Part I: Literature Review
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Jahres- Und Wirkungsbericht 2016 2
Jahres- und Wirkungsbericht 2016 2 ÜBERBLICK 2016 Frageportal Recherche & Medien abgeordnetenwatch.de als Dauerangebot für: 2016 haben wir unter dem Motto “Schluss mit • Bundestag geheimem Lobbyismus” einen eigenen Gesetzent- wurf erarbeitet. • EU-Abgeordnete aus Deutschland • 12 Landtage Medienberichterstattung zu abgeordnetenwatch.de (Auswahl): • DER SPIEGEL / SPIEGEL ONLINE abgeordnetenwatch.de zu Wahlen: • Süddeutsche Zeitung • Landtagswahl Rheinland-Pfalz (März) • Handelsblatt • Landtagswahl Baden-Württemberg (März) • Die Welt • Landtagswahl Mecklenburg-Vorpommern • Tagesspiegel (September) • ARD • Abgeordnetenhauswahl Berlin (September) • ZDF • Deutsche Welle (ausführliche Informationen auf Seite 8) (ausführliche Informationen auf Seite 9) PetitionPlus Auszeichnungen Zu folgenden Petitionen haben wir 2016 • Grimme Online-Award 2005 und 2007 PetitionPlus durchgeführt: (Nominierung) • Erweiterung der Strafprozessordnung • Ashoka Fellowship Gregor Hackmack 2008 (Bundestag) • Fairness-Initiativpreis 2010 • Netzneutralität (EU-Parlament) • Young Global Leader Gregor Hackmack 2010 • Lebensmittelverschwendung (EU-Parlament) • Deutscher Engagementpreis 2011 (Publikumspreis) • Wildtierverbot im Zirkus (Bundestag) • Wolfgang-Heilmann-Preis 2012 der “Integrata Stiftung” für “Mehr Demokratie durch IT” • Democracy Award 2013 des National Democratic Institute • Otto Brenner Preis 2016 (Medienpreis für kritischen Journalismus) für FragDenBundestag.de (ausführliche Informationen auf Seite 10) 3 VISION und ANSATZ Unsere Vision ist eine selbstbestimmte -
E-Participation: a Quick Overview of Recent Qualitative Trends
DESA Working Paper No. 163 ST/ESA/2020/DWP/163 JANUARY 2020 E-participation: a quick overview of recent qualitative trends Author: David Le Blanc ABSTRACT This paper briefly takes stock of two decades of e-participation initiatives based on a limited review of the academic literature. The purpose of the paper is to complement the results of the e-government Survey 2020. As such, the emphasis is on aspects that the e-government survey (based on analysis of e-government portals and on quantitative indicators) does not capture directly. Among those are the challenges faced by e-participation initiatives and key areas of attention for governments. The paper maps the field of e-par- ticipation and related activities, as well as its relationships with other governance concepts. Areas of recent development in terms of e-participation applications are briefly reviewed. The paper selectively highlights conclusions from the literature on different participation tools, as well as a list of key problematic areas for policy makers. The paper concludes that while e-participation platforms using new technologies have spread rapidly in developed countries in the first decade of the 2000s and in developing countries during the last 10 years, it is not clear that their multiplication has translated into broader or deeper citizen participation. Be- yond reasons related to technology access and digital skills, factors such as lack of understanding of citizens’ motivations to participate and the reluctance of public institutions to genuinely share agenda setting and decision-making power seem to play an important role in the observed limited progress. -
Research Papers
RESEARCH PAPERS FACTORS AFFECTING PARTICIPATION OF PRESERVICE TEACHERS IN E-DEMOCRACY By SERKAN ŞENDAĞ * SACIP TOKER ** * Associate Professor, Computer Education and Instructional Technology, School of Education, Mersin University, Mersin, Turkey. ** Ph.D holder, Instructional Technology, Department of Administrative and Organizational Studies, College of Education, Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan, USA. ABSTRACT This study aimed to reveal the factors associated with the participation of preservice teachers in e-democracy. It was designed as a correlational study and 1,519 preservice teachers from a teacher preparation program in Turkey participated in it by completing a 54-item questionnaire. As a result, three major factors for involvement in e-democracy emerged: knowledge and environment, ethics, and anxiety. In addition, two types of participation were revealed: anonymous and onymous. The results of the study showed that anonymous participation correlates positively with Political Knowledge, and negatively with Current State of Politics and Digital Integrity. Those who have mobile technologies with internet connection are more likely to participate anonymously in e-democracy. On the other hand, Onymous participation, correlates positively with Fear of Self-expression, and negatively with Political Knowledge and Digital Citizenship. Males were shown to be more prone to both types of participation than females. Internet usage frequency was a common variable triggering both types of participation. The paper ends with recommendations for further research. Keywords: E-Democracy, E-Participation, Preservice Teachers, Explanatory Higher-Order Factor Analysis, Multiple and Quantile Regression. INTRODUCTION be supported by the Internet, which will alter representation Now-a-days, several factors are urging higher education as well as politicians’ attitudes toward the public (Cardoso, institutions to change, such as internalization, massification, Cunha & Nascimento, 2006). -
