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Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Kenya in Crisis
KENYA IN CRISIS Africa Report N°137 – 21 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE ELECTION CRISIS ............................................................................................. 2 A. A TIGHT AND TENSE RACE ...................................................................................................2 1. Coalition building ......................................................................................................3 2. The issues...................................................................................................................4 B. THE RIGGING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ....................................................................6 III. THE SECURITY CRISIS.............................................................................................. 9 A. PROTEST AND REPRESSION....................................................................................................9 B. ESCALATION IN THE RIFT VALLEY ......................................................................................10 1. The rise of Kalenjin warriors in the North Rift .......................................................11 2. The return of Mungiki..............................................................................................13 3. Coast Province: the next theatre of violence?..........................................................15 -
Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14 Eng Updated: April 2016 the Prosecutor V
Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14_Eng Updated: April 2016 The Prosecutor v. William Samoei Ruto and Joshua Arap Sang ICC-01/09-01/11 Accused of three counts of crimes against humanity in the context of the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. Trial started on 10 September 2013. Case terminated on 5 April 2016. Not in ICC custody. William Samoei Ruto (Ruto) Date of birth: 21 December 1966 Place of birth: Kamagut village, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: Current Deputy President of the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Ruto was accused of being criminally responsible as an indirect co-perpetrator pursuant to article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute for the crimes against humanity of: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). Joshua Arap Sang (Sang) Date of birth: 9 September 1975 Place of birth: Kitale, Trans-Nzoia District, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: the head of operations at Kass FM in Nairobi, the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Sang was accused as an indirect co-perpetrator, of having otherwise contributed (within the meaning of article 25(3)(d) of the Rome Statute) to the commission of the following crimes against humanity: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it. -
English Version
Diaspora Voting and Ethnic Politics in Kenya Beth Elise Whitaker and Salma Inyanji To cite this article: Beth Elise Whitaker, Salma Inyanji, “Vote de la diaspora et ethnicité au Kenya,” Afrique contemporaine 4/2015 (n° 256), p. 73-89. URL : www.cairn.info/revue-afrique-contemporaine-2015-4-page-73.htm. ABSTRACT: Many African governments have extended voting rights to nationals living abroad, but little is known about the political behavior of diaspora populations. In the context of Kenya, where the 2010 constitution authorized diaspora voting, we ask whether nationals living abroad are as likely to vote along ethnic lines as their counterparts at home. Using data from public opinion polls prior to the March 2013 presidential election, we compare levels of support for presumed ethnic candidates among Kenyans surveyed in the diaspora and those surveyed in the country. Overall, diaspora respondents were significantly less likely than in-country respondents to support the presumed ethnic candidate from their home province. The results provide preliminary support for our hypothesis that diaspora Africans are less likely to vote along ethnic lines than their in-country counterparts, and thus are less reliable for the construction of ethnic coalitions. More survey data are needed from Kenyans and other Africans living abroad to further examine the relationship between diaspora voting and ethnicity in African politics. As migration patterns have become increasingly global, African diaspora populations have emerged as an important political consideration (Akyeampong 2000). The African Union has held a series of conferences to engage the diaspora with a view toward recognizing it as the continent’s “sixth region.” African governments have been reaching out to nationals living abroad to seek their economic and political participation at home. -
Tweeting Government: an Analysis of Kenya's National
