The Political Economy of Juan De Mariana

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Political Economy of Juan De Mariana THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF JUAN DE MARIANA 3Jmprimi tlottS't. E J KELLY S.J., . LAWRENC.. York Pro11lnce. PrOVincUll Maryland-New . CANLAN S.T.D., ARTHUR J. S, Censor LibrorUln. 3Jmprimatur. INAL HAYES. • PATRICK CARD Archbishop, New York. NEW YORK, April 19, 1928. THE POLITICAL ECONOMY of JUAN DE MARIANA BY JOHN LAURES, S.J., PH.D. Professor designate·of Economics Jochi University, Tokyo, Japan With a Foreword By EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN MeVickar Professor of Political Economy Columhia University NEW YORK FORDHAM UNIVERSITY PRESS 1928 Copyright, 1928, by Fordham University Pres. FOREWORD I N the field of the history of Economics there are still vast tracts untilled and even uncleared. Among the more im­ portant of these unreclaimed stretches is the economic lit­ erature of Spain. We forget that Spain was at one time the foremost European country in both wealth and politics and it would be surprising if there had not been an active dis­ cussion at the time of the many important problems which arose out of its economic life. This economic literature is almost wholly unknown in foreign countries. For many years I have been interested in this Spanish literature, and have been eager to find some one who might be competent to, and disposed for, the undertaking of its study. In Father Laures I finally discovered a scholar who was exceptionally well qualified, with his careful training in mediaeval lore, his unusual linguistic accomplishments, and his thorough command of Economics. I accordingly urged and abetted him in the present treatise, rather regretfully, I must now admit, for Mariana and his times from an economic standpoint have always greatly attracted my interest. Mariana's fame, or rather his notoriety, as a monarch­ omach, has caused the modern world entirely to overlook his substantial achievements in the field of Economics. Mariana, however, was only one of a group of Spanish scholars who v FOREWORD made noteworthy contributions to the field of Public Finance as well. Accordingly I urged Father Laures to broaden his researches in order to be able to make a comparison between Mariana and the other Spanish Jesuits who attained prom­ inence in this field. Father Laures has attacked his problem with commend­ able zeal and enthusiasm and has made good use of the original sources. He has in my opinion given us a distinct contribution and has enriched the history of economic doc­ trines with a noteworthy study which will, I trust, before long lead to equally noteworthy successors. EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN, McVickar Professor of Political Economy Columbia University. New York, February, 1928 vi AUTHOR'S PREFACE ERTAIN names in history cannot he mentioned with­ C out arousing a sense of indignation. The Spanish J esuit, Juan de Mariana, is, for example, considered hy many the typical representative of that "Jesuitical teach­ ing" which threatens the lives of sovereign princes and rulers. For these people Mariana and regicide are insep­ arahly connected ideas. Until recently very few, even among scholars, took the trouhle to inquire further ahout this strange man who caused such a stir in his own day. That he was one of the greatest of Spanish historians and that he wrote learned treatises on divers other suhjects was seldom noticed. Mariana taught one false and fatal doctrine and that has sufficed to condemn him; he did one wrong, and so all the good he accomplished has been overlooked. Prantl, in J. K. Bluntschli's Deutsches Staatsworterbuch, goes so far as to sum up Mariana's political philosophy in these words: "... to put it briefly, the conclusion is that a tyrant can be deprived of his power and of his life hy anyone." 1 Nor is Ranke's judgment much fairer. He con­ fines himself to saying that Mariana shows a "manifest pre­ dilection" to decide all questions concerning ruler and ruled "without reserve to the advantage of the people and the prejudice of the princely authority, and that he pronounces encomiums replete with pathetic declamation" on Jacques 1 Kurz, das Resultat ist. ceDer Tyrann kann von Jedwedem der Herrschaft und de!! Lebens beraubt werden." Deutsches Staatsworterbuch, Bd. 6, p. 539. vii PREFACE Clement, the assassin of his king. Ranke also helieves that "the fanaticism of the murderer had without douht been inflamed hy these very doctrines." 1 A modern scholar who is neither a Jesuit nor a Roman Catholic offers an explanation of the matter. He says: "Prej­ udice has above all the effect that one does not or cannot understand a person because one does not listen or want to listen to him. This is the spirit in which Mariana is usually treated." 