, many theatre architects claim that the box theatre has yet to become obsolete. Careful analysis of the theatres of Parma and Piacenza lead inevitably to the conclusion that they are correct.

For example, i t cannot be only the remembered glory and glamour of the old Metropolitan Opera Theatre at 36 th S treet and Broadway th a t made i t a superior theatre. That theatre, a box theatre little different in basic shape and design from the Teatrino di Corte, was superior in acoustics if not in sight-lines. Naturally, such a statement may alienate those readers who believe that the visual elements of opera are more important than the auditory aspects, and so I do not claim that the old "Met" was a superior theatre in every way, only that it did certainly have its good p o in ts.

The stage of the proscenium theatre has changed little since the seventeenth century. A number of variations from the wing and groove system of scene changing were developed, but few innovations. The chariot, or changement a vue system, with wings supported from below the stage floor and universally interlocked and controlled, was supplanted by the turn table stage, which in turn gave way to the flying stage. Even these were not new, however, for they were built around such early innovations as wagons, borrowed from the Greeks, projected scenery, borrowed from the cinema, and the open stage, borrowed from the Eliza­ bethans. The last is the only form to differ appreciably from the old

Italian system of staging, for it was one of the few concepts in staging style to develop during the same period. Nearly all other variations simply grew out of the earliest attempts at illusionistic staging in the

Italian opera theatre of the seventeenth century. A positive indication 189 of the similarity of staging between 1650 and today comes in the fa c t that the most generally popular and flexible scene changing method, the counterweighted flying system behind a proscenium arch, would f it easily in to the Tournament Theatre, the Ducale, or the Teatrino d i Corte,

Clearly, the major changes which have taken place in the theatre plant since the innovation of the wing stage are limited to the following areas:

1. The auditorium, its shape and size;

2. The type of seating arrangement used in the auditorium;

3 . The addition of electricity with its attendant innovations;

New concepts of audience comfort in both the theatre itself and in audience service areas, i.e,, rest rooms, food and drink concessions, parking and theatre access, etc.;

5* The scene shop and similar stage service areas.

With the exception of these late developments in the theatre building, then, the modern theatre plant can be seen to have evolved directly from that of the early seventeenth-century opera. It is also clear that during that same formative period, the opera was the sole new influence on the theatre plant. The facts that the first operas were written and per­ formed between 1600 and 1610 and that the first wing stage was conceived in 1618 (although not used at Parma until 1628 ) point rather conclusively to the strong influence of the opera on the major parts of the theatre b u ild in g.

In focusing on the th ea tres of the Duchy of Parma, t h is study has, at least partially, filled a gap in the existing literature dealing with the development of the opera and the opera theatre at that duchy. Mainly because the Tournament Theatre has assumed s u ffic ie n t importance today to 190 over-shadow all other theatres in the area. Parma has long been neglected as a source of important theatrical development. This study has con­ tribu ted to f i l l i n g t h is gap by adding inform ation on the Tournament

Theatre, which decreases its importance, and information on several little-known theatres in the dUchy which were actually more important.

We know that the Tournament Theatre was not completed until 1628.

The possible reason was lack of sufficient funds to finish the building

satisfactorily in 1618. More important to a full understanding of the history of this theatre is the emergence of Giovanni Battista Aleotti as a relatively minor figure in its creation and the establishment, on the other hand, of the importance of Francesco Giutti, Alfonso Pozzo, and

Enzo Bentivoglio. The most important fact to appear, however, is that the famous Tournament Theatre was very seldom used, while little-known

theatres such as the Teatrino in Parma and the Ducale in Piacenza became the really important Farnese theatres.

Many researchers dealing with Parma have not only disregarded the

Teatrino, the Santivale, and the Dei Nobili, but they have not even inves­

tigated fully the second ducal city to the north, Piacenza. In this

small town two theatres, the Ducale and the Saline, emerge as important

early examples of the opera theatre and the box theatre respectively.

The Ducale, an opera theatre, housed more productions between 1680 and

I 69 O than the Tournament Theatre housed in a f u l l century. Only a sm all

portion of all the material which may deal with theatrical activity at

Piacenza has been investigated and incorporated into this study. It is

possible that sufficient material exists to make a study of Piacenza

a lon e• 191 This study, then, has provided an overview of the theatres and the opera at the court of Parma. A chronology has been established which proves that Parma was indeed important in the general picture of theatre history. Much of what has been covered has only been introduced, leaving the work of in-depth study to be done in the future. The reconstruction of the Teatrino and the Ducale, for example, has only begun. Only a few of the many lib retti for seventeenth-century operas written and performed at Parma have been fully investigated. Not all of the designs attributed to Parma theatres have been found, analyzed, or incorporated into this study, nor have a ll the designers and architects of the Farnese court been documented. This study has simply incorporated the most significant of the recently found information about Piacenza and Parma, filling the gap in Italian theatre history in this area at least partially.

Suggestions for future studies

Since this study has introduced new material dealing with the opera theatre and the playhouse at Piacenza, it is possible that either or both of these theatres could prove worthy of dissertation-level research. The Teatro delle Saline, for example, was unquestionably a playhouse, but little is known about it at this moment. Did the Duke of

Parma actually support his own commedia group? If this is so, why has it not been heard of before this time? Since Piacenza has a small library and several important manuscript collections, it is possible that suffi­ cient material exists to make this playhouse a fruitful study.

The Teatro Ducale in Piacenza is of great interest for several reasons. First, nearly all the libretti for operas presented there during the late seventeenth century are extant. With the aid of these 192 books a really complete reconstruction of this important theatre might be affected. At present there is a collection of machine designs in the

Biblioteca Palatina (held by the Ohio State University Theatre Collection on microfilm), which might have been done for this theatre. The second reason for the importance of the Ducale is that this theatre, with the

Teatrino in Parma, housed more than half of all the productions designed by Ferdinando Galli da Bibiena, It is a well-documented fact that he spent twenty-eight years as court architect and scene painter to the Duke of Parma, a period during which he designed as many as thirty or forty operas for which libretti still exist. If the theatres and the libretti are examined together, it may be possible to compile a much more compre­ hensive biography of this famous designer.