TWEETING GOVERNMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF KENYA’S NATIONAL EXECUTIVE LEADERS’ USE OF TWITTER AS A COMMUNICATION TOOL PATRICK WANJOHI GITHINJI UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY-AFRICA FALL, 2017 TWEETING GOVERNMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF KENYA’S NATIONAL EXECUTIVE LEADERS’ USE OF TWITTER AS A COMMUNICATION TOOL by PATRICK WANJOHI GITHINJI A Thesis Submitted to the School of Science and Technology in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of Arts in Communication Studies UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY-AFRICA FALL, 2017 i Student’s Declaration I, the undersigned, declare that this is my original work and has not been submitted to any other college, institution or university other than the United States International University- Africa in Nairobi for academic credit. Signed: ________________________ Date: __________________ Patrick W. Githinji (ID No 645313) ii Approval Page In accordance with United States International University – Africa policies, this thesis is accepted as partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Communication Studies Signed: ________________________ Date: _____________________ Lucy Wanjiku Gichaga, Ph.D. Supervisor & Assistant Professor, School of Communications, Cinematics and Creatives Arts Signed: ________________________ Date: _____________________ Kioko Ireri, Ph.D. Chair, Department of Journalism & Corporate Communications Signed: _______________________ Date: ____________________ Prof. Valerie P. Adema, Ph.D. Dean, School of Communications, Cinematics and Creatives Arts iii Copyright Copyright ©2017 By Patrick W. Githinji iv Acknowledgements I would first like to thank my thesis advisors, Dr. Lucy Wanjiku Gichaga, Department of Journalism, USIU-Africa and Prof. Nancy Muturi, A.Q Miller School of Journalism and Mass Communications, Kansas State University (USA). The door to Dr. -
Prizewinning Dissertation 2018
International Development ISSN 1470-2320 Prizewinning Dissertation 2018 No.18-KL Decentralisation: Road to Development or Bridge to Nowhere? Estimating the Effect of Devolution on Infrastructure Spending in Kenya Kurtis Lockhart Published: February 2019 Department of International Development London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street Tel: +44 (020) 7955 7425/6252 London Fax: +44 (020) 7955-6844 WC2A 2AE UK Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.lse.ac.uk/internationalDevelopment/home.aspx Candidate Number: 91345 MSc in Development Management 2018 Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree Decentralisation: Road to Development or Bridge to Nowhere? Estimating the Effect of Devolution on Infrastructure Spending in Kenya Word Count: 10,081 Abstract Does the decentralisation of state institutions result in a more equitable distribution of public goods in the African context? To answer this question this study examines a natural experiment in Kenya where the new 2010 Constitution devolved political and fiscal powers to 47 newly-established county governments. A difference-in-differences strategy is employed that exploits heterogeneity in the ethnic alignment of each county to the president. This effectively varies the intensity of the ‘treatment’ of devolution across counties. Using data on road expenditure across all 47 counties from 2010 to 2017, this study finds that the devolution of state structures in Kenya resulted in a significantly more equitable distribution of road spending. These results represent an important contrast to the prevailing view in the literature that asserts that decentralisation reforms in sub-Saharan Africa have largely failed to live up to expectations. -
SWAHILI MUSLIM PUBLICS and POSTCOLONIAL EXPERIENCE AFRICAN EXPRESSIVE CULTURES Patrick Mcnaughton, Editor Associate Editors Catherine M
SWAHILI MUSLIM PUBLICS and POSTCOLONIAL EXPERIENCE AFRICAN EXPRESSIVE CULTURES Patrick McNaughton, editor Associate editors Catherine M. Cole Barbara G. Hoffman Eileen Julien Kassim Koné D. A. Masolo Elisha Renne Z. S. Strother SWAHILI MUSLIM PUBLICS and POSTCOLONIAL EXPERIENCE Kai Kresse Indiana University Press This book is a publication of Indiana University Press Office of Scholarly Publishing Herman B Wells Library 350 1320 East 10th Street Bloomington, Indiana 47405 USA iupress.indiana.edu © 2018 by Kai Kresse All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences— Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. Manufactured in the United States of America Cataloging information is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-0-253-03753-4 (hardback) ISBN 978-0-253-03754-1 (paperback) ISBN 978-0-253-03755-8 (ebook) 1 2 3 4 5 23 22 21 20 19 18 Contents Preface vii Acknowledgments xiii Part I: Conceptualizations 1 Introduction: Past Present Continuous: Postcolonial Experience, Intellectual Practice, and the Struggle for Meaning 3 2 Muslim Publics, Postcolonial Imaginations, and the Dynamics of Self-Positioning 34 Part II: Readings 3 Colonial Experience and Future Anticipations: Sheikh Al-Amin Mazrui and Swahili Islamic Pamphlets, 1930–32 61 4 The Voice of Justice: An Islamic Newspaper in Postcolonial Kenya, 1972–82 105 5 “Get Educated with Stambuli!”: An Open Discussion Platform on Local Islamic Radio, 2005–07 147 6 Conclusion: Toward the Understanding of Understanding: Elements of a Swahili Intellectual Tradition 190 References 213 Index 233 Preface The time of existence and experience, the time of entanglement . -
Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya*