2 Within recent years, however, Mariana has been studied by impartial critics. Until about sixty years ago he was mentioned only for his teaching on tyrannicide; then sud.. denly in 1870 the French writer, Pascal Duprat, surprised everyone by ranking the ill-famed Jesuit among those great men who had developed the principles of Political Econ­ omy nearly two centuries before the classical economists made it an independent science. 8 Referring to the then recent republication of Mariana's treatise on money, which had been forgotten completely during more than 200 years, Duprat wrote: "One knows Mariana today for little more than his General History of Spain, which is still cited occasionally, and for that hold hook on royalty which at the time had the honor of being burned by the public executioner. The Spanish Jesuit has, however, left other writings more or less noteworthy, and among these is one which deserves a place in the history of economic thought. It is a treatise on money in which the author, preceding the masters of a science which did 1 The History of the Popes, by Leopold von Ranke, translated by E. Foster, Vol. 2, p.8. II "Dnd was insbesondere die Eingenommenheit gege11l jemand mit sieh zieht, ist, dass man ihn nieht versteht nnd nieht verstehen kann, weil man ihn nieht hort nnd nieht horen will. So verf1ihrt man gewohnlieh mit Mariana...." B. Antoniades, Die Staatslehre des Mariana, in Archiv fur Geschichte der PhilosoPhie, Berlin, 1908, Band XXI, p. 168. 8 Journal des Ecanomistes, V. 17, 1870, p. 85. viii PREFACE not as yet exist, knew how to discover and to develop true principles bearing on the subject." 1 Then in a short article Duprat gave a summary and re­ view of Mariana's treatise on money, coming to the con­ clusion that it was an independent development of the same subject which had interested Nicholas Oresme and Nicholas Copernicus and urged them to win their places among great authors on the principles of money. Duprat did not, how­ ever, enter into a discussion of the many other econonlic ideas contained in this and other works written by the famous Spanish Jesuit. This was undertaken to a very limited extent by the Spaniard Pedro Urbano Gonzalez de la Calle in Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos. Here the political and moral ideas of Mariana were treated in full. Somewhat earlier there had appeared Die Staatslehre des Mariana, by Basilius Antoniades. Accordingly, there is now room for a complete and ex­ haustive treatment of Mariana, the economist. This the present volume hopes to supply. Since Political Economy is a branch of Political Science, and since a full under­ standing of the originality of our author is thereby greatly facilitated, his contributions to Political Theory and the Art of Government will first be briefly discussed. Although this part of our monograph is based entirely upon original sources, it does not claim to be exhaustive for the reason that ample development of this material would change the character of the treatise as a whole, which aims to consider Mariana primarily as an economist. 1 "On ne connait guere aujourd'hui Mariana que par son Histoire generale d'Espagne, qui est encore citee Quelquefois, et pard ce livre hardi sur la royaute, qui e:ut I'honneur dans Ie temps d'etre brule par la main du bourreau. Le jesuite espagnol a cependant laisse d'autres ecrits plus ou moins dignes de remarque et parmis ces ecrits, it s'en trouve un qui merite d'occuper une place dans I'histoire des idees economiques. C'est un traite de la monnaie, dans lequel I'auteur, devanGcant les maitres de la science qui n'existait pas encore, a su decouvrir et exposer les veritables principes sur la matiere." Pascal Quprat, Un ]esuite economiste, in Journal des Economistes, V. 17, 1870, page 85. ix PREFACE The chief sources utilized are De Monetae Mutatione, De Rege et Regis lnstitutione, De Ponderibus et Mensuris, De Spectaculis and De Morte et lmmortalitate. Mariana rightly termed himsel£ a theologian of the Society of Jesus, for he taught this subject in both Rome and Paris; but his great­ ness lies rather in his ability as an historian, his principal work being his Historia General de Espana. Even in his political writings he is an historian rather than a philosopher or a theologian; and this bent of mind explains both his strength and his weakness. Nevertheless, our investigation confines itsel£ in Ithe main to the writings of Mariana, and resorts to other Jesuit authors only in order to correct his views whenever he differs from his brethren, and to give a fuller treatment to those topics on which he merely touches. It has seemed appropriate, therefore, to supplement his ideas with references to those great contemporary Spanish Jesuits who attained fame as philosophers and theologians. This method was likewise suggested by the circumstance that Mariana differs on not a few points from his Spanish brethren and that his opinions cannot be taken without re­ serve as those of the Spanish Jesuit school.