Much has been made of the fact that the court opera, as it was exemplified at Parma and Piacenza, was constructed on a formula which changed little during the seventeenth century. Again, the availability of large numbers of lib retti for these works as indicated in the chronol­ ogy constructed especially for this study might make possible several fruitful studies on the opera itself, without regard for the theatre plants in which it was produced. Certainly investigation of a full century of opera under the conditions of stability found at Parma could lead to interesting conclusions about the genre which are overlooked today.

Although this study has not attempted in any way to cover the music for the operas produced at Parma, many reputable sources agree that a large body of this music has been preserved. Not only could a recon­ struction of short periods of operatic development be made with the aid of this music and the lib retti, but educational theatre, in conjunction wiCb 193 musicology, could benefit from productions of these operas as they were originally done. Such productions are possible, for in many of the libretti are designs for a ll the scenes and major machines used in the production. Cast lists are included, and major stage directions and descriptions of important pieces of action are common. With the libretti. the music, and a knowledge of the theatre plant in which the works were originally produced, perfect reconstructions could be made. Productions like these might lack the fire and drama of our more popular and important nineteenth-century operas, but they might certainly obviate a great deal of guesswork in the teaching of both music and theatre history of the seventeenth century. APPENDIX A

CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES

1628 . The long-delayed wedding of Odoardo I and Margherita di

Medici finally took place in the Duomo in Florence on October 11, The

Medici did not celebrate the wedding extensively in Florence, for the major festival was planned and executed by the Farnese in Parma, The young couple did view a production of Jacopo Peri*s opera La Flora in the theatre of the Medici in the Pitti Palace,^ The next day Odoardo left Florence to return to Parma in order to personally oversee the final preparations for the festival there.

l64£. The present author has tentatively placed the construction of the Teatro nel Palazzo Comunale in this year, A production of

Manelli*s II ratto di elena has been most often assumed the inaugural production in this theatre, playing there in 1645 according to Leclerc.^

1650. The Teatro della Cittadella, called the Ducale, was possibly built during this year. There is only one source for this date,

Andrea Ademollo, La be11a Adrianna (Firenze, Citta di Castello, 1880), Ademollo states that a work entitled Iole ed Ercole was scheduled for performance at this time, but that intrigues by the singer Francesa Caccini prevented its being done. Also, A, Saviotti, Feste e snettacoli nel seicento. Giomale Storico della Letteratura Italians (Torino, 1903)* Saviotti agrees with the reason for discarding Iole ed Ercole. but claims that the singer in question was Settiman Caccini, daughter of the com­ poser, Giulio Caccini. 2 Leclerc, on. cit.. p, 72. 194 195 however, and the present author has conjecturally accepted the date based upon lack of evidence to the contrary.^

1650. According to Leowenburg, a production of Ferrari1s opera,

L*armlde. took place at one of the theatres of the Farnese during this year.** Since this production may have come after the completion of the

Duoale, the present author has located it there, Ferrari was a composer of note throughout Italy by this time, and it is likely that his work was important enough for the inauguration of a new ducal theatre. 16SI* Cavaili1 s opera, Hepisto. has likewise been tentatively placed at the Ducale during this year. Leowenburg mentions the work and states that it was probably done in Piacenza rather than in Parma.-5 The

Ducale was actually the best of all the Farnese theatres at this time, so it was probably the choice of most artists, 1652. Le vicende del tempo, by Bernardo Monaldi, called a dramma- fantastico. was performed at the Tournament Theatre during this year. This work was composed especially for the celebration of the passage through Parma of the Archdukes Sigismondo and Ferdinando of Austria. The libretto for this work was consulted in the original in the Music Division of the Library of Congress. 1655. Cavalli*s most popular work at this date was Giasone. It was already in the repertoire of most public opera houses.^ There is no

3 Nasali-Rocca, The Old Theatres of Piacenza, on. c it.. p. Z+8 4 Leowenburg, Annals of Opera, op. c it,. p. 257.

5Ib id .

^Donald Jay Grout, A Short History of Opera (New York: Columbia University Press, 19^7). 196 positive evidence as to where it was performed; therefore, the location of this production at the Ducale in Piacenza is speculative. The Ducale was, in fact, the only practical opera house in the duchy in 1655•

1660. At some time during this year two separate productions took place at some theatre in the duchy* The occasion for these works was the marriage of Ranu ccio to Margherita of Savoy, Although the libretti for both works are extant, a rare situation is found in which neither book is dated nor are there any notes about the theatres in which they were done.

Other than these two works, several others were part of the wedding festival as follow: I sei gieli. by Manelli, was performed in the Tournament Theatre* La gara degli elementi. a formal combattimento. was staged in the duke*s garden in Parma, The lib retti was by the Count Francesco Berni, the music by Benedetto Ferrari, and the Machines and scenes were by Carlo P a s e tti.

La filo overro giunone. the third of this series of major works,

is known by name alone, neither music nor book has been found. It is assumed, however, that the work was the result of the same collaboration as the several others for this festival: Berni, Manelli, and Ferrari,? 1661. This year is considered an open date for the Tournament

Theatre, According to a list of dates by Bjurstrbm, a production took place there in this year, but no records of it have been found at the time of this study,®

7 Parma, The Enciclopedia dello Spettacolo, Vol, VII, 8 Bjurstr'om, on. cit,. p. 197

1662. L1Andromeda, an opera composed by Xsidora Tortona and se t verse by the native Piacentine, Carlo Bassi, was produced at the Ducale.

This work was consulted in the original at the Library of Congress and has been filmed by the OSUTC*. The libretto does not name the designer, but it was probably Carlo Pasetti, the most popular designer before the arrival in Parma, in 1687, of Ferdinando Bibiena.9

166*4-. According to BJurstrftm*s dates, the Tournament Theatre housed a production during this year. 10 Donati substantiates this state­ ment, but, unfortunately, neither he nor Bjurstrttm names the production.

