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Ethnic cultures, globalization, and : Eurasians in Singapore

Henderson, Joan C.

2013

Henderson, J. C. (2013). Ethnic cultures, globalization, and tourism: Eurasians in Singapore. Tourism Culture & Communication, 13(2), 67‑77. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/105926 https://doi.org/10.3727/109830413X13848886455100

© 2014 Cognizant Communication Corporation. All rights reserved. This paper was published in Tourism, Culture & Communication and is made available with permission of Cognizant Communication Corporation.

Downloaded on 08 Oct 2021 04:43:35 SGT Tourism, Culture & Communication, Vol. 13, pp. 67-77 1098-304X/14 $60.00 + .00 Printed in the USA. All rights reserved. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3727/109830413X13848886455100 Copyright © 2014 Cognizant Comm. Corp. E-ISSN 1943-4146 www.cognizantcommunication.com

ETHNIC CULTURES, GLOBALIZATION, AND TOURISM: EURASIANS IN SINGAPORE

JOAN C. HENDERSON

Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Teehnological University, Singapore

The subject of the article is ethnic groups and the manner in which their cultures are presented as tourist attractions, a topic explored within the wider framework of the debate about the relationship between the forces of localization and globalization. Specific reference is made to conditions in Singapore and its minority community of Eurasians who tend to be ovedooked in comparison to the three main races of Chinese, , and Indians. Globalization and intemational tourism, the latter a cause and consequence of the former, are seen to have the capacity to both threaten and help safe- guard ethnic cultures. Eurasians receive comparatively little attention in destination promotion and this is indicative of the small size of the population and the hybrid nature of the culture. However, they merit attention as an interesting indigenous culture that embodies local distinctiveness.

Key words: Ethnic cultures; Eurasians; Globalization; Singapore

Introduction however, while the presentation of those that are can inspire criticism about commercialization and Globalization is both a potential threat and pos- exploitation for the purposes of social and politi- sible protector of locally rooted ethnie groups and cal control. Singapore, the subject of this article, their cultures, indicative of the interactions between is a particularly instructive context within which to the local and global. Intemational tourism is a man- explore issues of ethnicity, globalization, and tour- ifestation of globalization and ethnic culture is an ism given its defining characteristics as a globally actual and potential tourism resource, frequently oriented young country, once a colony, of mixed featured in destination marketing and sometimes races. The city-state is a popular intemational tourist new product development. While closely linked to destination, and and its heritages are premodem societies, representations of ethnicity recurrent advertising themes with emphasis placed and multiethnicity can be a visitor attraction in eco- on the three main races of Chinese, Malays, and nomically advanced countries and especially major Indians. Eurasians, accounting for a significant pro- cities. Not all ethnicities are selected for promotion. portion of the remaining category, are less prominent