The Fluid Mechanics of Liquid Democracy
The Fluid Mechanics of Liquid Democracy Paul Gölz Anson Kahng Simon Mackenzie Ariel D. Procaccia Abstract Liquid democracy is the principle of making collective decisions by letting agents transitively delegate their votes. Despite its significant appeal, it has become apparent that a weakness of liquid democracy is that a small subset of agents may gain massive influence. To address this, we propose to change the current practice by allowing agents to specify multiple delegation options instead of just one. Much like in nature, where — fluid mechanics teaches us — liquid maintains an equal level in connected vessels, so do we seek to control the flow of votes in a way that balances influence as much as possible. Specifically, we analyze the problem of choosing delegations to approximately minimize the maximum number of votes entrusted to any agent, by drawing connections to the literature on confluent flow. We also introduce a random graph model for liquid democracy, and use it to demonstrate the benefits of our approach both theoretically and empirically. 1 Introduction Liquid democracy is a potentially disruptive approach to democratic decision making. As in direct democracy, agents can vote on every issue by themselves. Alternatively, however, agents may delegate their vote, i.e., entrust it to any other agent who then votes on their behalf. Delegations are transitive; for example, if agents 2 and 3 delegate their votes to 1, and agent 4 delegates her vote to 3, then agent 1 would vote with the weight of all four agents, including herself. Just like representative democracy, this system allows for separation of labor, but provides for stronger accountability: Each delegator is connected to her transitive delegate by a path of personal trust relationships, and each delegator on this path can withdraw her delegation at any time if she disagrees with her delegate’s choices. -
One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1998 One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Rutherford, Jane, "One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents" (1998). Minnesota Law Review. 1582. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/1582 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford* Introduction .............................................................................1464 I. Autonomy as a Source of Rights ...................................... 1467 A. A Power-Based Critique ........................................... 1468 B. A Communitarian Critique ...................................... 1474 H. Preserving the Right to Vote for Insiders by Focusing on the Incapacity of Outsiders ......................... 1479 III. Children's Rights ............................................................. 1489 A. Greater Autonomy for Children .............................. 1490 B. Substantive Entitlements for Children ................... 1493 C. The Value of the Vote for Children .......................... 1494 IV. One Child, One Vote: Proxy Voting For Children .......... 1495 A. Political Power -
Interactive Democracy Blue Sky Ideas Track
Session 29: Blue Sky AAMAS 2018, July 10-15, 2018, Stockholm, Sweden Interactive Democracy Blue Sky Ideas Track Markus Brill TU Berlin Berlin, Germany [email protected] ABSTRACT approached this question by developing an app, DemocracyOS [48], Interactive Democracy is an umbrella term that encompasses a va- that allows users to propose, debate, and vote on issues. Democ- riety of approaches to make collective decision making processes racyOS is only one example of a quickly growing number of ap- more engaging and responsive. A common goal of these approaches proaches that aim to reconcile established democratic processes is to utilize modern information technology—in particular, the with the desire of citizens to participate in political decision mak- 1 Internet—in order to enable more interactive decision making pro- ing. Another example is the software LiquidFeedback [6], which is 2 cesses. An integral part of many interactive democracy proposals developed by the Association for Interactive Democracy. Currently, are online decision platforms that provide much more flexibility these tools are mainly used for decision making within progressive and interaction possibilities than traditional democratic systems. political parties [9, p. 162] or in the context of community engage- This is achieved by embracing the novel paradigm of delegative ment platforms such as WeGovNow [10]. A common goal of these voting, often referred to as liquid democracy, which aims to recon- approaches, often summarized under the umbrella term Interac- 3 cile the idealistic appeal of direct democracy with the practicality tive Democracy (henceforth ID), is to utilize modern information of representative democracy. The successful design of interactive technology—in particular, the Internet—in order to enable more democracy systems presents a multidisciplinary research challenge; interactive decision making processes. -