Donati claims that this occasion was part of the celebration of the marriage of Hanunccio to Margherita of Savoy, but this seems unlikely, since the marriage was consummated in l 660 . ^ Licasta, an opera by Manelli, was performed at the Teatro nel Collegio dei Nobili during this year. However, the documentation of the

Coliegio dei Nobili is too insufficient to permit any guesses about this production.

1666. La Doria. by Antonio Cesti, was performed at the Ducale in

Piacenza at some time during this year. This was the only one of Cesti* s works recorded for a Parma theatre. La Doria was not an original work by Cesti, but was an adaptation, probably by Sabadini, of a work by Cesti entitled La schiave fidele. The original work had been commissioned by the Teatro dei Sorgenti in Florence some years earlier. This opera is an

9 Hyatt Mayor, on. cit.. p. 17.

^°Bjurstr'6m, pp. cit.. p. 46.

^Donati, Citta di Parma, p, 177* example of one of the few non-allegorical, non-court related works ever done at Parma during the seventeenth century.^

1668 . An undated production entitled La Parma was probably staged in the Tournament Theatre during this year. The work included a ballet introduction and four Naiadi by Anadriani. It was probably produced in celebration of the third marriage of Ran.uccio, to Maria D*Este. The title of the work implies a strong allegorical orientation, leading to the conclusion that it was indeed written for a marriage festival.

1669. The Prince Odoardo Famese II was born in this year, and an opera, Coriolanus. was commissioned in celebration of the event,

Coriolanus was the last known work of Francesco Cavalli, and was the only one of his works ever to be done in a Parma theatre.

1687. Olimpia placata. a revision by Aureli of an earlier work entitled Olimpia vendicata. by Freschi, was produced at the Ducale in Piacenza. This production was the first occasion in Parma on which the 1 work of the new court architect, Ferdinando Bibiena, was seen. The^ libretto of this work was consulted in the original, but, unfortunately, no scene designs are included in the book. 1688. Lotto Lotti*s opera Didio giuliano. with additional music by Sabadini, was performed this year at the Ducale. The name of the

designer is not listed in the libretto, but it was doubtless Ferdinando

Bibiena, who did nearly every design at the Ducale for the following

twenty-seven years.

H. C. Colies (ed.), Groves Dictionary of Music and Musicians (3rd edition; New York: Macmillan).

13•'Leowenburg, pp. cit.. p. 2?6. l* f ____ 199 1688. Teseo in atena. a revision of an earlier work entitled

Medea in atena. by Gianetti, was performed at a theatre called "the

Teatro Ducale in Parma, This Teatro Ducale was either the Ducale in

Piacenza or the newly constructed Teatrino di Corte, The latter is by far the most logical, but this is the present author's conjecture. L'Ercole trionfante was presented at the Ducale in Piacenza

during this year. The designer was Ferdinando Bibiena, and poetry was

e sp e c ia lly w ritte n by A urelio A u reli. The work was not new, but was a revision of another work by the same name by Andrea Moneglia. It was o rig in a lly composed fo r the f e s t iv i t ie s of the wedding of Cosimo d i

Medici and Margherita Lucia of Orleans in l66l; Ranuccio ordered its revision in 1671.^ Hierone tiranno. an opera-spectacle written by Aurelio Aureli and

designed by Ferdinando Bibiena, was performed at the Ducale. This work

is mistakenly placed at the Teatro Santivale by one source.^

1689. For a festival simply called the "spring carnival," two new operas were performed, Dionlsio siracusano and Amore spesso inganno.

The libretto and music for the latter are lost, but the libretto for

*l Q Dionisio is preserved in the Library of Congress.

^ Teseo in Atena / drama / rappresentato in musica nel novissimo teatro ducale in Parma (Parma: Stamperia Ducale, 1688). 16 Leowenburg, pp. c it.. p. 291. 17 Parma. Enciclopedia dello Spettacolo, Vol. VII.

* 1 Q Leowenburg, op. c it.. p. 29^. APPENDIX B

EARLY OPERAS WHICH ARE AVAILABLE ON RECORD

Eurldlce (1600) Jacopo Peri

Funeste piaggie. aria Ralph Crane, Baritone . c • o • • • Victor 21752 (10")

Reinald Warrenrath, Baritone . • . • Victor 55051 (12")

Giuite al canto mio. aria Salvatore Selvati, tenor ■••••• Musiche Italiene Antiche - 1 (12")

Euridice (1600) Giulio Caccini

Non niango e non sosn iro. aria Ralph Crane, Baritone ••••••• Victor 21752 (10")

Arianna (1608) Claudio Monteverdi

Lasciatemi morire. lament, aria Ezio Pinza, Basso, with piano . . • • Victor 17914 (12")

Maria Peschken, con tralto • ••••• Decca 20164 (1 0 “)

L*Incoronazione di Poppea (1642) Claudio Monteverdi

O blivion soave. aria Ezio Pinza, Basso, with piano . . • . Victor 17915 (12")

Doris Owens, Soprano (in English) with harpsichord ••••••••• Columbia DB 500 (10")

Serto un certo so che. aria Isabel French, Soprano ••••••• Technichord 13B (10")

Orfeo ( 1609 ) Claudio Monteverdi

Complete opera recording, with chorus, orchestra, and soloists, conducted by Ferruccio Calusio, twelve 12" records • Musiche Italiene Antiche - 14 . . . 25

200 201

Ecco purch1 a v o i rito rn o . aria Ralph Crane, Baritone ...... Victor 21747 (10")

Serse (Xerse) (1654) Francesco Cavalli

Beato chi puo. aria Giuseppe Flamini, Basso .•••••. Musiche Italiene Antiche - 4 ( 1 2 ")

La Serva Padrona (1733) Gio. Batt. Pergolesi Excerpts (in French), conducted by Alfred Henry, with Jane Gatineau, Georges Serrano, and Andre Fijan as s o lo is ts • Decca LY6014

Stizzoso. nio stizzoso. aria Lucy Isabelle March, Soprano .... Victor 55051 (12")

I I Matrimonio Seereto (1742) Domenico Cimarosa

O verture, th e M ilan Symphony O rchestra, conducted by Lorenzo Molajoli . . • • • Columbia 7194M (12")

Note: These few recordings are listed alone because they easily are available in America. There are other recordings on obscure labels, but these cannot be purchased except on special order. The author has found each of these listed, however, in various record stores in a variety o f c i t i e s . APPENDIX C

IETTERS AND DOCUMENTS PERTAINING TO THE

TEATRO FARNESE

I. A letter from Alfonso Pozzo to the Marchese Enzo Bentivoglio, dated March 15, l 6 l 8.

1. Si e proposto che prima di lavorare nel Teatro e loggie, sia meglio cominciare da alto, per venir di mano in mano abbasso, e che pero prima d*ogni cosa sarebbe necessario fare il Sofitto, quale i pittori

concludono essere meglio fare la su in opera, poi seguitare il cornicione

che ha da cingere tutto il salone, e poi venir pingendo le loggie, ed il

Teatro.