Address correspondence to Joan C. Henderson, Associate Professor, Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798. Tel: 65 6790 6116; Fax: 65 67992 4217; E-mail: [email protected] 67 68 HENDERSON and their situation is the focus of this discussion, ethnic culture, is a well-established theme in the which is timeJy in view of future uncertainties. The literature (Jamison, 1999; , 2011). anaJysis reveaJs the reJativeJy Jow importance allo- Ethnic tourism was initiaJJy conceived of primar- cated to an ethnic grouping on the margins of society ily as tourism involving indigenous people (V. Smith, with a culture that is not always easily marketable. 1977) and embraces native settlements and recre- It also illuminates some of the problems and oppor- ations such as folk and villages. It is also tunities confronting etJinic popuJations in a rapidJy present in more developed regions of the world, and globalizing world and the dilemmas that arise when visits to ethnic neighborhoods in large American and their cultures are used to serve tourism. European cities (Conforti, 1996; Santos, BeJhassen, & Caton, 2008) have been termed "ethnic urban tour- ism" (Santos & Yan, 2008, p. 879). In certain cases, Issues of Ethnicity, Globalization, and Tourism doubts have been raised about how cuJtures are inter- Ethnicity has been deñned as "very strongly preted and presented to tourists and the excJusion of bounded, homogenous cultural identities, firmly communities irom decision making (Picard & Wood, associated with a particuJar homeJand, and rooted 1997; Ryan & Aicken, 2005). Reservations are not in strong kinship ties" (HaJl, 1995, p. 183), whereas confined to ethnic representations aJone, but appJy to cuJture can be conceived of as a "way of life, as a the mining of cuJture in general by the tourism indus- system of values and beliefs which, in turn, affects try (M. K. Smith, 2003; M. K. Smith & Robinson, culture as a creative, recreational practice" (King, 2006). At the same time, tourism interest and income 1991, p. 2). Societies with a mix of ethnic commu- can assist in reviving ethnic traditions in danger of nities are regularly referred to as multiethnic or mul- disappearing and be a catalyst for protection and con- ticultural, terms sometimes used interchangeably servation of built heritage. Ethnic minorities are not with muJtiraciaJism; the last impJies shared physicaJ necessarily hapless bystanders in their own saJes and characteristics that distinguish members, although marketing and may collude with private and public race, too, can be sociaJJy constructed (Applebaum organizations, welcoming tourists and the ensuing & Chablis, 1997). There are thus definitional ambi- benefits. However, images perpetrated of vibrant guities and some observers regard etJinicity as a ethnic identities and harmonious multicuJturalism ftuid concept rather than a fixed state with layers of do not always match realities of ethnic decUne, dis- meaning embedded in sociocultural structures and parities, and disadvantage (Liu, 2010). Analyses of processes (Eriksen, 1991). Ethnic diversity has the "touristic ethnicity" may thus be valuable in offering potential to enrich a nation's cultural heritage and "insights into the fate of ethnic identities in a global- the lives of citizens as well as exercising appeal to izing world" (Wood, 1998, p. 235). tourists. However, it can be a source of social and Globalization is a widely studied and sometimes political friction if rivalries and inequalities emerge. controversial phenomenon describing the manner Governments thus confront challenges in manag- in which economies, societies, countries, and cuJ- ing ethnic communities of assorted size and influ- tures around the world are becoming increasingly ence with fears about disintegration should they connected and interdependent (Robertson, 2001a). fail (Brown, 1994). Ethnic-related tourist attrac- Flows of people, capital, and ideas cross national tions and destination marketing can be harnessed boundaries, as do environmental poJJution, crime, to averting fragmentation and a nation-building disease, and terrorism (HjaJager, 2007). The desir- agenda in which hegemonic motives commonly ability of outcomes is thus disputed, and global- play a part. The treatment of manifestations of eth- ization has been condemned as an instrument of nicity can help in reinforcing one selected culture exploitation and neocolonization (Bauman, 1998), and its values or reconciling "peripheral cultures but a potentially positive accompanying deveJop- with a dominant core" (Gradbum, 1997, p. 199), ment is that individuals are likely to have greater possibly employed in endeavors to depolitieize race awareness, if not understanding, of what is happen- relations (Horst, 2003). Tourism and ethnicity are ing