A Case Study of Legal Mobilization in Argentina
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Sí, Quiero: the Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in Argentina
MOUNT HOLYOKE COLLEGE Sí, quiero: The Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in Argentina M. Linley B. Beckner Senior Thesis in International Relations May 6, 2011 PROJECT ADVISORS: Professor Jon Western, Five College Associate Professor of International Relations Professor Christian Gundermann, Associate Professor of Spanish and Gender Studies Beckner 2 Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................5 Project Advisors ..........................................................................................................................7 Acknowledgements .....................................................................................................................8 Dedication ...................................................................................................................................9 Chapter I: Introduction .......................................................................................................... 10 The International Human Rights Movement and the Exclusion of Sexual Minorities ........... 12 Section 1: National Nondiscrimination of Sexual Minorities: The Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in Argentina ........................................................................................... 16 Section 2: Question: What made the legalization of same-sex marriage possible in Argentina? ............................................................................................................................ -
"Arcón" De La Historia Reciente En La Norpatagonia Argentina
El “arcón” de la historia reciente en la Norpatagonia argentina Articulaciones de poder, actores y espacios de conflicto, 1983-2003 Orietta Favaro y Graciela Iuorno (editoras) El “arcón” de la historia reciente en la Norpatagonia argentina Articulaciones de poder, actores y espacios de conflicto, 1983-2003 Fernando Lizárraga María Elizabeth Vaccarisi Emilia Daniela Campos María Susana Palacios Alicia Esther González María Cecilia Azconegui Adriana Jorgelina Freire Fernando Aiziczon Orietta Favaro Graciela Iuorno Beatriz Carolina Chávez Mariana Giaretto Diego Burd Índice Presentación La historia reciente: una trama posible entre sujetos, poder y conflicto Orietta Favaro y Graciela Iuorno ��������������������������������������������������������������������� Política, discursos y prácticas Sobisch, la neuquinidad y la construcción del enemigo absoluto Fernando Lizárraga ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ La oposición político partidaria ante un partido hegemónico El curso y decurso del Partido Justicialista en un espacio subnacional (Neuquén, 1983-2003) María Elizabeth Vaccarisi y Emilia Daniela Campos ������������������������������������� Crisis económica, lucha intrapartidaria y puebladas Curso y decurso de la política y de lo político en el municipio de Cutral Co (Neuquén) en los años ’90. María Susana Palacios ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Diseño de tapa y separatas de los capítulos: Juan Pablo Iozzia Compaginación de la obra: -
Factories Without Bosses: Argentina’S Experience with Worker-Run Enterprises
affairs Y Contemporar Factories without Bosses: Argentina’s Experience with Worker-Run Enterprises Peter Ranis Only in community with others has each individual the means of cultivating his gifts in all directions; only in the community, therefore, is personal freedom possible. In the previous substitutes for the community, in the State, etc., personal freedom has existed only for the individuals who developed within the relationships of the ruling class, and only insofar as they were individuals of this class. The illusory community in which individuals have up till now combined, always took on an independent existence in relation to them, and was at the same time, since it was the combination of one class over against another, not only a completely illusory community, but a new fetter as well. In the real community the individuals obtain their freedom in and through their association. Karl Marx, “The German Ideology” Clothing and Ceramic Factory Workers Confront the Owners “It was just a question of adding and subtracting. We can do that.” This was the response of a woman worker of one of the recently occupied factories of Argentina, the Brukman garment factory, as she explained why the workers were able to run the factory without their former managers or owners.1 Brukman is just one example of the many factories and enterprises taken over and run by their workers and employ- ees since the late 1990s; their number has multiplied substantially since the Argentine economic crisis of 2001. The Brukman takeover became one of the more celebrated confrontations between the workers, most of whom were female, and their employ- ers and the Argentine state. -
ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES in CIVIL SOCIETY: a CHALLENGE to CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS Wusa 273 77..106