2. Si e proposto di fare il sofitto di asse sottili di piella,

stimandosi da tu tti communemente che riuscira piu leggiero, meglio da

lavorarvisi e di piu durata, perche meglio si defenders da colombi, da

goccie d'acqua, e da toppi che cadano, che non si potrebbe fare su qua1 telaroni di tela, che a loco a loco faranno pancia, come si vede da11a mostra che e su; oltre che si ha fatto conto che sara la meta meno di

spesa.

3. Si e fatto una mostra dell*accomodamento che ha fatto il

Magnano della loggis di sopra, per eui viene a migliorarsi assai: si va

pero procrastinando la rissoluzione sin al suo ritorno; quale quando fosse

per andar in longo, per non perder tempo si pigliarebbe partito.

202 203

Sono fatti gli palchl mobili con i tre gargami: sono fatti i tre gargami, uno perpendicolare nel mezzo e gli altri due dalle parti a traverso: sono messi i fusoli su i polighi per il ferrare, quale li sta finendo: sono armati e fortificati i Gargami di sopra: sono fatti i poggioli per caminarvi da un capo a ll,altro per allumargli,

I Bolognesi non hanno ancora fin iti i primi due telari: i

Cremonesi n 1hanno f a t t i quattro, e caminano per g l i s e i. S isto ha fa tto un telaro e mezzo. M. Gio. flamingo sta su1 primi due, ma fa bene, come tutti certo: M. Gio. Andrea lavora intomo al proscenio con compagni.

M. Geronimo oramai havra spedito i l tem pio. M. P ietro Franc, he fa tto i l

Terapio per la scena di Guido, ma ha tanto che fare con andare su e giu, qua e la, che il pover omo poco vi puo attendere*

La benedetta volta ando giu Tin pezzo fa, et adesso si getta a basso quel V. aguto, su ch'era fondato il portone deU*Argenta: i portoni che vanno dalle parti si mettono su.

I I Zoppo ebreo non so se s ia in rerum natura.

S ig . Enzo mio padrone, a riv ed erci, che per Dio sto con m artello

grandissimo di V. S. Ill.ma.

Qui habbiamo la Florinda, che comincia a recitar dimani l'altro.

II. A letter from Alfonso Pozzo to Ranunccio Famese (undated).

Ser, mio S,

Supplico V, A. S. far cereare quel Cap. ludovico, che ordino si

mettesse in loco dello Smeraldo, e fare che venga in teatro, perche e una

pazienza troppo grande che bisogna havere con questi pittori e macinatori

che appena se gli leva l'occhio d‘adosso, che sub. stanno a vederes Metto in considerazione a V. A. S. che avanti di levare i ponti dal proscenio, e meglio finirlo affato colie statue, e poi coprirlo tutto tutto con la luce anco della scenas e mi perdoni se sono importuno in dimendare questa cosa perche adesso e lo spada e m. paulo frone sono con- corsi nella mia opinions guadagnando noi in q. modo tre cose: l*una che le statue c o lla commodita de p on ti s i mettono su piu f a c i l . la 2 . non occorrera perder quall'opere, ne quel tempo in rifare i ponti, e per le letters dell'iscrizzione, e per liarme di V. A,, e per le statue: la 3* coprendo tutta quella facciata, ogn‘uno non vede le machine, e le novita che si fanno nella scena, dal che nasce che appena si move un assa, che sub* tutte le maestranze stanno a vedere, e massime i pittori, che per- dono i l tempo v o le n tie r i. questo e i l mio parere: Del resto V. A. fa ccia quello che vuole, ch’io m!acqueto a suoi cenni, mettendole q, in consid­ erazione solo per piu spedito suo serviz. Et umiliss. me le inchino*

Dal Teatro

d i V. A. S. U m iliss S.

Alfonso Pozzo

III, Letter from Alfonso Pozzo to Ranunccio Farnese, dated

July 25, 1618.

Ser. mio S.

M. Gio: Batta Cremonese mi ha mandato a d ire questa sera per suo figliolo, che sperava di andare in soffitto di mattina, ma che gli e ritornata la febre con una rosipilla nel volto: e perche gli e mal consueto che gli e solito venire ogn'anno, supplica V. A. S. a dargli licenza che possa andare a curarsi a Casa, ove doll'assistenza e servitu 205 della Moglie sa che risanara molto piu presto promettendo di ritornar sub, guarito ch'ei sia, e intanto di rimandare il figliolo, condotto che l*abbia a casa. Questa sera sono venuti gli Pittori di Borgo, e di piac., che in contpag, de g l i a l t r i cominciaranno dim attina: Lo spada e r i e t oggi e sta to n etto d i feb re, onde spera diman l* a ltr o d i venire in Teatro:

M. luca Stuecatore comincia dimani g l i due C avalli, e per p iu commodita gli fara alia fontana, dicendo haver cosi ordine da V, A. Quando V, A, parti, disse volermi ordinare cio che dovessi fare all'arrivo del S, Enzo, pero perche m1 imaging che non possa tardare a venire, e V, A, non mi commando altro, staro attendendo si in q, come nel rimanente gli ordini suoi, et umiliss, me le inchino,

Parma 25 di lug, 1618 Di V. A. S. Umiliss, Serv.

Alfonso Pozzo

IV, A letter from Alfonso Pozzo to Ranunccio Famese, dated

July 31, 1618.