beyond their own shores. Nevertheless, citizens thus interconnected, and ethnic tourism, describ- tend to remain locally anchored, and notions of ing tourist activity inspired primarily by aspects of what constitutes local and global are distinguishable ETHNIC CULTURES, GLOBALIZATION, AND TOURISM 69 by the positioning of the first within the nation-state is attributable in part to 19th century globalization, (Quayle, Jongerden, Essegbey, & Ruivenkamp, which also led to the city-state's cosmopolitan- 2010). Strict demarcation, however, is obscured by ism. Originally inhabited by Malays, more modem their interactions as suggested by the idea of "glo- history after the arrival of in calization" (Robertson, 1995) whereby globaliza- 1819 saw the emergence of a multiethnic population. tion and localization operate independently and in Raffles reached an agreement with the ruling sultan combination to yield both homogeneity and het- whereby the island became a trading post for the erogeneity, or sameness and difference (Robertson, British East Company, later administered as a 2001b). Despite the dissemination of a world culture British colony. It grew into a bustling international (Lechner & Boli, 2003), national and other subcul- port that attracted people from around the globe, tures therefore survive and can perhaps be strength- particularly mainland . The Chinese eventu- ened in opposition to its dictates (Kaplan & Loow, ally outnumbered the Malays and a sizeable com- 2002). Old cultures may undergo some changes and munity of Indians was also established. The current new cultures evolve in a movement that has been composition of the resident population of over 4 variously called hybridization (Pieterse, 1995), cre- million is a legacy of the past and is formally clas- olization, and indigenization (Appadurai, 1996). sified into Chinese (74%), Malays (13%), Indians Each of these has particular meanings, but all may (9%), and Others (3%), sometimes referred to as incorporate the "critical reconstruction and reinven- the CMIO categorization (Department of Statis- tion of local cultures vis-à-vis other cultural enti- tics, 2012). Racial classifications can be mislead- ties" (Guilianotti & Robertson, 2006, p. 172). ing, however, and ignore the variety of subgroups While globalization appears to be accelerating in while ceriain backgrounds defy easy categoriza- the current age, there have been periods in history tion. , for example, are ancestors of when the worid seemed to be similarly shrinking marriages between Chinese traders who settled in (Friedman, 2006). Heightened travel, notably for South East from the 17th century onwards and business, characterizes these epochs, and interna- local women. Aspects of Malay life were accepted tional tourism is both a cause and consequence of and sometimes modified, but Peranakans retained a globalization (Held, McGrew, Goldblatt, & Perraton, distinctly Chinese identity (Clammer, 1979), which 2000; Mak, Lumbers, & Eves, 2012; Reiser, 2003). they continue to profess. Opinions about the relationship between the condi- Akin to many countries with polyglot popula- tions and forces of globalization and localization tions, race is a sensitive matter in Singapore and within the theater of tourism range from conflict- the preeminence of those of Chinese origin has ing and destructive to symbiotic and productive, prompted anxieties about their privileging among depending on perspective and academic discipline. non-Chinese (Lai, 1995; Rahim, 1998). Authori- The "glocalization" effect or a "global-local nexus" ties have addressed the issue through education, has been observed in tourist destinations (Chang, promoting meritocracy, and proscribing political Milne, Fallón, & Pohlmann, 1996), and Teo and parties founded on race, although self-help groups Li (2003) argue that globalization should "not be dealing with social welfare matters are permitted. seen as overbearing, but is instead always medi- Most live in government-run high- ated by local factors, producing unique outcomes in rise accommodation in which quotas are imple- different locations" (p. 288). Global and local cul- mented, a policy of spatial integration designed tures and consciousness are thus more dyadic than to avert the formation of ghettos. Nation-building dichotomous in relation to each other and united in efforts have encompassed defining and articulat- a dialect with sometimes surprising results. ing a common identity and conceptions of shared history and destiny while acknowledging certain differences that are deemed to be cultural anchors. Singapore and its Multiethnic Culture: Heritage is a means of communicating government A Product of Globalization and Localization messages about identities and selected manifesta- Singapore has been hailed as