March 28 – 30, 2013 Hollywood, California
Western Political Science Association CONFERENCE THEME: THE EMPIRES STRIKE BACK! March 28 – 30, 2013 Hollywood, California TABLE OF CONTENTS Page WELCOME AND SPECIAL ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................ ii WESTERN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION OFFICERS .................. iv COMMITTEES OF THE WESTERN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION ...................................................................................... vi WPSA ANNUAL AWARDS GUIDELINES ................................................. viii WPSA AWARDS TO BE ANNOUNCED AT THE 2013 MEETING ............. x CALL FOR PAPERS 2014 MEETING ......................................................... xi MEETING SCHEDULE AND SPECIAL EVENTS ........................................ 1 AUTHOR MEETS CRITICS PANELS .......................................................... 5 SCHEDULE OF PANELS ............................................................................ 6 PANEL LISTINGS: THURSDAY, 8:00 AM – 9:45 AM .................................................. 40 THURSDAY, 10:00 AM – 11:45 AM .................................................. 53 THURSDAY, 1:15 PM – 3:00 PM .................................................. 68 THURSDAY, 3:15 PM – 5:00 PM .................................................. 84 FRIDAY, 8:00 AM – 9:45 AM ................................................. 98 FRIDAY, 10:00 AM – 11:45 AM ............................................... 113 FRIDAY, 1:15 PM – 3:00 PM ............................................... 127 FRIDAY, 3:15 PM – 5:00 PM .............................................. -
The Historical Development of European Integration
FACT SHEETS ON THE EUROPEAN UNION The historical development of European integration PE 618.969 1. The First Treaties.....................................................................................................3 2. Developments up to the Single European Act.........................................................6 3. The Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties...............................................................10 4. The Treaty of Nice and the Convention on the Future of Europe..........................14 5. The Treaty of Lisbon..............................................................................................18 EN - 18/06/2018 ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This leaflet contains a compilation of Fact Sheets provided by Parliament’s Policy Departments and Economic Governance Support Unit on the relevant policy area. The Fact Sheets are updated regularly and published on the website of the European Parliament: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets ABOUT THE PUBLISHER Author of the publication: European Parliament Department responsible: Unit for Coordination of Editorial and Communication Activities E-mail: [email protected] Manuscript completed in June, 2018 © European Union, 2018 DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice -
Council of Europe
AT A GLANCE Council of Europe The Council of Europe (CoE) is the oldest of the intergovernmental organisations set up in post-World War II Europe, and the one that has the most member states. Since its creation in 1949, the CoE has shared strong links with other European organisations, such as the European Coal and Steel Community and the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation; it now has close links with the European Union. Over time, the CoE has specialised in human-rights promotion and in monitoring the effective implementation of the European Convention of Human Rights. However, the CoE has recently come under pressure due to allegations of internal corruption and a rise of illiberal tendencies in Europe; in response, it has embarked on a reform process. A historical introduction to the CoE After the Congress of Europe in The Hague in 1948, a number of European countries decided to create the Council of Europe. This organisation, of which Winston Churchill was one of the founding fathers, was committed to intergovernmental cooperation among European countries to promote peace and cooperation on the continent. Central and eastern European countries were also invited to join, but in the end refused to become members due to Cold War tensions. Over the decades, the CoE has cooperated with the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), as well as their successors (the European Communities/Union and OECD), and has gradually specialised in human rights and European cultural and scientific cooperation. As well as their interest in promoting European cooperation, the EU and the CoE share several symbols: Strasbourg is the seat of both the CoE and the European Parliament (which for many years also shared the CoE's debating chamber); both organisations have the same anthem and flag. -