S er, mio S,

Conforms all*ord in e d i V, A, S, sono sta to oggi in compagnia d el

Cav. G ionti a casa d e l S, Duca d i P o li, e doppo a v erg li m ostrati i due rittratti del S, Duca Ottavio che sia in gloria, ed espostogli quanto V,

A, mi haveva commandato che gli dicessi, S. E, ha confirmata 1*opinions mia, che le statue di questi due Prencipi debbano essere conform! a quella effigie, che avevano nell*ultimo di lor vita, per le ragioni che diss'io a V, A,, e perche cosi si ritrova essere stato osservato in quante statue sono state drizzate a Prencipi doppo morte. Intorno a che quando V, A. si rissolva, staro attendendo che ordini quali rittratti di ciaschedun 206 d*essi s*hanno da adoperare. Nel soffitto si cammina avanti alia gagliarda; ma perche la fortuna ha in costume di piu intoppi attraversare, ove maggior bisogno e di prestezza, ha bisognato perdere aleune ore di tempo in emendare alcuni errori occorsi nel disegno ultimamente fatto da mc Gio: Batta o fosse perche il male agravasse lui, o fosse perch'egli troppo si fidasse del figlio: egli e ben vero, che maggior e stato il disturbo deUfanimo, el perdimento del tempo, che il danno dell*opera:

S pedii sin Domenica sera V alentino a ferrara, e dim att. m. Gio Andrea comincia a lavorare intorno alle loggie, ch*e quanto mi occorre dire a

V, A. S* alia quale umiliss. m'inchino e prego felicita perpetua.

Parma g li 31 luglio 1618

Di V. A. S.

Umiliss. S.

Alfonso Pozzo

V. A letter to Alfonso Pozzo from the Marchese Enzo Bentivogli, dated July, 1618.

111. mio S.

Dallo staff, del S. March. Turcho ho havuto le due di V. S. 111., piene della solita gentilezza, alle quali si contentsra ch'io risponda con una sola mia, che se povera e d^gn^ltro pregio, si vanta pero d*esser ricca di molta devotions, Nel Teatro veramente non posso negare che i lavori non sieno iti con un poco di lentezza, ma io per la mia parte di s o lle c ita r e e l Tamera, e m. Marino, so d i non haver mancato, e se f o s s i stato cosi atto a trattar le mani, come a maneggiar la lingua in gridare, non havrei ne anco in questo ricusato il servigio di S. A. el gusto di

V. S. 111.; pero s'ella giudica di condur altri huomini ne scrivero una parola a S. A. ch'e a Sala, e da quest*ora mi posso quasi promettere, che

se il tempo insta, e V, S. Ill, giudica esservi necessaria questa

aggiunta, S. A, si rimettera a lei: tutta via mi riserbo darnele parte,

ed ella intanto potrebbe vedere di haver per qualche buon mezzo nova

della venuta del G. Duca, ch*in quanto a me havrei creduto che in questi

tempi non fosse per moversi. Per i versi la non stara in tempo, perche

oltre a fatti, s'ella tarda cinque di a comparire, trovera tutte le poesie,

e mutazioni di machine in essere: cosi havessirao gli Musici: 1‘inven-

zioni de Venturieri si faranno: ma S. Enzo l'habbiam noi stabilite?

Urget presentia Turni, e V. S, 1 1 1 , e Turno in questa occasione, nella

quale Dio sa quanto rincresca al Duca mio S. con scommodo di V. S, 1 1 1 ,,

e quanto S. A. patisca in vederla movere per questa stagione, che chiede

riposo e non fatica, agio di villa, e non polvere di viaggio, Ma

s'assecuri che S, A. ne le tiene, e terra sempre quel grado che a tant*

amorevolezza si deve; e per conto del S, Don Ottavio, se a lei

rincrescera panna senza S. E., ne Sala sarebbe a S, E. di gusto senza V,

S, 1 1 1 , ma S, A, accommodera queste differenze di si reciproca affezzione,

et in perfine le bacio affett, quanto posso le mani, e prego o maggior

discretezza a* fiumi, o piu saldezza alle nevi.

Post scripta — Ho veduto la lettera che scrive a m, Pietro

Francesco col quale non dee a conto alcuno esser in collera, perche al

Tamara non d isse a ltr o se non che s i portava male la sc ia r i l serv izio di

S, A, nel maggior bisogno di sua persona, e certo anchorche io proeurassi

lor la licenza restai pero meravigliato di tanta rissoluzione di partire.

E la flemma che la dice esser necessaria con si fatta gente, la si vende

appunto nella bottega di m. Pier Francesco; oh guardi V. S, 1 1 1 , s * e g li e

huomo da rompere: e di novo le bacio le mani. 208

VI. The scenario of La difessa della bellezza. written by

Alfonso Pozzo in 1618.

"Introduzzione, azzioni, ed intermedii del Torneo"

Questa festa si dimandara Difesa della bellezza. et havra suo

cominciamento dalla discordia che fingono i Poeti che la su in Cielo nascesse per la sentenza data da Paride a favore di Venere, e si procedera

in q. raodo:

1. La p. prospettiva che si vedra, calata la gran cortina, sara

d*un b e l l i s s . mare, a tto rn ia to non d*orridi sc o g li o d i a lp e s tr i rupi, ma

di amene collinette vestite d*alberi, e di vaghezza arricchite da varii

edificii, sovra de quali pian piano spuntando l'aurora, si vegga sorgene

il giorno, e rinovandosi ogni cosa, incresparsi il mare e ridere la terra:

Gionta che sia l'Aurora (che quasi prologo sara di tt. l'azzione) a

mezzo il palco, cantara la canzonetta che invita gli animi a prepararsi

alle meraviglie venture, ed indi dall*altra parte fra nubi nascondendosi

per non tompere i termini a lei prefissi, lasciera piu luminoso il palco,

e la scena:

2. Partita l*Aurora, il Regio pastor Paride, sovra un ben adorno

legno in compagnia d*altri Dei Boscarecci, verra solcando il mare, et a

quell*ameniss. spiaggia gionto, ivi descendera in terra co* suoi conqpagni

per isfogar parte di quelle pene che la discordia da lui posta in Cielo

gli cagiona, e doppo breve discorso cogli altri Dei passato, al Cielo

rivoltosi, colei preghera d'onde suo duolo deriva, ch*una volta di la su

cali, e consoli chi gia mai non l*offesi:

3. 3. All*imprecazione di Paride, meravigliosamente aprirassi

il Cielo, e la discordia scendera rinchiusa nel suo Tempio che si poggiara

sovra d’una nube, la quale gionta in terra si aprira, e lasciando la 209 machina e la discordia in mezzo della invidia e dell’ambizione sue fide compagne, sparira a ltr o v e : Poco o n u llo d i ragionam. passara fra Paride, e la Discordia, e men diranno l*altre Due, imperoche Venere, che fastosa di sua bellezza non potea patire che si rivocasse in dubbio quella sentenza che a lei giustiss. parea, tosto li verra appresso, e seco conducendo i Due Cavag. M antenitori a cavallo, fara l e i , le compagne, i l

Tempio, sprofondare in mare; e rincorato Paride, alia giustizia della causa aggiongera la difesa d ellfarmi, che valorosamente oprate da que due campioni, renderamo le i in ogni parte invincible e famosa.

Detto cio finira di calar Venere, e calata che sara, sparendo per suo commando la nube ch1intorao intorno la cingea, restera sovra una gran conchiglia da due Delfini tirata, che inspardendo la nube sara invisibil, a suoi servigi sorta dal mare, Allora Venere commandara alia Citta sua di

Guido, ch*ivi traspianti le sue mura non solo, ma i cittadini ancora, affinche di loro quegli a pro de suoi guerrieri si preparino, e vengano, che gia furono per cio comraandati: sorgera Guido, scenderanno in campo i

Cavag, accompagnanti da paggi, e Padrini stabiliti, e Venere partira su la conchiglia, seguitata, e servita da Paride, e da compagni:

I Mantenitori passeggiaranno il Campo, e ritiratisi poi al lor padiglione comparira la p, quadriglia nel modo che si concertara, quando si trattara de venturieri. Combattuta che havra la p. quadriglia, perche la Varieta e quella che solleva, e diletta gli animi, si mutara scena in questo modo:

k, Scendera Marte dal Cielo sovra il suo carro tirato da due feroci destrieri: gionto a mezz*aria nel modo che si fara, chiedera a

Venere che si content! che quella gran Citta sua, gia che proveduti ha i suoi guerrieri tratti dal Cielo di servitu opportuni, al patrio sito se*n 210 tom i, et a nove meraviglie dia loco: Quindi ad alta voce invocara

Vulcano, che colla fucina sua con Bronte Sterope e Piragmone venga adesso a fabricar nove armi, et a batter gl*incudi, contendendosi qui per difesa della cara consorte, e amata Dea: fatta q. invocazione, sparira plan piano

Guido, e sorgera in sua vece la spaventevole fucina di Vulcano, dalle quale tratti ben tosto quegli affumicati Cielopi, piacevole gara ordiranno con Marte a chi di lor tocchi piu sudar nell^rmi per amore di Venere, quando ecco all*improviso dolciss. melodia udirassi dal Cielo, e saranno le 3 grazie compagne della Dea, che da graziosa e bella nube tratte per lo

Cielo, faran Marte ritomare al suo loco, e nella fucina Vulcano e

C ielop i, concludendo, che ciascum d * essi hanno da servire a Venere, q u eg li in ispirar valore, e q, in far armi impenetrabili a Cavag, II che detto tomeranno esse dall'altra parte in Cielo, partira Marte, restara Vulcano, e la fucina:

Doppo questa comparsa verra la 2 . q u ad riglia, doppo i l cui com- batim, si vedra la seguente mutazione di scena,

5. Uscira Vulcano dalla fucina, e volto a compagni, dicendo di haver bastevol, lavorato, commandara ch*i neri alberghi all*usato loco trasportino: Cosi sparira la fucina, en vece sua un ameniss, prato si vedra sorgere cinto di ameni boschetti di cipresso in cui ben tosto verranno Flora, et Ebe dee della gioventu gran fondam, della bellezza, che dalla terra sovra un belliss, carro si vedran sorgere: Q, saranno accompagnate da mezza dozzena o piu d'Amoretti, i quali faranno un balletto: Nella parte superiore della scena sraprira l*aere, ed ivi si vedra Bacco ed Arianna in Cielo, che sovra colli amenissimi lussureggianti di viti, e pampini faranno da lor seguaci ch*ivi veranno ordire una 211

Moresca, la quale finita si tornara a chiudere q. aere, e restara la p. scena sola, colla vista del prato, e de boschetti.

Qui s i udira a l l , iutproviso un strep ito so suono d i trombe, e saranno Cavag. che non piu a p ie d i, ma a cavallo mandaranno a sfid are i m antenitori, q u ali combatteranno a l Campo aperto, comparendo i v en tu rieri nel modo che si concertara.

6 . Finito il Campo aperto, uscira dall1inferno la discordia, e sdegnosa di haver penetrato che Giove inchini alia quiete, rompera l*aria, penetrara il Cielo, ed ivi gionta a quel regio tribunale spiegara le sue querele. Amore che vede et ode le insidie della nemica precipitoso corre a lia madre, per a v isa r la d i cio che passa: Quand*ecco quasi p recip ita dal Cielo la discordia portata da mostruoso animale, la quale scacciata da Giove, a Plutone chiede soccorso; ne q. gli si tarda: Anzi ch*a suoi scongiuri tosto s'apre 1 *inferno, sorgono le furie, e cento spirit! da quel baratro n*escono, per suscitar ruine, e tutto volger sotto sopra il

Cielo: In essecuzione di che si tramufca la scena nella citta di Dite, d'onde partono le furie, e urlando per l*aria, fano che s'oscuri il Cielo, lampeggino baleni, scoppino tuoni, fremino i venti, e che non cadano, ma foltiss. nembo di grandine diluvij, e quel cielo, che si vistoso poco dianzi era, mostruoso adesso a gli uomini non solo si rende ma a gli armenti, et alia Terra ancora: In q. mentre si fa [eaneellato: aprel il nel teatro, quando la serenita ninfa di Giunone, accompagnata da quattro

Zefiri vola per l*aria, il tutto acqueta, e rende agli occhi de Spettatori il pria a lor tolto e dileguato giomo, con un*ameniss. vista di giardini e palagi, che su correnti riviere rapresentaranno le scene. 212

Qui comparisee la 3. quadriglia per acqua nel modo che si con- certara, alia quale finito che havra di combattere succedera 1 ‘a ltr a mutazione.