one of the world's tions are the material for officially sanctioned cel- most globalized cities (Chong, 2010), and this status ebrations of unity in diversity (Saunders, 2004), 70 HENDERSON notably the traditional ethnie enclaves. The His- The current estimate is 17,000 and the multiplic- toric Districts of Chinatown, , and ity of ancestral origins is apparent in contemporary Little India were awarded conservation status in the surnames. Many Singapore Eurasian families have 1980s; the first two originated in the 1822 town plan Spanish, Dutch, and British connections due to the initiated by Raffles whereby land was allocated for political and commercial activity of these countries Chinese and Malay settlement, respectively. Little in from the 16th century onwards. India evolved later with the growth of the Indian Almost one third is of Portuguese-Malaccan descent, population. the Portuguese capturing on the west The multiracial, multicultural ideology and gov- coast of the in 1511 and among ernment's efforts at enforcement are not without the first Europeans to take up permanent residence drawbacks, but have contributed to the political and in the region (Daus, 1989). Portuguese Eurasians social stability enjoyed in Singapore in the last 50 have tended to remain a discrete group in years (Ooi, 2005). Nevertheless, tensions persist, as a whole and especially Malacca (Allard, 1964; and worries about fragmentation, combined with the Femandis, 2000; Sarkissian, 2005) where there is associated loss of political control, linger. The rise also a social legacy from the Dutch who took con- of Islamic extremism in recent decades has intro- trol of the territory after a siege in 1641. It was duced new and potentially destabilizing dynamics, ceded to the British in 1824 (Hayes Hoyt, 1993) and prompting questions in some quarters about the governed as part of the , which loyalty of Singapore's Malay . Race thus included . Singapore was the third constitu- remains a highly political issue, despite attempts ent of the Straits Settlements and Eurasians trav- at depoliticization. It should also be recalled that eled there in the 19th and early 20th centuries from the once seemingly unassailable government of the neighboring territories in and other People's Action Party (PAP), in power since inde- European colonies such as the Dutch and pendence, won only around 60% of the vote in the French Indochina as well as India. Intermarriage 2011 election. The historic low was attributed to a continues, creating a new generation of mixed races disenchanted electorate and resulted in promises distinguished from those with historic roots in both of greater responsiveness to citizen concerns by a Singapore and Malaysia. These complications raise regime purportedly democratic, but with a tendency doubts about whether Southeast Asian Eurasians towards (Economist Intelligence can be properly described as a race or ethnicity, Unit [BIU], 2010, 2011). The racial landscape and but such is the official terminology. Their diversity policy framework, encompassing broader condi- must also be acknowledged and divisions of class tions, are thus unique to Singapore despite its expo- and sometimes ancestral affiliation have existed sure to global influences and aspirations to be a historically (Rappa, 2000; Yap, 2011), not least in global city of the first order. Malaysia where Eurasians are formally subsumed into a miscellaneous category that comprises around 0.7% of the 28.3 million population (Department of A Global and Local Ethnic Community: Statistics Malaysia, 2013). There are attendant risks Eurasians in Singapore of erosion of identity, although aspects of the vari- Definitions can be debated (Braga-Blake, 1992; ous European influences are central to the destina- Rappa, 2000), but the term Eurasian in Singapore tion marketing of Malacca (Worden, 2001). refers to descendants of those bom from a union Eurasians are found worldwide and the status has between a European (usually the male partner) and acquired a stylish cachet in some circles, illustrated an Asian. There are no denning physical qualities by "cosmopolitan chic" fashion models (Matthews, and some Eurasians "may recognizably look more 2007, p. 41), but those in Singapore have their own Asian than others" (Eurasian Association, 2009). story. During the colonial era, the fact that most The category of Eurasian seems to have been first Eurasians were fluent in English allowed access for used formally in Singapore in an 1849 census when men and women to educational and employment there were about 500, the number reaching 10,172 opportunities not readily available to those from (or 0.4% of citizens) in 1980 (Braga-Blake, 1992). other races. While there were advantages of being ETHNIC CULTURES, GLOBALIZATION, AND TOURISM 71