Recommended publications
  • Juan De Mariana's De Monetae Mutatione(1609)
    Quantitative Easing Four Centuries Ago: Juan de Mariana’s De monetae mutatione (1609) Wim Decock Introduction Professor Donahue has repeatedly defined himself as a “text-based legal historian,” combining rigorous philological analysis of legal texts with care- ful analysis of the historical context from which these texts emerged. He is also firmly committed to the proposition shared by many legal histori- ans that institutions and legal concepts change over time, rendering his research immune from anachronistic interpretations of historical texts.1 At the same time, Professor Donahue has always seen in the close reading of texts and their contexts an excellent way of improving the dialogue between the past and the present, and, potentially, of offering historical insights to jurists involved in the solution of current issues. Therefore, this contribu- tion will dwell on a particular text by Juan de Mariana (1535–1624), a Jesuit theologian, on monetary debasement (De monetae mutatione), an issue of not merely historical interest. While firmly rooted in a specific historical context that remains different from today’s world, Mariana’s concerns are echoed in today’s economic and political debates about monetary policy which have been raging on both sides of the Atlantic in the wake of the recent sovereign debt crises. 1. E.g. Charles Donahue, “A Crisis of Law? Reflections on the Church and the Law over the Centuries,” The Jurist (2005), 3. 355 356 Wim Decock As a matter of fact, Mariana published this tract on the Spanish gov- ernment’s monetary policy in 1607, just two years after the fourth sovereign default of Spain in five decades.
    [Show full text]
  • The Roman Law Theory of Dominium in the Monarchomach Doctrine of Popular Sovereignty
    The Review of Politics 70 (2008), 370–399. Copyright # University of Notre Dame doi:10.1017/S0034670508000557 Printed in the USA Private Law Models for Public Law Concepts: The Roman Law Theory of Dominium in the Monarchomach Doctrine of Popular Sovereignty Daniel Lee Abstract: The essay traces the juridical origins of the modern doctrine of popular sovereignty as developed by the monarchomach jurists of the late sixteenth century. Particularly, the use of doctrines from the Roman law of property explains the sovereign right of the people to resist and reconstitute the commonwealth. Reviving the civilian concept of dominium during the French Wars of Religion and dynastic royal politics, these radical jurists articulated the claim that the people, not kings, have property rights over the commonwealth. By conceptualizing the people corporately as property-owners in this way, they were able to draw on legal arguments from Roman law to justify popular resistance as an assertion of a corporate property right. In doing so, the monarchomachs expressed an elaborate theory of state and sovereignty within the grammar of the Roman private law. Introduction William Barclay, the Franco-Scottish jurist whom John Locke once called “that Great Assertor of the Power and Sacredness of Kings” and “the great Champion of Absolute Monarchy,” introduced the term “mon- archomach” (or king-killers) into the political lexicon of early modern I would like to thank Philip Pettit, Alan Patten, and Anthony Grafton, as well as Edward Champlin, Kathleen Davis, Julian Franklin, William Chester Jordan, Nannerl Keohane, Stephen Macedo, Sankar Muthu, Evan Oxman, Mark Philp, and the anonymous reviewers of The Review of Politics.