Workingusa The Journal of Labor and Society ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES IN CIVIL SOCIETY: A CHALLENGE TO CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS wusa_273 77..106 Peter Ranis The worker-recuperated enterprise and worker cooperative movements in Argentina raise fundamental theoretical and practical questions that not only implicate the Argentine political economy but also redound on workers confronted with outsourcing, downsizing, and arbitrary decisions by owners and managers of capitalist enterprises. The Argentine workers so engaged represent a dramatic confrontation between the rights of private property and the labor rights of the working class faced with unemployment and poverty. These examples of worker autonomy have demonstrated significant departures in terms of social formations. By their capacity to form alliances with progressive legal, community, political, and labor forces available to them, they represent an alternative path to economic development that is predicated on worker solidarity and democracy in the workplace. These conflictual visions of civil society are contested in the legal-constitutional, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural arenas. Contemporary Argentine industrial and enterprise worker cooperatives were essentially born in the run up to and during the massive popular societal demonstrations of December 2001. They owe much of their momentum to the social and economic crisis that offered little alternative to laborers and employ- ees but unemployment and poverty. Factory and enterprise bankruptcies and employer abandonment of places of work forced the laborers and employees to seek the redress of their grievances. One of the measures to which they turned, inspired by two prominent worker organizations, was the formation of worker cooperatives that are sanctioned by historical Argentine law. -
Human Rights and Justice in Argentina Under the Macri Administration
Crenzel, E 2020 Four Cases under Examination: Human Rights and Justice in Argentina under the Macri Administration. Modern Languages Open, 2020(1): 26 pp. 1–13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3828/mlo.v0i0.320 GLOBAL CRISIS IN MEMORY Four Cases under Examination: Human Rights and Justice in Argentina under the Macri Administration Emilio Crenzel1,2 1 National Council of Scientific Research (CONICET), AR 2 University of Buenos Aires, AR [email protected] Since 1983, following the restoration of democracy, Argentina has stood out for its transnational justice policies: it put the military juntas on trial; its National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons investigated the crimes of the dictatorship and, together with its Never Again report, became a model for numerous subsequent truth commissions; it passed reparation laws for the victims, built memory sites, and its new constitution placed international human rights laws above national legislation. More recently, after taking office in 2015, liberal president Mauricio Macri modified the Supreme Court, which then handed down rulings that introduced key philosophical changes in the way abuses were treated. In that framework, this paper will examine four rulings: the “Muiña ruling,” which released an agent of the dictatorship by commuting his sentence based on a law that holds that each year served without a conviction counts as two and which had been repealed when he was arrested; the “Fontevechia ruling,” which rejected the primacy of international human rights treaties over domestic legislation; the “Alespeiti ruling”, which granted house arrest for health reasons to an agent of the dictatorship; and the “Villamil ruling”, which found that the state’s obligation to repair victims was subject to a statute of limitations. -
The First 100 Days of Alberto Fernandez
The first 100 days of Alberto Fernandez 1 REPORT THE FIRST 100 DAYS OF ALBERTO FERNANDEZ Madrid, March 18, 2020 ideas.llorenteycuenca.com The first 100 days of Alberto Fernandez The first one hundred days of a government Kirchnerism’s leading figure is Cristina Fernandez, are usually considered a precedent, based on the Vice president of Argentina and Head of the which it is possible to forecast some of its guiding Senate, and Axel Kicillof, governor of the province principles. During this period, the presidential of Buenos Aires, the largest in the country. The imprint and style are defined. In the case of influence of this movement covers several areas Alberto Fernandez’s Argentina, this stage is even of government and Congress. more relevant, considering the fact that his party is a coalition between different factions of The Frente Renovador, on the other hand, was Peronism that now coexist in power. given control of the Lower House, headed today by Sergio Massa, the Ministry of Transportation, The complexity of these coexisting political the National Telecommunications Agency forces is further enhanced by a fragile economic (ENACOM), the state-owned water company and social scenario that the new Argentine (AYSA) and the Legislature of the Province of government must face, with an economic Buenos Aires. recession—drops in the GDP of 2.5% and 2.1% in 2018 and 2019 respectively—and a high inflation Other key positions were given to the President’s (over 50% last year). Furthermore, society has closer circle. This includes Santiago Cafiero, Chief been seriously affected by the crisis and a hefty of Staff; Julio Vitobello, Secretary-general of the 2 foreign debt, of about 97% of the country’s GDP, Presidency; Vilma Ibarra, Head of the Legal and both with private creditors and the International Technical Secretariat; and Juan Pablo Biondi, Monetary Fund (IMF) that must be addressed. -