Eurasian, there was also a considerable degree of The CMIO system may not therefore favor Eur- snobbery in colonial society and the position of asians (Hill & Lian, 1995), and Benjamin (1976) Eurasians was somewhat ambiguous. Although fre- states that "the more that Singapore's national cul- quently having white collar and professional jobs, ture demands that each 'race' should have a respect- integration with the British was restricted. The Eur- ably ancient and distinct exogenous culture as well asian label could be applied in a derogatory man- as a 'mother tongue' to serve as a second element of ner, implying inferiority, and discrimination was a bilingual education, the more will Eurasians come practiced (Choo, 2007). In 1883, The Singapore to feel that there is no proper place for them" (p. 12). Recreation Club, in the city center, was founded by According to Rappa (2000), Eurasians "survive" as Eurasian men, and stands opposite the Singapore a "politically and demographically marginal com- Cricket Club. The latter was opened in 1853, with munity" that is on the "fringes of the modem Malay membership confined to Europeans. Segregation is world, subjected through the years to the state poli- also evident in the setting up of a separate Eurasian cies of the Portuguese, Dutch, British, Malay, and Company during the First World War (in 1918) to Singapore governments" (p. 153). The lack of polit- help protect the colony, defended only by a garrison ical influence is symbolized by the appointment of of European volunteers. a Chinese cabinet minister to speak for Eurasians in During the Second World War, after the igno- the absence of a Eurasian office holder (Wee, 2002). minious British surrender, the Japanese occupied There is, however, a Eurasian Association, dating Singapore. This was a difficult time for Eurasians from 1919 and dedicated to the welfare of Eurasian because of their European ancestry. The Japanese Singaporeans and Permanent Residents, with 7,300 regarded Eurasians with suspicion and many were members. It became one of the officially acknowl- interned in camps, alongside Europeans, in which edged racial self-help groups in 1994 and is a regis- they had to bear the social slights engendered by tered charity (Eurasian Association, 2009). the British class system as well as physical hard- Some commentators have noted a new willing- ship. Some families were moved to the Bahhau ness on the part of Eurasians to assert their identity Catholic Colony in the Malayan jungle, which (Pereira, 2006), and Rappa (2000) claims that, in was purported to be a self-sufficient community spite of marginalization pressures, they are manag- but where they struggled to build a settlement and ing to preserve a culture that has been shaped by the cultivate land (Yap, 2011). The Second World War imperatives of survival and adaptation. It is a product was a turning point for Singapore and its citizens, of European influences, the amalgamation of Euro- most of whom felt that they had been let down by pean and Asian traditions, and the consequences of the British, and paved the way for independence. being a minority. Choo (2007) writes of Eurasians However, Eurasians faced accusations about being as transcultural "in-betweeners" who formerly lived "colonial lackeys" (Braga-Blake, 1992, p. 19) alongside the colonizers, assuming some of the lat- because of their perceived prewar closeness to the ter's values and following their practices while con- colonial regime, which led to some prejudice in the structing a culture of their own. Markers of identity early years of the new republic. There was a sense are commonly seen as language, religion, cuisine, of exclusion among Eurasians from govemment and clothing, and there is a certain ambiguity when pronouncements of nationhood and multiracialism these are applied to Singapore Eurasians. English is in which they were largely ignored (Pereira, 1997, generally spoken as previously mentioned, but the 2006; Rocha, 2011). 500-year-old "Portuguese-Malay trade language" Official Speak Mandarin campaigns, intended known as Kristang (Scully & Zuzarte, 2004, p. 8) to standardize the numerous Chinese dialects, also is occasionally used by the older generation. In appeared to devalue English (Braga-Blake, 1992), terms of faith, most are Christians and adherents of which is the first language for most Eurasians. Eng- Roman Catholicism or Anglicanism. Dishes asso- lish, the medium of instruction in schools, is not ciated with Eurasians constitute a type of fusion recognized formally as one of the "mother tongues" cuisine exemplified by devil's (traditionally that all children must take (Wee, 2002), so that Eur- cooked with leftovers on Boxing Day) and curry asians have to study Mandarin, Malay, or Tamil. feng ("spare parts" curry using pig offal and head) 72 HENDERSON