7. Venere col figlio Amore per mano, da cui havea l*aviso della discordia ribellante ricevuto, verra quasi per suo diporto fra que* giardini con esso lui favellando, ne molto quivi sara dimorata che spic- cara v e lo c is s . volo d a l C ielo Hercurio Ambasc. d i Giove, i l quale verra lei avisando, essere ordine di Giove cMella ritom i in Cielo, volendo lassu conporre per sempre le risse; e mentre in q. ragionaranno Mercurio

Venere, et Amore (rivolato che sara al Cielo Mercurio) su belliss. nubi, che al parer mio potranno essere tre calaranno le 9 muse dal Cielo, le quali nella nube di mezzo che la piu vistosa, e la piu grande dovra essere riceveranno Venere, e con gratiss, melodia in alto solevandola a Giove la ricondurranno; Amore restara in terra, e detto adio alia madre, vago di quelle piaghe che ne cori moral, stanza, o per aria, o per terra come piu piacera se n*andra via,

Qui verra navigando la 4 quadriglia, e suo abbattimento finito, verra anche il fine d ell‘opera in q. modo.

L*Iride nunzia di pace portara la novella della sentenza data da

Giove, e recara insieme aviso della venuta del sacro concilio de Dei, e perche non vuole piu giove che di q. fatto per lo mondo si contends, fatta quasi di ltd Aralda l*Iride, dimandara i quattro element! ch*ad udir la sentenza, tosto d*ordine de Dei sen vengano: quindi per l*acqua tomara un altra volta il mare, da cui sorgera Nettuno, da schiera di Tritoni, e

Sirene accompagnato: per la terra verra Cibele, la quale vorra precisam. che tutte le quattro parti del mondo sieno presenti al fine di tanto litigio, e pero fara venire ^America, 1*Africa, l 1Asia, e l*Europa: per l*aria, si fara l 1Aria stessa nel modo ch'e descritta dai poeti, sovra un carro tirato da due pavoni con un camaleonte in mano, vestita di bianco, con chioma lucida, e sara anco accompagnata da qualche nuvoletta chiara.

Per lo fuoco si fara una nuvola infocata, ma piu mi piacerebbe una sfera, in mezzo di cui arda, e splenda con luminoso raggio il Sole, che da filosofi antichi era posto per il elementoj Comparsi in questo modo gli elementi si aprira il Cielo tutto e si vedra la gran prospettiva de

Dei tutti, i quali colla vaghezza de gli abiti, e colltarmonia delle voci daranno pasto a ll(occhio, et all'orecchio: Acquetata la turba de Dei,

Giove intonara la sentenza, nel modo che si stabilira, ed in vece di guerre commandara feste, e giochi, per essecuzione del qual commando, se parera a S, A, si potra fare il balletto a cavallo di cui si e dis- corso} il quale venuto a fine, si chiudera il Cielo, e ritomando al loco loro gli elementi; i quali con musiche voci alia sentenza di Giove arranno [sic] applauso, s'imbrunira l'aria; Quindi verra la notte, la quale reso stellato il Cielo, si rallegrara che tanta festa abbia pur convenuto terminare nel suo regno, come ch'ella sola, e non il giorno mostra descritti in Cielo i norai de valorosi campioni; Quindi licenziato il teatro s‘en tornara alle sue grotte, e la festa sara finita,

Vii, Selected passages from a diary, kept by Bentivoglio while in Parma working on the Teatro Famese (month of July, 1618).

Basta a cominciare a metere l ‘oro Per mettere l ’oro et rame al nel soffitto. soffitto del primo quarto si e

cominciato questa mattina et

sara finito in otto di. Zlk

Si solicit! et avisi quando havera L*Anconitano lavora alle logge finito con le cornice che deve fare. dell ultimo irdine di sopra, per

accomodarle, fortificarle,

Sta bene e t se mancano in m onit. agiustarle, et fare la Balaus-

asoni per le casse da moschetti si tr a ta . a v is i in tempo i l cav. Riva che ne possa fare la provisione. Questa mattina M. Bernardino

Rovina ferrarese ha dimandato,

Sta bene. ‘ 20 , rodelie di noce di larghezza

d i on. 6 l*una, per far sorgere

Che comenci quanto prima nella parte li carri delli telaroni della

inferiors a fare il tarsio et credo sena. Si sono date a fare.

che n el muro ne fia n c h i non habbia II Palco de Principi ci lavorano lassiato l'apertura per l 1intrata adietro, et sara finito in dell'acqua a che si deve havere dodici d i. moIta considerat.

M. Battista Nigro ha fatto il Se non s i e av isa to i l Cav. Riva muro sotto il Theatro, da una per i l pagamento d i tu tto i l numero banda e come f o m ito , d a ll* a ltr a del acrescimento di questi nomini banda ha cominciato questa s*e fatto errors et si deve avisare m attina. a me con una d istin ta d e l Magnano.

Questa mattina si sono missi li In quanto tempo sara fatto tutto venticinque uomini di diverse quel fondamento della. Ville a cavare nella Parma per

li fondamenti. 215 VIII, Selected passages from the last letter of Gianbattista

Aleotti to Ranunccio Famese.

