ICC-01/09-01/11 Date: 20 November 2013
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Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14 Eng Updated: April 2016 the Prosecutor V
Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14_Eng Updated: April 2016 The Prosecutor v. William Samoei Ruto and Joshua Arap Sang ICC-01/09-01/11 Accused of three counts of crimes against humanity in the context of the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. Trial started on 10 September 2013. Case terminated on 5 April 2016. Not in ICC custody. William Samoei Ruto (Ruto) Date of birth: 21 December 1966 Place of birth: Kamagut village, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: Current Deputy President of the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Ruto was accused of being criminally responsible as an indirect co-perpetrator pursuant to article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute for the crimes against humanity of: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). Joshua Arap Sang (Sang) Date of birth: 9 September 1975 Place of birth: Kitale, Trans-Nzoia District, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: the head of operations at Kass FM in Nairobi, the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Sang was accused as an indirect co-perpetrator, of having otherwise contributed (within the meaning of article 25(3)(d) of the Rome Statute) to the commission of the following crimes against humanity: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). -
“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’S 2017 Elections
“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH “Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-34761 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa is an independent not-for profit organization that promotes freedom of expression and access to information as a fundamental human right as well as an empowerment right. ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa was registered in Kenya in 2007 as an affiliate of ARTICLE 19 international. ARTICLE 19 Eastern African has over the past 10 years implemented projects that included policy and legislative advocacy on media and access to information laws and review of public service media policies and regulations. The organization has also implemented capacity building programmes for journalists on safety and protection and for a select civil society organisation to engage with United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) mechanisms in 14 countries in Eastern Africa. -
Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it. -
English Version
Diaspora Voting and Ethnic Politics in Kenya Beth Elise Whitaker and Salma Inyanji To cite this article: Beth Elise Whitaker, Salma Inyanji, “Vote de la diaspora et ethnicité au Kenya,” Afrique contemporaine 4/2015 (n° 256), p. 73-89. URL : www.cairn.info/revue-afrique-contemporaine-2015-4-page-73.htm. ABSTRACT: Many African governments have extended voting rights to nationals living abroad, but little is known about the political behavior of diaspora populations. In the context of Kenya, where the 2010 constitution authorized diaspora voting, we ask whether nationals living abroad are as likely to vote along ethnic lines as their counterparts at home. Using data from public opinion polls prior to the March 2013 presidential election, we compare levels of support for presumed ethnic candidates among Kenyans surveyed in the diaspora and those surveyed in the country. Overall, diaspora respondents were significantly less likely than in-country respondents to support the presumed ethnic candidate from their home province. The results provide preliminary support for our hypothesis that diaspora Africans are less likely to vote along ethnic lines than their in-country counterparts, and thus are less reliable for the construction of ethnic coalitions. More survey data are needed from Kenyans and other Africans living abroad to further examine the relationship between diaspora voting and ethnicity in African politics. As migration patterns have become increasingly global, African diaspora populations have emerged as an important political consideration (Akyeampong 2000). The African Union has held a series of conferences to engage the diaspora with a view toward recognizing it as the continent’s “sixth region.” African governments have been reaching out to nationals living abroad to seek their economic and political participation at home. -
Accountability for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes at the ICC: an Analysis of Prosecutor Bensouda’S Legacy
ACCOUNTABILITY FOR SEXUAL AND GENDER-BASED CRIMES AT THE ICC: AN ANALYSIS OF PROSECUTOR BENSOUDA’s LEGACY June 2021 / N° 772a Cover picture : ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda and representatives of her Office at a hearing in an ICC Courtroom, 2 September 2015 © ICC-CPI Table of Contents Preface ...................................................................................................................................................4 I. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................5 II. Prosecutor Bensouda’s Strategy to Address Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes ...........................6 III. The SGBC Policy in Practice – Progress and Setbacks .................................................................8 3.1. Preliminary Examinations and Investigations .................................................................................... 8 a) Preliminary Examinations ................................................................................................................... 9 b) Investigations ......................................................................................................................................... 9 3.2. Charges for Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes .................................................................................. 9 3.3. Progress - Recent Achievements in Cases .......................................................................................... 11 3.4. Setbacks - Establishing -