(Eber-Lim, 1992). Apparel once combined Westem of space, software, staff, and sustainability. The and Eastem styles wom separately or in combina- aim is constant rejuvenation in response to market tion, displayed in family photographs from the trends and precincts "bustling with activity," which 19th and eariy 20th century (Braga-Blake, 1992), contribute to "Singapore's appeal as a rich multi- but this mode of dressing is rarely seen nowadays. cultural destination" (STB, 2011, p. 46). Depictions of these cultural traits, alongside other The city-state's multiculturalism is a long-standing aspects of Eurasian life such as sporting prowess feature of destination marketing (Chang, 1997) and and historical narratives, are exhibited in a series of introductions to the country on the STB website small Eurasian Association heritage galleries. How- boast of a "ubiquitous collage of cultures" comprising ever, the Creole quality of the culture is accepted the "fotir main races" of Chinese, Malays, Indians, and there are concems about its future and that of and Eurasians. Each offers a "different perspective the community as a whole (personal communica- of life in Singapore" while "coming together as a tion). Marriages with non-Eurasians, emigration society and hving in harmony." As a "multiracial soci- from Singapore, and assimilation are all leading to ety," Singapore is "as diverse as it is cohesive" and cultural dilution and loss. Whether tourism is yet the "multicultural kaleidoscope" generates vibrancy another menace or a possible guardian is considered in one of the "most cosmopolitan cities in Asia" in the next two sections. (STB, 2012b). More detailed information about what to see and do reinforces the above ideas. Each of the "melting pot" cultures yields a "unique experience" Selling the Local Globally: Marketing Singapore's and "even more amazing is how the different cul- Ethnic Cultures as Visitor Attractions tures come together to live as one cohesive society." Intemational arrivals in Singapore reached a Sections are devoted to Chinese, Malay, Indian, Per- record 13.2 million in 2011 (Singapore Tourism anakan, and Eurasian cultures, which are discussed Board [STB], 2012a), the figure boosted by the encompassing religion and culture, festivals, the opening of two integrated resorts with in arts, food, and shopping. Tourists are urged to visit 2010. They are part of a strategy of reinvention the ethnic quarters for a "meaningñil time of cultural that has required heavy public and private sector immersion" and "shopping and dining choices inher- investment in large-scale amenities such as ultra- ently unique to each ethnicity" (STB, 2012c). modem shopping malls and prestigious sporting The Historic Districts of Chinatown, Little India, events. The focus on these new style attractions has and Kampong Glam are featured together with meant that cultural heritage tends to be overshad- Serai and Joo Chiat/Katong. Geylang Serai owed in destination promotion. However, it is still was once a predominantly Malay neighborhood and acknowledged to have the capacity to draw visitors retains a very close association with the Malays and be a vehicle for differentiation and positioning while Joo Chiat/Katong was formerly a popular in a fiercely competitive market, as evidenced by residential area for Peranakans and Eurasians and the emphasis on multiculturalism and the ethnic the middle and wealthier merchant classes. The enclaves. The STB now classifies Chinatown and Chinatown, Malay, and Eurasian Heritage Centers Little India as tourism "precincts" and the Precinct appear in a separate listing of specific heritage sites, Development Unit seeks to make sure that visitors the first two in the respective Historic Districts and have a "multitude of memorable experiences," not the last in Katong. The Peranakans have a dedicated least "exploring and reliving history and heritage." in the city center and, although not men- The STB stresses that it is not directly in charge of tioned, an Indian Heritage Center was due to open developing the precincts, which is the task of place in Little India in 2013. Cultural events advertised managers identified as the Little India Shopkeep- include the , Hungry Ghosts, and ers and Heritage Association, Chinatown Business Mid-Autumn festivals; Malay Muslim Hari Raya Association, and Kampong Glam Community Club Haji; and Indian Deepavali. Some of these have Management Committee. These are expected to a religious significance and tourists are assured take the lead in accordance with the STB's place that various belief systems "coexist in harmony," management model, which integrates components evidenced by places of worship for Christians, ETHNIC CULTURES, GLOBALIZATION, AND TOURISM 73