    [Show full text]
  • ¿Quién Fue Juan De Mariana? En Busca De Un Pensador Político Europeo1
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by University of Liverpool Repository ¿Quién fue Juan de Mariana? En busca de un pensador político europeo1 Harald E. Braun University of Liverpool ¿Quién fue Juan de Mariana? ¿Cuál es el legado de este jesuita y pensador político europeo? Las respuestas a estas preguntas dependen mayormente de a quién se interpele.2 El jesuita, ya lo sabemos, fue un hombre dotado de gran inteligencia y coraje, y que atrajo considerable polémica. Así pues, no nos puede sorprender que diferentes personas, en diferentes momentos, hayan contestado de diferentes formas. En esta ponencia propondré una respuesta. Voy a hablar de la recepción de Juan de Mariana como pensador político en Europa, fuera de España, cómo se le interpretó, cómo, a menudo, se le confundió y cómo, a veces, se le tergiversó. De la misma manera que el dominico Bartolomé de las Casas, Mariana se convirtió en parte de la leyenda negra.3 Como Las Casas, Mariana se hubiera escandalizado de ver cómo se usaron sus palabras. Hablaré también de lo que pienso que el padre Mariana quería decir y de por qué nosotros, hoy, en Europa, tendríamos que escucharle y tomar muy en serio sus palabras. Empecemos, pues, con la leyenda negra de Juan de Mariana. Examinemos la reputación de Mariana entre sus contemporáneos. Déjenme que les lleve a Londres, Inglaterra. Corre el año de 1 Este es el texto ligeramente enmendado de la conferencia pronunciada en el Congreso Internacional de Filosofía La actualidad del padre Juan de Mariana, Talavera de la Reina, 22-24 de marzo de 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • Jesuit Theology, Politics, and Identity: the Generalate of Acquaviva and the Years of Formation Franco Motta
    chapter seventeen Jesuit Theology, Politics, and Identity: The Generalate of Acquaviva and the Years of Formation Franco Motta The Jesuit Archetype: A Long History What is a Jesuit? A priest; a member of a religious order, or rather of a regular congregation; a priest called to mission. Often, a teacher. Today, the list of defini- tions would more or less stop here. There is nothing specifically “Jesuit” about this description, as it could apply to the members of many other Catholic religious orders. It is one of the many consequences of secularization: in the collective perception, the differences that make up the complexity of the church are lost; the identities of the religious orders fade, and with them, the meaning of schools that at one time were recog- nizable in speech, modes of being, and their presence in the world. Before the mid-twentieth century, things were different. If we step back eighty years, we encounter signs and meanings that are connected to a far more distant past. In January 1932, the Spanish republic disbanded the Society of Jesus within its territories and forfeited its benefits on the grounds that the Jesuits were loyal to a foreign sovereign: the pope. At that time, a Jesuit’s identity was much clearer: an enemy of the state, an agent in service of a great power, an agitator, equipped with great influence over women, aristocrats, and elites; and, above all, a sworn enemy to civil and scientific progress.1 This was more or less the conceptual catalog that was then in use. Naturally, the prime minister of the
    [Show full text]
  • Ciudadanos Y Príncipes. El Concepto De Ciudadanía Activa En Juan De Mariana
    CIUDADANOS Y PRÍNCIPES. EL CONCEPTO DE CIUDADANÍA ACTIVA EN JUAN DE MARIANA JOSÉ RUBIO-CARRACEDO Universidad de Málaga 1. DE LA EDUCACIÓN DE PRÍNCIPES A LA EDUCACIÓN DE CIUDADANOS EN LA TRADICIÓN REPUBLICANA.—2. EL CONTRATO SOCIAL Y POLÍTICO.MARIANA PRECURSOR DE ROUSSEAU.—3. LA COMUNIDAD POLÍTICA Y EL GOBERNANTE.—4. LA CIUDADANÍA ACTIVA Y VIGILANTE EN DOS EJEMPLOS: LA JUSTIFICACIÓN DEL TIRANICIDIO Y LA DENUNCIA DE LA ADULTERACIÓN DE LA MONEDA: 4.1. El tiranicidio es legítimo con determinadas condiciones. 4.2. La denuncia de la adulteración de la moneda como atentado al patrimonio privado de los ciudadanos.—5. LAS REGLAS PARA UN GOBIERNO LEGÍTIMO Y EFICIENTE.