Internationale International ^^^^^^^.^ Court
ICC-01/09-01/11-74 02-05-2011 1/22 CB PT Cour Pénale ^ ^-^\ Internationale International ^^^^^^^.^ Criminal Court Original: English No.: ICC-01/09-01/11 Date: 2 May 2011 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER II Before: Judge Ekateiina Trendafilova, Single Judge SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR V. WILLIAM SAMOEI RUTO, HENRY KIPRONO KOSGEY AND JOSHUA ARAP SANG Public Document Decision on the "Prosecution's Application for leave to Appeal the 'Decision Setting the Regime for Evidence Disclosure and Other Related Matters' (ICC-01/09-01/11-44)" No. ICC-01/09-01/11 1/22 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/7ea8aa/2 May 2011 ICC-01/09-01/11-74 02-05-2011 2/22 CB PT Decision to be notified, in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court, to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for William Samoei Ruto Luis Moreno-Ocampo, Prosecutor Joseph Kipchumba Kigen-Katwa, David Fatou Bensouda, Deputy Prosecutor Hooper and Kioko Kilukumi Musau Counsel for Henry Kiprono Kosgey George Odinga Oraro Counsel for Joshua Arap Sang Joseph Kipchumba Kigen-Katwa Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants for Participation/Reparation The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence States Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar & Deputy Registrar Defence Support Section Silvana Arbia, Registrar Didier Preira, Deputy-Registrar Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-01/09-01/11 2/22 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/7ea8aa/2 May 2011 ICC-01/09-01/11-74 02-05-2011 3/22 CB PT Judge Ekaterina Trendafilova, acting as Single Judge on behalf of Pre-Trial Chamber II (the ''Chamber'')^ of the International Criminal Court (the "Court''), hereby renders the decision on the "Prosecution's Application for leave to Appeal the 'Decision Setting the Regime for Evidence Disclosure and Other Related Matters' (ICC-01/09- 01/ll-44)"2 (the "Application"). -
Kenya: Political Leaders Must Promote Inter-Ethnic Understanding
18 April 2011 STATEMENT Kenya: Political Leaders Must Promote Inter-Ethnic Understanding ARTICLE 19 reminds Kenya’s political leaders to promote intercultural understanding through their speeches and actions by refraining from making statements that undermine equality and fuel inter-ethnic tensions. The responsibilities of political leaders are especially vital at this time of heightened tensions in Kenya surrounding two ongoing cases against six prominent Kenyans before the International Criminal Court (ICC). Introduction ARTICLE 19 is concerned about the escalating levels of inter-ethnic tensions in Kenya. This tense atmosphere stems from discussions currently taking place in the country relating to two ongoing cases against six prominent Kenyans at the ICC as well as recent comments made by Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta and former Education Minister William Ruto – at recent rallies and in the media. Comments made by some members of parliament attending a rally against the ICC process on Monday 4 April and on Monday 11 April have also contributed to fuelling tensions within the country. International Criminal Court: process The two ongoing cases against six Kenyans accused of having committed crimes against humanity have attracted a huge degree of interest in Kenya, and beyond. The so-called “Ocampo Six” are accused of being the main perpetrators of the 2007-2008 post-election violence that claimed more than 1,300 lives and forcefully displaced over 650,000. They include some of the most powerful people in the country such as Uhuru Kenyatta, Deputy Prime Minister, finance minister, the son of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, and the perceived leader of the Kikuyu tribe; Francis Muthaura, head of the public service and Cabinet Secretary; William Ruto, the former education minister and the perceived leader of the Kalenjin ethnic group; and Hussein Ali, the former policy chief. -
Uhuru's War Against His Deputy,Cain And
Why BBI Will Not Promote Peace or Prevent Violence By Patrick K. Mbugua President Uhuru Kenyatta has touted the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) report as the panacea for peace that will end political and/or election-related violence in Kenya. Mr. Kenyatta has not given Kenyans his definition or understanding of peace, but his lines of argument affirm his minimalist understanding of peace or what peace studies (PS) call negative peace. Students of peace studies caricature this concept of peace as akin to peace between the proverbial happy slave and the slave master. Overall, Mr. Kenyatta’s arguments on peace and political violence in Kenya are based on flawed premises, among them a very naïve essentialist view of ethnicity, and a tunnel vision of Kenya’s social divides. But that is a topic for another day. Rather, this commentary aims to assess whether BBI is a panacea for peace and whether it can prevent political and/or election-related violence in the future. I will comment on the BBI process and analyse who perpetrated the past political violence and why, and then evaluate BBI’s response to that political violence. The article will end with a comment on an observed and horrifying pattern of current events that negates BBI’s proclaimed intentions. Exclusive process A core dictum in peace studies, which originates from Mahatma Gandhi’s moral philosophy, is the unity of processes and ends. The dictum posits that the process that is used to engender social change should be consistent with the goal. This means that if the end goal is inclusion, then the process for attaining this goal should be inclusive because an exclusive process cannot attain inclusion. -
Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta Vs. The
1 Major Research Paper Uhuru Kenyatta vs. The International Criminal Court: Narratives of Injustice & Solidarity Stefanie Hodgins Student Number: 5562223 Supervisor: Professor Rita Abrahamsen University of Ottawa Graduate School of Public and International Affairs Date: July 23rd, 2015 2 Abstract The intent of this paper is to explore the dominant narratives used by Uhuru Kenyatta to discredit the legitimacy of the International Criminal Court within Kenya and Africa. Using a framing analysis as a theoretical approach, this paper identified four primary arguments, which pertained to issues of neo-colonialism, sovereignty, ethnic polarization, and national reconciliation. This paper argues that these arguments supported narratives of injustice and solidarity and were evoked by Kenyatta in order to mobilize a domestic and regional support base throughout the course of his trial at The Hague. This paper examines how these narratives were used in the context of the 2013 Kenyan election and at Kenyatta's various appearances at the African Union. Overall, this analysis offers new insights into the effectiveness of global criminal justice and considers the importance of addressing local perceptions and realities. 3 Table of Contents 1.0 - Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 4 2.0 - Theoretical and Methodological Approach ..................................................................................... 7 3.0 - Kenya's 2007-08 Post-Election -
Member States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Have Been Given Access to the Africa Medical Supplies Platform (AMSP), a Proc
STATEMENT BY THE CHAIRMAN OF THE CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY (CARICOM) THE HONOURABLE MIA AMOR MOTTLEY, PRIME MINISTER OF BARBADOS ON ACCESS BY CARICOM TO THE AFRICA MEDICAL SUPPLIES PLATFORM Member States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) have been given access to the Africa Medical Supplies Platform (AMSP), a procurement system for supplies and equipment in the fight against COVID-19. The AMSP unlocks immediate access to an African and global base of vetted manufacturers and procurement strategic partners. It enables African Union Member States to purchase certified medical equipment, such as diagnostic kits, personal protection equipment (PPE) and clinical management devices, with increased cost effectiveness and transparency. Chair of CARICOM, the Honourable Mia Mottley, welcomed the development and thanked the Chair of the African Union (AU), His Excellency Cyril Ramaphosa, President of South Africa, His Excellency Uhuru Kenyatta, President of Kenya and Dr. Tedros Ghebreyesus, Director General of the World Health Organization (WHO) for their assistance in making it possible. “The COVID-19 crisis has produced, among other things, a glaring example of the disparity among developed and developing states regarding the access to critical supplies necessary to successfully combat the spread of the COVID,” the Prime Minister said. “We have seen supplies being withheld from transhipment, and our relatively small populations put us at a disadvantage for successful optimal procurement of needed supplies. We, therefore, welcome this opportunity which has become available through inter-regional discussion. This underlines the strength of the relationship between Africa and CARICOM,” Prime Minister Mottley added. The outgoing CARICOM Chairman went on to say “Coincidentally, last week we were to have been holding the inaugural OAU- CARICOM Summit in Nairobi to discuss such partnerships but this had to be postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and here we are today with a tangible outcome of the partnership between Africa and the Caribbean”. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°84 Nairobi/Brussels, 9 January 2012 Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings convinced parliamentarians. Annan consequently transmit- I. OVERVIEW ted the sealed envelope and the evidence gathered by Waki to the ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, on 9 Although the mayhem following the disputed December July 2009. Four months later, on 5 November 2009, the pro- 2007 elections seemed an exception, violence has been a secutor announced he intended to request authorisation to common feature of Kenya’s politics since the introduction proceed with an investigation to determine who bore of a multiparty system in 1991. Yet, the number of people greatest responsibility for crimes committed during the killed and displaced following that disputed vote was un- post-election violence. precedented. To provide justice to the victims, combat per- vasive political impunity and deter future violence, the In- When Moreno-Ocampo announced, on 15 December 2010, ternational Criminal Court (ICC) brought two cases against the names of the six suspects, many of the legislators who six suspects who allegedly bore the greatest responsibility had opposed the tribunal bill accused the court of selec- for the post-election violence. These cases have enormous tive justice. It appears many had voted against a Kenyan political consequences for both the 2012 elections and the tribunal on the assumption the process in The Hague would country’s stability. During the course of the year, rulings be longer and more drawn out, enabling the suspects with and procedures will inevitably either lower or increase com- presidential ambitions to participate in the 2012 election.