Muslims, Hindus, Taoists, Buddhists, Sikhs, and the venue for a walking tour of what is a "charm- others. Finally, due to its "rich multicultural heri- ing old neighborhood where Peranakan and Eur- tage, the city serves as a true melting pot of flavors asian influences can be seen in its architecture and and foods" with an "array of local cuisines on the food" (Asia City Media Group [ACMG], 2011, menu—Chinese, Malay, Indian, and Peranakan, p. 66). There are exhibitions dedicated to Eurasians among others" (STB, 2012c). and their history at the Eurasian Heritage Centre, The images depicted in promotional material and recently enlarged in cooperation with the National experiences promised are thus in alignment with Heritage Board. Nevertheless, the amount of mar- the CMIO modeJ of society and formal conceptions keting space devoted to Eurasians is restricted and of nationaJ identity. Ethnic differences are a cause Eurasian culture is much less evident as a visitor of ceJebration, but there are constant reminders that attraction compared to that of other ethnic groups. they are not divisive; "meJting pot" may not, how- There is no information on the STB website about ever, be an apt anaJogy in light of the rigid raciaJ Eurasian arts and shopping and very little about demarcations adhered to within and outside officiaJ cuisine, while Peranakan attributes dominate the circJes. Even-handedness is attempted in accounts Katong tour itinerary. The Eurasian Heritage Cen- of the main ethnic cuJtures and the expressions of tre is housed in the Eurasian Association headquar- cultural heritage that are showcased. The more col- ters and not as easily accessible or elaborate as the orftil and tangible forms of ethnicity, often capable other heritage centers, with a modest coJJection of consumption in various ways, are emphasized. of exhibits. While the target of such messages is international These circumstances reflect the nature of the visitors, citizens are also an audience and tourism Eurasian culture, the smaJl size of its population in marketing acts as a vehicJe for incuJcating prevaiJ- Singapore, and the absence of a striking visible pres- ing ideologies. LocaJ residents are encouraged to ence. Eurasian culture is by definition mixed and conform to visions of harmonious muJticuJturalism does not lend itseJf to easily recognizable represen- in order to satisfy tourist expectations, as well as in tations of a sort associated with the Chinese, Malays, the interests of nation building (Chang, 1999). Inter- and Indians. While the Peranakans have a similarly pretations of ethnicity for tourism do not therefore hybrid culture, they possess an eye catching mate- allow for any tensions or complexity in race rela- rial legacy of architecture, textiles, jewelry, porce- tions. There is a tendency to stereotyping, oversim- lain, costumes, and traditions (Henderson, 2003). plification, and commercialization, which has been Peranakan heritage embraces a cuisine on öfter in observed in other instances of heritage presentation several whereas very few specialize in (Chang, 2000b; Chang & Teo, 2001). The stance is Eurasian food (Chua & Rajah, 2001), which may be unsurprising in view of the dictates of destination perceived by officials to be less palatable or exotic marketing and political agendas, but has implica- to visitors, denying it a prominent place in strategies tions for the importance attached to Eurasians and to promote Singapore as a food paradise (Chaney & their culture as a tourist resource. Ryan, 2012). Eurasians are further disadvantaged in tourism terms because they do not have a district with which they are closely connected historically to Finding a Place for Peripheral Cultures: act as a hub of cultural activities and be marketed to Eurasian Culture as a Tourism Resource? visitors. There may be traces of former Eurasian Jife As already stated, Eurasians are recognized as in Katong (Dumz, 2011; Phua & Kong, 1995), but it one of Singapore's races and cultures in Tourism is not synonjTTious with the ethnic group in the man- Board promotion where they are described as "rich ner of Chinatown and Little India and their respec- heirs to a diversity of traditions and customs from tive races. Indeed, Shaw and Ismail (2006) maintain the East and West." Many are said to "celebrate that Katong's "two abounding cuJtures" of Perana- Christian festivals such as Christmas, Easter, and kan and Eurasian became "increasingly rarefied, Corpus Christi" and their food "blends Portuguese, relinquishing their distinct identities to the inexo- Dutch, and British cuisines with local influences" rable assaults of state-led modernization" (p. 189) (STB, 2012d). Katong, encompassing Joo Chiat, is in the postindependence years. They also write of 74 HENDERSON the "somewhat selective revival of idiosyncratic and despite the professed commitment to conserva- tourism-related elements" engineered by the tourism tion in Singapore (Urban Redevelopment Author- industry in recent decades in which Eurasians have ity [URA], 2011), prevailing government views been overiooked (Shaw & Ismail, 2006, p. 192). of heritage as a generator of income (Teh, 2006), which extends to its tourist attraction function may put the special character of people and places at Conclusion risk. The demands of general urban development The neglect of Eurasians in formal depictions of also frequently take priority in decisions about the Singapore for tourists may be deemed fitting and use of scarce land (Channel News Asia, 2012) with in accordance with their position on the fringes of damaging consequences for Singapore's remaining society as conveyed by the "others" categorization. built heritage. It is, however, somewhat ironic given that they At the same time, it can be argued that the interest "already seem to have achieved a genuine Singa- of outsiders, and especially tourists, helps to safe- poreanness of culture—theirs, after all, is the only guard and sustain ethnic cultures and their physical one of the four cultures