—6. EL LEGADO HISTÓRICO DE MARIANA. RESUMEN El objetivo de este ensayo es pasar revista al pensamiento político de Juan de Ma- riana y analizar si continúa estando vigente o no en la actualidad; especialmente en re- lación al contenido de su célebre obra De rege et regis institutione (1599). Argumen- taré que primeramente Mariana sugiere un esbozo de contrato social, que lo convierte en un precedente de Rousseau. Y en segundo lugar, traza un cuadro radical, pero lógi- co, de una ciudadanía activa y vigilante según la tradición republicana, que incluye el tiranicidio como último recurso. Es igualmente sorprendente su valiente y documenta- da denuncia de la devaluación de la moneda. En resumen, el legado político de Maria- na parece ser bastante más relevante que su legado como historiador. Finalmente su- giero que Mariana dirigió su libro al colectivo de los universitarios y de los cultos, en un contexto europeo, más bien que a la educación de un futuro rey.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Economy and Rhetoric of Exchange in Early Modern Spain Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5nf7w72p Author Ruiz, Eduardo German Publication Date 2010 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Economy and Rhetoric of Exchange in Early Modern Spain by Eduardo German Ruiz A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Hispanic Languages and Literatures in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Ignacio Navarrete, Chair Professor Emilie Bergmann Professor David Landreth Fall 2010 1 Abstract Economy and Rhetoric of Exchange in Early Modern Spain by Eduardo German Ruiz Doctor of Philosophy in Hispanic Languages and Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Ignacio Navarrete, Chair In this dissertation I analyze four canonical works (Lazarillo de Tormes, La Vida es Sueño, “El Celoso Extremeño,” and Heráclito Cristiano) with the goal of highlighting material- economic content and circumstantial connections that, taken together, come to shape selfhood and identity. I use the concept of sin or scarcity (lack) to argue that Lazarillo de Tormes grounds identity upon religious experience and material economy combined. In this process the church as institution depends on economic forces and pre-capitalistic profit motivations as well as rhetorical strategies to shape hegemonic narratives. Those strategies have economic and moral roots that, fused together through intimate exchanges, surround and determine the lacking selfhood represented by the title character. La Vida es Sueño begins with defective selfhoods, too.
    [Show full text]
  • Juan De Mariana, La Antropología Política Del Agustinismo Católico Y La Razón De Estado1
    CRITICÓN, 118, 2013, pp. 99-112. Juan de Mariana, la antropología política del agustinismo católico y la razón de Estado1 Harald E. Braun University of Liverpool En su libro From Politics to Reason of State, Mauricio Viroli sostiene que en Italia tuvo lugar una «revolución de la política» durante las últimas décadas del siglo xvi y las primeras del xvii2. Según Viroli, Maquiavelo, Guichiardini y Botero, junto con un conjunto de otros escritores políticos italianos, desarrollaron y promovieron un nuevo lenguaje del arte del Estado. Esta nueva comprensión del arte de la política como arte de gobernar y búsqueda del poder, explica Viroli, derrumbó gradualmente y sustituyó la práctica y celebración de la política como justicia, virtud y la búsqueda del bien común. La «muerte de la filosofía civil» proclamó el «triunfo de la razón de Estado»3. Viroli combina un análisis convincente de los grandes desarrollos del Renacimiento italiano y del pensamiento político de la temprana modernidad con una solicitud apasionada y tentadora de una nueva política europea de justicia y virtud. De hecho, lamenta explícitamente la desaparición de las nociones clásicas de la política, la libertad y la comunidad asociadas inextricablemente al ideal griego de la polis, e invita a sus lectores a recuperar y renovar con orgullo su compromiso con «los valores políticos de la ciudad justa y libre»4. Menos persuasivas, sin embargo, son dos suposiciones suyas sobre las que construye la articulación de su estudio. La primera suposición es que tanto la concepción, desarrollo y madurez de la filosofía civil como la razón de Estado fueron 1 Traducción de Jesús Pérez Magallón.