Ser, Principe S, e t Padro, mio C oll,

Fu posto al suo luogo il Modello della Machina del Mercurio la quale fa l*effetto desiderato; Fu anco aggiustata la Machina dell1Aurora, et furno posti in opera alcuni di quei tellari, che dovranno fare le

scene che dovran andare inanti e in dietro, et posto, al suo luogo un raangano per tirarli, e spingerli inanti e in dietro, inteso beniss, da

g li due m. paulo froni, et paolo cimardi, com'anco fu fatta una dell'onde

a vite, et posta in opera, fa effetto beliss, fu anco fatta la machina

che dovra portare la Nave di Venere, quella della virtu, et il carro di

Nettuno, che tutti si moverano con un istesso ordegno benche diverse in

aparenza, et questa fara beniss. l'effetto desiderato. Come anco s'e

fa tto una d i q u elle Machine da fa r sorgere le Ninfe e t g l i T ritto n i

marini. Quello che slhabbi da fare c, il finire il Theatro, e molto ben

noto a V, A, S. Io per ora non saprei che piu mi fa re, come a suo tempo

(quand^lla comandara) sero anco per fare prontiss,: non gli diro gli

disordini di casa mia, gli affari miei, le rampogne ch*io sento del

lungo star fuori, gli interessi miei, perche ella giudiciosiss. puo bene

imaginare, solo la vengo humiliss. a suplicare di farmi questa gratia, perche prontiss. io mi trovi in maggior obligo di rittornare, quando ella

(che di presente non ha bisogno di me) vora servirsene, et perche con la

prontezza d ellfanimo col quale mi mossi a servirla gli chiego questa

grata licenza in gratia, et in premio di tanta fatica, vado anco attendendone il placet, con buona gratia di lei, a cui aug. et prego da Dio il sumo d*ogni bene desiderabile, con ogni humilta et R.

D i. V. A. Ser. 18 Marzo 1618.

Hum. et dev. ser. perp.

Gio: Batt. Aleotti

d. l*Argenta BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

L1 Andromeda / drama / del Cavalier Carlo Bassi / posto in Musica / dal Signor Isidore Tortona / (Stamperia Ducale di Giovanni Bazachi, Parma, 1662)

Buttigli, Marcello, Descrizione dell1 apparato fatto -per honorare la prima e solenne entrata in Parma della serenissima principessa Margherita di Toscano, ( Stamperia d i Corte, Parma, 1629)

Demetrio tiranno / drama / rappresentato nel nuovo teatro di Piacenza / consacrato / all* altezza serenissimo di Ranunccio II / duca di o f . a (Stamperia di cirte,*Parma, 1694) O.S.U.T.C. film 45857

Didio Giuliano / drama / rappresentato nel nuovo teatro ducale di Piacenza / e consacrato / a sua altezza serenissimo / II signore duca d i Parma, (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 168?) O.S.U.T.C. film 45857

Diomede / Punito da / Alcide / drama / rappresentato nel nuovo teatro ducale di Piacenza / consacrato / a ll1 altezza serenissimo di / Ranunccio II / duca di Parma, Piacenza etc. (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, I69 I) O.S.U.T.C. film 45857

Pionisio siracusano / drama per musica / da rapresentato nel nuovo teatro ducale / di Parma il camevale / del anno 1689 / e con­ sacrato / a1 sua altezz serenissimo / il signor duca / padron d em en tis simo (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1689 ) O.S.U.T.C. film 45857

L|Ercole trionfante / drama / rappresentato nel nuova teatro ducale in Parma / consacrato / a ll1 altezza serenissimo di / signor principe Odoardo Fam ese (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1 688 ) O.S.U.T.C. film 45857

L»eta del^ro / introduzione all balletto dell* Serenissima signora / principessa Margherita / e delle signore dame / fatto rappre- sentare dal serenissimo signor / duca di Parma (Stamperia Ducale di Bazachi, Parma, 1690 ) O.S.U.T.C. film 1540

II favore degli dei / drama fantastico musicale / fatto rappresentare dal serenissimo signor / duca di Parma / nel suo gran teatro (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1690) O.S.U.T.C. film I833

217 218

La gara degli elementi / per riverir le nozze de serenissimi/ Ranunccio II duca di Parma / e Margherita / principessa di Savoia / com- ponimento dal conte Francesco Be m i (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1660) O.S.U.T, film lJ-5857

La gloria d1amore / spettacolo festivo / fatto rappresentare dal serenissimo singor / duca di Parma / sopra 1 acque della gran peschiera novamente fatta nel suo giardino (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1690 ) O.S.U.T.C. film 1564-

Hierone tiranno / di siracusa / drama / rappresentato nel nuovo teatro Ducale in Piacenza / consacrato / a ll1 altezza serenissimo di / Ranunccio II / duca di Parma, Piacenza, etc. (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1688) O.S.U.T. film 4-5857

L1 idea di tutti le perfezione / introduzione al balletto di / serenissimi prineipi Francesco e Antonio Farnese / fatto rappresentare dal serenissimo signor / duca di Parma (Stamperia Ducale di Bazachi, Parma, I690 ) O.S.U.T.C. film 1565

Intermedii / recitata / in musica dalle piu ecellentissimi voci / del nostro secolo / in uno di superbissimi teatri / di Parma / dal Ascanio Pio di Savoia (Seth et Erasmo Viotti, Parma, 1628 ) O.S.U.T.C. film 1834-

I sei eigli / toraeo per le nozze / de serenissimi / Ranunccio II / duca di Parma / e Margherita / princepessa di Savoia (Stamperia Mario Vigna, Parma, I06 O) O.S.U.T.C. film 4-5857

Ivanovitch, Cristoforo. Minerva al tavolino. 271, Pezzano, Venezia, 1681.

Olimpia placata / drama / rappresentato nel novissimo teatro Ducale / di Parma / consacrato f a ll1 altezza serenissimo di / Ranunccio I I / duca di Parma, Piacenza, etc. (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1687) O.S.U.T.C. film 4-5857

Teseo in Atene / drama / rappresentato in musica / nel novissimo teatro ducale in Parma / consacrato / all* altezza serenissimo di / signor principe Odoardo Farnese (Stamperia Ducale, Parma, 1688 ) O.S.U.T.C. film 4-5857

Zanetti. A. Tutti piani ed ordini qui sono composte le Reggie fabbriche de teatri di Piacenza. Part of the collection of the Amici del1 Arte, at the Biblioteca Comunale Passerini Landi, Piacenza. O.S.U.T.C. film 2136 219

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