Journalism and Mass Communication, ISSN 2160-6579 D July 2012, Vol. 2, No. 7, 717-734 DAVID PUBLISHING Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya* Kioko Ireri Indiana University, Bloomington, USA This research investigates variables that predicted news coverage of 212 members of parliament (MPs) in Kenya by four national newspapers in 2009. The 10 variables examined are: ordinary MP, cabinet minister, powerful ministry, parliamentary committee chairmanship, seniority, big tribe identity, major party affiliation, presidential ambition, commenting on contentious issues, and criticizing government. Findings indicate that commenting on contentious issues, criticizing government, cabinet minister, ordinary MP, powerful ministry, and seniority significantly predicted visibility of the parliamentarians in newspaper news. However, a multiple regression analysis shows that the strongest predictors are commenting on contentious issues, cabinet minister, criticizing government, and big tribe identity. While commenting on controversial issues was the strongest predictor, major party identification and committee leadership were found not to predict MPs’ visibility. Keywords: Kenya, members of parliament (MPs), newspapers, newspaper visibility, politicians, visibility, visibility predictor Introduction Today, the mass media have become important platforms for the interaction of elected representatives and constituents. Through the mass media, citizens learn what their leaders are doing for them and the nation. Similarly, politicians use the media to make their agendas known to people. It is, thus, rare to come across elected leaders ignorant about the importance of registering their views, thoughts, or activities in the news media. In Kenya, members of parliament have not hesitated to exploit the power of the mass media to its fullest in their re-election bids and in other agendas beneficial to them. -
Accountability for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes at the ICC: an Analysis of Prosecutor Bensouda’S Legacy
ACCOUNTABILITY FOR SEXUAL AND GENDER-BASED CRIMES AT THE ICC: AN ANALYSIS OF PROSECUTOR BENSOUDA’s LEGACY June 2021 / N° 772a Cover picture : ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda and representatives of her Office at a hearing in an ICC Courtroom, 2 September 2015 © ICC-CPI Table of Contents Preface ...................................................................................................................................................4 I. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................5 II. Prosecutor Bensouda’s Strategy to Address Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes ...........................6 III. The SGBC Policy in Practice – Progress and Setbacks .................................................................8 3.1. Preliminary Examinations and Investigations .................................................................................... 8 a) Preliminary Examinations ................................................................................................................... 9 b) Investigations ......................................................................................................................................... 9 3.2. Charges for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes .................................................................................. 9 3.3. Progress - Recent Achievements in Cases .......................................................................................... 11 3.4. Setbacks - Establishing -
Kenya: Political Leaders Must Promote Inter-Ethnic Understanding
18 April 2011 STATEMENT Kenya: Political Leaders Must Promote Inter-Ethnic Understanding ARTICLE 19 reminds Kenya’s political leaders to promote intercultural understanding through their speeches and actions by refraining from making statements that undermine equality and fuel inter-ethnic tensions. The responsibilities of political leaders are especially vital at this time of heightened tensions in Kenya surrounding two ongoing cases against six prominent Kenyans before the International Criminal Court (ICC). Introduction ARTICLE 19 is concerned about the escalating levels of inter-ethnic tensions in Kenya. This tense atmosphere stems from discussions currently taking place in the country relating to two ongoing cases against six prominent Kenyans at the ICC as well as recent comments made by Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta and former Education Minister William Ruto – at recent rallies and in the media. Comments made by some members of parliament attending a rally against the ICC process on Monday 4 April and on Monday 11 April have also contributed to fuelling tensions within the country. International Criminal Court: process The two ongoing cases against six Kenyans accused of having committed crimes against humanity have attracted a huge degree of interest in Kenya, and beyond. The so-called “Ocampo Six” are accused of being the main perpetrators of the 2007-2008 post-election violence that claimed more than 1,300 lives and forcefully displaced over 650,000. They include some of the most powerful people in the country such as Uhuru Kenyatta, Deputy Prime Minister, finance minister, the son of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, and the perceived leader of the Kikuyu tribe; Francis Muthaura, head of the public service and Cabinet Secretary; William Ruto, the former education minister and the perceived leader of the Kalenjin ethnic group; and Hussein Ali, the former policy chief.