    [Show full text]
  • Sacred Covenant and Huguenot Ideology of Resistance: the Biblical Image of the Contractual Monarchy in Vindiciae, Contra Tyrannos
    religions Article Sacred Covenant and Huguenot Ideology of Resistance: The Biblical Image of the Contractual Monarchy in Vindiciae, Contra Tyrannos Andrei Constantin Sălăvăstru Social Sciences and Humanities Research Department, Institute for Interdisciplinary Research, “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University of Iasi, 700506 Iasi, Romania; [email protected] Received: 8 October 2020; Accepted: 3 November 2020; Published: 6 November 2020 Abstract: The Bible had been a fundamental source of legitimacy for the French monarchy, with biblical imagery wielded as a powerful propaganda weapon in the ideological warfare which the kings of France often had to wage. All Christian monarchies tried to build around themselves a sacral aura, but the French kings had soon set themselves apart: they were the “most Christian”, anointed with holy oil brought from heaven, endowed with the power of healing, and the eldest sons of the Church. Biblical text was called upon to support this image of the monarchy, as the kings of France were depicted as following in the footsteps of the virtuous kings of the Old Testament and possessing the necessary biblical virtues. However, the Bible could prove a double-edged sword which could be turned against the monarchy, as the ideological battles unleashed by the Reformation were to prove. In search for a justification for their resistance against the French Crown, in particular after 1572, the Huguenots polemicists looked to the Bible in order to find examples of limited monarchies and overthrown tyrants. In putting forward the template of a proto-constitutional monarchy, one of the notions advanced by the Huguenots was the Biblical covenant between God, kings and the people, which imposed limits and obligations on the kings.
    [Show full text]
  • {Replace with the Title of Your Dissertation}
    Tragedy and the Ethics of Resistance Rights in Early Modern French Theater A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Anna Rosensweig IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Juliette Cherbuliez July 2014 © Anna Rosensweig 2014 i Acknowledgements One of this dissertation’s arguments is that what may seem to be the work of a single individual is actually the work of many. A veritable multitude of faculty, colleagues, and friends contributed to the research and writing that has culminated in this document. Without their efforts, it would not be a thing in the world. My deepest thanks go to my adviser, Juliette Cherbuliez. In many ways, this dissertation project began in Juliette’s 2008 graduate seminar on theater and pain in early modern France. It was in this seminar that I first became interested in tragedy as a genre and in the early modern as a period of study. It was also in this seminar that I developed a fascination for Antigone, a fascination that has driven much of my subsequent research. I am grateful to Juliette not only for these introductions, but also for the numerous conversations that followed. Over the years she has very persistently, but very patiently, encouraged me to reframe my questions and to revise my arguments. Her counsel and support have been invaluable. For their intellectual generosity as individuals and as a group, I am thankful to the members of my dissertation committee: Daniel Brewer, Mária Brewer, Nancy Luxon, J.B. Shank, and Margaret Werry.
    [Show full text]
  • H-France Review Volume/Tome 21 (2021) Page 1 Orest Ranum
    H-France Review Volume/Tome 21 (2021) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 21 (July 2021), No. 129 Orest Ranum, Tyranny from Ancient Greece to Renaissance France. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. xiii + 178 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $59.99 U.S. (hb). ISBN 978-3- 030-43184-6; $59.99 U.S. (pb). ISBN 978-3-030-43187-7; $44.99 U.S. (eb). ISBN 978-3-030- 43185-3. Review by James B. Collins, Georgetown University. We live in a new age of tyrants, as country after country falls under the sway of an executive authority of progressively greater authoritarianism. This turn to tyranny knows no ideological boundaries. So many of today’s tyrants, from the petty to the colossal, fall into the ancient category of those seeking mainly, even solely, to enrich themselves, their families, and a privileged group of cronies who provide their power base. The sorry spectacle of the greedy few willingly ignoring assaults on human decency and, even in supposed democracies, on democracy and the rule of law, in return for opportunities to amass and protect ever-increasing wealth, has become banal. In countries with some semblance of an independent judiciary, former leaders seem regularly to be under indictment for corruption, for use of political power for personal financial gain, in short, for tyranny. Orest Ranum’s thoughts on tyranny, as understood by Renaissance French (and other European) writers, arrive in their quirky format to engage us in a timely discussion about tyranny. One must begin with the format, because it structures how one might read, or use, the book.