And 'Window-Dressing'
Between ‘deepening democracy’ and ‘window-dressing’ - Explaining policy-effects of dialog-oriented procedures1 Paper to be presented at ECPR General Conference 2016, 7-10 September 2016, Prague Panel: “Innovating Local Involvement of Citizens” Pamela Hess2 / Brigitte Geissel Abstract: The effects of dialog-oriented procedures on policies are discussed within both academic and practitioner communities. On one hand, dialog-oriented procedures are expected to deepen democracy in the sense of strengthening the links between public dialog and political decision making. On the other hand, opponents argue that in most cases these procedures are only symbolic window-dressing. We assume that dialog-oriented procedures can be both, and their policy effects depend on certain factors. So far, not much research has been done on explaining policy-effects of dialog-oriented procedures, and much of the past work focused on single case studies or on narrative synopses of very few cases. The paper is contributing to fill this gap through a quantitative meta-synthesis, which combines and aggregates data from primary studies on local procedures. It identifies the variables which make it more likely that dialog-oriented procedures have an impact on policy making (“effective dialog-oriented procedures”). We focus exemplarily on local procedures in Germany. Germany is an interesting case, because its local representative democracy is increasingly complemented with participatory approaches. The findings indicate that particularly comprehensive municipal commitments -
The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy
Pluralism Betrayed: The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy Peter A. Samuelsont I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................... 309 f1. BACKGROUND TO THE ELECTIONS AND THE COUP ................................ 311 A. Algeria's Economic Crisis ......................................... 311 B. Algeria's FirstMultiparty Elections in 1990 for Local Offices ................ 313 C. The FIS Victory in the 1991 ParliamentaryElections ...................... 314 D. The Coup dt& tat ................................................ 318 E. Western Response to the Coup ...................................... 322 III. EVALUATING THE LEGITIMACY OF THE COUP ................................ 325 A. Problems Presented by Pluralism .................................... 326 B. Balancing Majority Rights Against Minority Rights ........................ 327 C. The Role of Religion in Society ...................................... 329 D. Islamic Jurisprudence ............................................ 336 1. Islamic Views of Democracy and Pluralism ......................... 337 2. Islam and Human Rights ...................................... 339 IV. PROBABLE ACTIONS OF AN FIS PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY ........................ 340 A. The FIS Agenda ................................................ 342 1. Trends Within the FIS ........................................ 342 2. The Process of Democracy: The Allocation of Power .................. 345 a. Indicationsof DemocraticPotential .......................... 346 -
1 European Demoicracy and Its Crisis1 KALYPSO NICOLAÏDIS
In Journal of Common Market Studies, March 2013, Vol. 51, no. 2, pp. 000-000. European Demoicracy and Its Crisis1 KALYPSO NICOLAÏDIS Abstract This article offers an overview and reconsideration of the idea of European demoicracy in the context of the current crisis. It defines demoicracy as ‘a Union of peoples, understood both as states and as citizens, who govern together but not as one,’ and argues that the concept is best understood as a third way, distinct from both national and supranational versions of single demos polities. The concept of demoicracy can serve both as an analytical lens for the EU-as-is and as a normative benchmark, but one which cannot simply be inferred from its praxis. Instead, the article deploys a ‘normative-inductive’ approach according to which the EU’s normative core - transnational non-domination and transnational mutual recognition - is grounded on what the EU still seeks to escape. Such norms need to be protected and perfected if the EU is to live up to its essence. The article suggests ten tentative guiding principles for the EU to continue turning such norms into practice. _____________________________________________________________________ The aftershock of the 2008 global financial crisis in the EU has come to be widely seen as a crisis of ‘democracy’ in Europe. This article starts from the premise that the EU’s legitimacy deficit will not be addressed by tinkering with its institutions. Instead, the name of the democratic game in Europe today is democratic interdependence: the Union magnifies the pathologies of the national democracies in its midst, even as it entrenches and nurtures these democracies, who in turn affect each other in profound ways.