to have evolved within Sin- expression. Around the world, visitors are markets gapore" (Benjamin, 1976, p. 127). The minor role for the arts, crafts, and cuisines of particular peo- allocated to Eurasian culture in tourism promotion ples (Jamison, 1999; Yang, 2009). In Singapore, may also be indicative of the constraints of its mar- the actual and potential appeal of traces of ancestral keting which, in turn, could contribute to the further cultures has assisted in saving the city-state's ethnic dilution of identity. As Firat (1995) comments, "all enclaves and other sites from obliteration (Legisla- types of cultures—ethnic, national, regional, and tive Council Secretariat, 2008; Yuen, 2005). How- the like—that are able to translate their qualities ever, successful outcomes are dependent on proper into marketable commodities and spectacles find management, which should incorporate consulta- themselves maintained, experienced, and global- tion with relevant communities and suitable inter- ized" while others "seem to vanish only to become pretation and presentation. Whether Singapore's museum items" (p. 118). Eurasians will ever benefit from such an effect The desirability of the commodification of a remains to be seen, but authorities could consider culture and its transformation into spectacle and raising the profile of Eurasians in tourism market- whether these are critical to its sustainability are ing and development initiatives. Their story is an debatable, as is the assumption that the globaliza- absorbing one and a window onto Singapore's his- tion and maintenance of a local culture are com- tory and contemporary society. There are lessons to patible. Efforts to increase the tourist attractiveness be learned from current and previous experiences of the Historic Districts in Singapore, involving regarding the promotion of ethnic cultures, with these processes either deliberately or inadvertently, possibilities for public participation in the devis- have not always been well received. The authorities ing of Eurasian-based attractions. This scenario have been criticized for heavy handed interference would necessitate revision of the entrenched style with complaints about the creation of commercial of centralized and top-down planning in which and inauthentic tourist spaces that alienate and feedback is invited, but not necessarily acted upon; exclude locals (Chang, 2000a; Henderson, 2000; this might be anticipated in light of the new politi- Ismail, 2006; Leong, 1997; Yeoh & Huang, 1996). cal climate, yet active citizen engagement seems Such comments have been made about Chinatown likely to remain constrained in the near future due and Kampong Glam, in particular, and may have to the weakness of civil society. It would also call prompted moves towards a less interventionist and for a change in thinking about race and reappraisal more organic approach in which responsibilities are of the CMIO model, as well as a more socially and devolved to local place managers. The shift is dem- politically assertive Eurasian population, which are onstrated by recent plans for Little India, which is perhaps equally unlikely. agreed to have so far resisted becoming a destination Locally based groups with their own social and primarily for tourists in the fashion of parts of the cultural profiles, linked to racial and ethnic back- other ethnic quarters (Huang, 2008). Nevertheless, grounds, thus confront problems and opportunities ETHNIC CULTURES, GLOBALIZATION, AND TOURISM 75 in the modern era of globalization. Appreciation Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at large: Cultural dimen- of local and group distinctiveness and their value sions of globalisation. Minneapolis, MN: University of may be enhanced among members, fellow citizens, Minnesota Press. and outside parties in the face of the spread of a Applebaum, R. P., & Chamblis, W. J. (1997). Sociology: A brief introduction. New York: Longman. universal culture; the latter's momentum and char- Bauman, Z. (1998). Globalisation: The human conse- acter, however, can be sufficiently strong to under- quences. Cambridge: Policy Press. mine other cultures. These repercussions can be Benjamin, G. (1976). The cultural logic of Singapore's 'multira- observed in the handling of Singapore's three main cialism.' hi R. Hassan (Ed.), Singapore: Society in transition races and the districts traditionally associated with (pp. 115-133). : Oxford University Press. them. For Eurasians, the dilemmas attending glo- Braga-Blake, M. (1992). Eurasians in Singapore: An overview. In M. Braga-Blake (Ed.), Singapore Eurasians: Memories balization appear to outweigh the rewards and they and hopes (pp. 11-23). Singapore: Times Editions. face an uncertain future overall. Marginalization is Brown,D. (1994). The state and ethnic politics in South East mirrored in and reinforced by their treatment at the Asia. New York: Routledge. hands of the tourism industry where the absence of Chaney, S., & Ryan, C. (2012). Analysing the evolution a clearly defined and colorfial ancestral culture has of Singapore's World Gourmet Summit: An example of gastronomic tourism. International Journal of Hospitality proved to be a comparative disadvantage. Neverthe- Management, 31(2), 309-318. less, Eurasians merit greater and appropriate atten- Chang, T. C. (1997). From instant Asia to multi-faceted tion as potent symbols of uniqueness in a city state jewel: Urban imaging strategies and tourism develop- tending towards global conformity and uniformity. ment in Singapore. Urban Geography, 18(6), 542-562. This article has explored facets of Singapore's Chang, T. C. (1999). Local uniqueness in the global village: Eurasian community with specific reference to Heritage . Professional Geogra- pher, 51(1), 91-103. tourism, revealing a close and dynamic relation- Chang, T. C. (2000a). Singapore's Little India: A tourist ship. The interplay between the local and the global attraction as a contested landscape. 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