    [Show full text]
  • 15 Juan De Mariana and the Spanish Scholastics1
    15 Juan de Mariana and the Spanish scholastics1 One of the main contributions of Professor Murray N. Rothbard has been to show that the prehistory of the Austrian School of Economics should be sought in the works of the Spanish scholastics of what is known as the ‘Siglo de Oro Español’ (in English, the ‘Spanish Golden Century’), which ran from the mid-sixteenth century through the seventeenth century. Rothbard first developed this thesis in 19742 and, more recently, in chapter 4, volume I, of his monumental History of Economic Thought from the Austrian Perspective, entitled ‘The Late Spanish Scholastics’.3 However, Rothbard was not the only important Austrian economist to show the Spanish origins of the Austrian School of Economics. Friedrich Hayek himself also had the same point of view, especially after meeting Bruno Leoni, the great Italian scholar, author of the book Freedom and the Law.4 Leoni met Hayek in the 1950s and was able to convince him that the intellectual roots of classical economic liberalism were of continental and Catholic origins and should be sought in Mediterranean Europe, not in Scotland.5 Who were these Spanish intellectual forerunners of the Austrian School of Economics? Most of them were scholastics teaching morals and theology at the University of Salamanca, a wonderful Spanish medieval city located 150 miles to the north-west of Madrid, close to the border of Spain with Portu- gal. These scholastics were mainly either Dominicans or Jesuits and were able to articulate the subjectivist, dynamic and libertarian tradition on which, 250 years later, Carl Menger and his followers of the Austrian School would place so much importance.6 Perhaps the most libertarian of all the scholastics, particularly in his later works, was the Jesuit father Juan de Mariana.
    [Show full text]
  • Contents Humanities Notes
    Humanities Notes Humanities Seminar Notes - this draft dated 24 May 2021 - more recent drafts will be found online Contents 1 2007 11 1.1 October . 11 1.1.1 Thucydides (2007-10-01 12:29) ........................ 11 1.1.2 Aristotle’s Politics (2007-10-16 14:36) ..................... 11 1.2 November . 12 1.2.1 Polybius (2007-11-03 09:23) .......................... 12 1.2.2 Cicero and Natural Rights (2007-11-05 14:30) . 12 1.2.3 Pliny and Trajan (2007-11-20 16:30) ...................... 12 1.2.4 Variety is the Spice of Life! (2007-11-21 14:27) . 12 1.2.5 Marcus - or Not (2007-11-25 06:18) ...................... 13 1.2.6 Semitic? (2007-11-26 20:29) .......................... 13 1.2.7 The Empire’s Last Chance (2007-11-26 20:45) . 14 1.3 December . 15 1.3.1 The Effect of the Crusades on European Civilization (2007-12-04 12:21) 15 1.3.2 The Plague (2007-12-04 14:25) ......................... 15 2 2008 17 2.1 January . 17 2.1.1 The Greatest Goth (2008-01-06 19:39) .................... 17 2.1.2 Just Justinian (2008-01-06 19:59) ........................ 17 2.2 February . 18 2.2.1 How Faith Contributes to Society (2008-02-05 09:46) . 18 2.3 March . 18 2.3.1 Adam Smith - Then and Now (2008-03-03 20:04) . 18 2.3.2 William Blake and the Doors (2008-03-27 08:50) . 19 2.3.3 It Must Be True - I Saw It On The History Channel! (2008-03-27 09:33) .
    [Show full text]