La Ventaja Del Oficialismo En Neuquén
Programa de Política y Gestión de Gobierno Área de Instituciones y Gestión Pública DOCUMENTO DE TRABAJO N°111 AGOSTO DE 2013 La ventaja del oficialismo en Neuquén Polischuk Luciana I Quayat María Victoria Este documento es parte del proyecto “Fortaleciendo la reforma electoral: aportes para reducir el sesgo pro-oficialista y promover la equidad en la competencia electoral” y fue realizado en el marco del Observatorio Electoral Argentino (OEAR), una iniciativa del Programa de Política y Gestión de Gobierno de CIPPEC para promover la equidad y la transparencia electoral. 1 Índice Resumen ejecutivo.......................................................................................................................................... 3 Agradecimientos ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Introducción ..................................................................................................................................................... 5 1. La Magnitud de la Ventaja Oficialista en la Provincia de Neuquén ............................................... 6 1.1. Estimando la ventaja del oficialismo en la provincia de Neuquén ................................................... 8 2. Efectos y mecanismos de las fuentes de la ventaja oficialista en Neuquén ................................. 14 2.1. El monopolio de los recursos públicos .............................................................................................. -
Informe Mapa De Género 2016
Presidente Dr. Ricardo Luis Lorenzetti Vicepresidenta Dra. Elena I. Highton de Nolasco Ministros Dr. Juan Carlos Maqueda Dr. Horacio Rosatti Dr. Carlos Rosenkrantz La Oficina de la Mujer de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación depende de la Ministra Dra. Elena Highton de Nolasco. Oficina de la Mujer de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación 2 1.- INTRODUCCIÓN: Hace algunas décadas existe una creciente preocupación de los organismos públicos, internacionales y la sociedad civil acerca de la brecha de participación en las altas esferas de la economía y la política que afecta a las mujeres. Las barreras informales de acceso a los puestos de conducción fueron estudiadas bajo distintos nombre como “techo de cristal” o “piso pegajoso” (OIT, s/f). La Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) destaca que las mujeres ocupan sólo del 1 al 3% de los puestos ejecutivos de las mayores empresas del mundo, el 13% de las bancas parlamentarias a nivel global y que sólo 8 países tienen como jefe/a de Estado a una mujer. Aunque las mujeres representan casi un 40% de las organizaciones sindicales del mundo, sólo 1 % son dirigentes (OIT, s/f). Respecto de nuestro país, el Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD) destaca que Argentina es uno los países con mejor desempeño en el Índice de Desarrollo de Género y en el Índice de Desigualdad de Género (PNUD, 2015)1. Desde el retorno de la democracia las mujeres alcanzaron importantes avances en acceso a la educación y en su participación económica (PNUD, 2014. Actualmente son mayoría en los niveles educativos más altos (PNUD y Consejo Nacional de Coordinación de Políticas Sociales, 2015). -
La Venganza De Los Huérfanos : Las Elecciones
La venganza de los huérfanos : las elecciones nacionales y subnacionales de 2015 Titulo en Argentina Lenarduzzi, Julieta - Compilador/a o Editor/a; Mauro, Sebastián - Compilador/a o Autor(es) Editor/a; Mocca, Edgardo - Autor/a; Mauro, Sebastián - Autor/a; Brusco, Paula - Autor/a; Cid, María - Autor/a; Porta, Gabriela - Autor/a; Eryszewicz, Leandro - Autor/a; Benavídez, Lucía - Autor/a; Cavilla, Marina - Autor/a; Miretti, Sofía - Autor/a; Ortiz, Noelia - Autor/a; Ariza, Andrea - Autor/a; March, Valeria - Autor/a; Stillo, Juan - Autor/a; Ruiz Montero, Mariano - Autor/a; Trinidad, Nicolás - Autor/a; Ruiz, Florencia - Autor/a; Imposti, Lucía - Autor/a; Lenarduzzi, Julieta - Autor/a; Florito, José - Autor/a; Fuente, María Camila de la - Autor/a; Puente, Agustina - Autor/a; Abdulhadi, Augusto - Autor/a; Puente, María Agustina - Autor/a; Sesnich Diomeda, Mariana Avril - Autor/a; Carlino, Milva - Autor/a; Giusto, Patricio - Autor/a; Buenos Aires Lugar Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Editorial/Editor 2017 Fecha Colección Sistema electoral; Elecciones regionales; Elecciones nacionales; Participación Temas política; Partidos políticos; Argentina; Libro Tipo de documento "http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/Argentina/ceap/20170614030929/LaVenganzaDeLosHuerfanos.pdf" URL Reconocimiento-No Comercial-Sin Derivadas CC BY-NC-ND Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.edu.ar Julieta Lenarduzzi y Sebastián Mauro (Compiladores) LA VENGANZA DE LOS HUÉRFANOS LAS ELECCIONES NACIONALES Y SUBNACIONALES DE 2015 EN ARGENTINA La venganza de los huérfanos : las elecciones nacionales y subnacionales de 2015 en Argentina / Sebastián Mauro .. -
Presidents Versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process
Presidents versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process The Argentine Senate in Comparative Perspective Hirokazu Kikuchi IDE-JETRO Series Te Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization (IDE-JETRO) series explores the economic issues faced in developing regions globally, providing new research and analysis of these economies, with the aim of creating a more comprehensive understanding of the issues and conditions they are experiencing. With a wide range of volumes cover- ing key economic issues in developing economies, as well as examining the challenges faced as East Asia continues to integrate, the titles in this series are essential companions for academics and policymakers interested in cut- ting-edge research and analysis of developing economies. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14861 Hirokazu Kikuchi Presidents versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process The Argentine Senate in Comparative Perspective Hirokazu Kikuchi Institute of Developing Economies Japan External Trade Organization Chiba, Japan IDE-JETRO Series ISBN 978-3-319-90112-1 ISBN 978-3-319-90113-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90113-8 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942211 © Te Editor(s) (if applicable) and Te Author(s) 2018, corrected publication 2018 Tis work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifcally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microflms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. -
Argentina's Supreme Court and the Covenant
CESCR - International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 61 Pre-Sessional Working Group (09 Oct 2017 - 13 Oct 2017) Argentina's Supreme Court and the Covenant Submission to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by GIDES (Grupo de Investigación en Derechos Sociales / Research Group on Social Rights) Córdoba, Argentina Summary This report highlights a group of Argentina‘s Supreme Court decisions that omit, contradict or construe in a retrogressive way the Covenant or the applicable General Comments. The Court has upheld a differentiated recognition of labor stability in the public sector [―Ramos‖ (2010); ―Chafala‖ (2016)]. The right to strike has been attributed by the Court exclusively to formally-registered unions [―Orellano‖ (2016)]. An Executive decree – according to the Court– is an adequate instrument to completely suppress the police officers‘ right to form trade unions [―Sindicato Policial‖ (2017)]. The Federal Government has no obligation to ensure proper employment injury benefits for people who work for local governments under federally-funded income transfer programs [―Pineda‖ (2016)]. Alternative housing has not been ensured to children before judicially ordered evictions [―Escobar‖ (2013); ―Plusfratria SRL‖ (2015)]. Class actions against electricity prices hikes for residential users have been denied exclusively on retrogressive constructions of legal standing [―Abarca‖ (2016)]. Persons with disability must prove lack of health insurance and personal inability to afford healthcare costs as a condition -
El Acceso a Las Declaraciones Juradas Patrimoniales De Las/Os Juezas/Ces De La Corte Suprema De Justicia De La Nación
EL ACCESO A LAS DECLARACIONES JURADAS PATRIMONIALES DE LAS/OS JUEZAS/CES DE LA CORTE SUPREMA DE JUSTICIA DE LA NACIÓN Julio 2019 I. INTRODUCCIÓN En una decisión histórica, el pasado 24 de junio la totalidad de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación autorizó la entrega de sus declaraciones juradas patrimoniales a partir de un pedido de acceso a la información pública de ACIJ, un pedido que nuestra institución venía repitiendo desde hace más de 6 años. La publicidad de las declaraciones juradas de quienes ejercen cargos de relevancia en el Estado es fundamental para garantizar la transparencia y la rendición de cuentas en el ejercicio de sus funciones y la administración de los recursos públicos. Esta herramienta es reconocida como una de las más efectivas para prevenir y controlar casos de corrupción y conflictos de intereses, motivo por el cual es una obligación presente en la mayoría de las legislaciones a nivel mundial y es impulsada por numerosos organismos internacionales. Como ejemplo, tanto la Convención de las Naciones Unidas contra la Corrupción como la Convención Interamericana Contra la Corrupción (de los que Argentina forma parte), enumeran a las declaraciones patrimoniales y su publicidad como una de las medidas preventivas que deben tomar los Estados contra la corrupción. Para que este mecanismo sea efectivo, es necesario que las declaraciones patrimoniales sean un reflejo fiel y detallado de la situación patrimonial del/la funcionario/a público/a y de su entorno familiar más cercano durante todo el período en el que duren sus funciones. De lo contrario, es imposible identificar evoluciones patrimoniales incompatibles con los ingresos de ------------------- +info >> acij.org.ar 1 la función pública o bien detectar conflictos de intereses que puedan alterar el adecuado ejercicio de sus obligaciones públicas.