DOCSLIB.ORG

A Case Study of Legal Mobilization in Argentina

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Case Study of Legal Mobilization in Argentina DISADVANTAGED GROUPS, THE USE OF COURTS AND THEIR IMPACT: A CASE STUDY OF LEGAL MOBILIZATION IN ARGENTINA A dissertation presented by María Gracia Andía to The Law and Public Policy Program in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Law and Public Policy Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts May 2011 1 DISADVANTAGED GROUPS, THE USE OF COURTS AND THEIR IMPACT: A CASE STUDY OF LEGAL MOBILIZATION IN ARGENTINA by María Gracia Andía ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Law and Public Policy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Northeastern University, May 2011 2 Abstract In the context of rising judicialization of politics, Argentina presents a case that is relevant and is worth our attention for the insights it provides to the phenomenon of legal mobilization. This dissertation describes and analyzes how two disadvantaged groups in this country—LGBT and indigenous—used law and courts to achieve their policy ends. I suggest some answers about what factors make the groups choose the courts, the impact of using the courts, whether social mobilization -support structure- makes any difference on the impact, and what “new” roles are thrust upon courts in the policy making process. Through an interdisciplinary appraisal and the use of empirical analysis, this dissertation fills the gap, adds to the existing literature, and sheds new light on the phenomenon of judicialization of politics. I began by surveying the literature on legal mobilization and the judicialization of politics and then examined how these two groups built their “social structures for legal mobilization” and mounted their legal campaigns for social change. Although there are some important similarities and differences between these groups, both have used the courts to advance their rights. The impact of the recent efforts of legal mobilization on behalf of LGBT individuals and indigenous peoples on the national Congress and the media turned out to be different. The case studies developed here indicate that when cases are being advanced in court by groups that enjoy considerable social mobilization, what the literature calls the “support structures for legal mobilization,” they are likely to achieve the objectives that are sought. The findings support Charles Epp’s "support structure" explanation, suggest a classification of the cases using Marc Galanter’s theory about the nature of the parties as one- shotters or repeat players, and provide a fuller understanding of the extent to which courts play a new role in Argentine politics. 3 Acknowledgements This was an unforgettable and wonderful experience, both personally and professionally. I am grateful to the ones who guided and helped me in this process, making this journey easier and more delightful. I want to thank the chair of my committee, Professor Michael Tolley, who was always available, and whose comments were precise and constantly encouraging. His help made this dissertation become as fluid, readable, and interesting as it is. Also, I would like to thank the readers of my committee, Professor Tom Koenig and Professor Rhonda Evan-Case, for their support and inputs. I want to thank the Director of the Law and Public Policy Program at Northeastern University, Professor Joan Fitzgerald, for her generous support and for giving the opportunity to teach. I am grateful to my “Intro to Law, Policy, and Society” students, for all of what I learned from them. I am also grateful to Len, Suzy, and Christina; they were very important for me at the beginning of this process. I want to thank Professor Alejandro Garro, from Columbia Law School, whose generosity was extremely important once I arrived to New York. Also, I am thankful to Professor Ellen Chapnick for her support during my period as Visiting Researcher at Columbia Law School. My time there was critical for the development of this dissertation. I am grateful to Dr. Linn Hammergren, who contributed to make my experience at World Bank in Washington D.C. extremely interesting, and gave insightful comments to the first drafts of this work. I am thankful both to Northeastern University and Columbia Law School for their financial support throughout my doctoral studies. That support allowed me to focus solely on my research during my years in Boston and New York. Moreover, I would like to thank to those who helped me financially in Mendoza to start with this project several years ago. 4 I want to thank Congressman Adrian Perez, the University of Palermo, and the Institute of Social Sciences Methods at the National Academy of Social and Moral Sciences for helping me to find time and space to continue working on my dissertation in Buenos Aires. My friends made this process enjoyable and sometimes “bearable,” motivating me and allowing me to learn from them. Corey, Kuheli, Neenah, and Gram made LPS a special place for me. Sole, Pancho, Ana, Javi, Karen, Tito, Carmen, Analia, Paula, Vicky, and Agus made Cambridge and New York my home. Gabi, Ali, Seba, and Santi were supporting me no matter what and no matter where. Marga, thank you for your time and dedication as an adorable “abuela.” The only way to efficiently work was to know that my daughter was safe, loved, and having a great time with you. Chango, you have been very important for me in the whole process. From the beginning encouraging me to embark in this PhD; then discussing topics and theories; and until the final moment being there. Thank you for your support, generosity, and confidence in me. Dad and mom, thank you for raising me with freedom, love, and sewing the seeds of curiosity into me. Thank you for always encourage my personal and professional development, and challenge myself to do my best without forgetting my roots. Thank you for educating me in an environment in which the principles of equality, fairness, love, and tolerance always ruled. Thank you for having taught me to be kind and generous, combining joy and responsibility. I truly hope that my personality reflects those values, and that I could bring them to my own family. Thank you for being so humble and unselfish, with both of you I never feel alone. Jime and Seba, you are my closest friends, my witnesses who see me at my worst and my best and love me anyway. Jime, thank you for being a marvelous “big sister.” Knowing that you were in the other side of the phone whenever I needed you, made the difference for me. Thank 5 you and Rodrigo for giving me the joy of being the “tia” of such lovely nieces. Seba, my pal, thank you for your constant support, I will treasure in my heart all what we lived those years in New York; I love you. Juan Cruz, without your love, help, encouragement, and patience this work would not have been possible. In all these years of this incredible journey together, you never stopped being my best friend and beloved adventurer partner who makes me happy. You are the one who knows me better, and knows how to bring the best out of me. Your love is my home, but also is what makes me aim higher and look for further challenges. Thank you for reading every single draft and discussing all my crazy ideas, always trying to have the best sense of humor. Thank you for being the tolerant editor who improved the quality of my work. Thank you for being a loving and great father who is always ready to act. To my daughter, Abril, who changed my life. You are the joy, fun, innocence, and love embodied in one little beautiful person who makes me want to be every day a better person. You complete me. 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 2 Acknowledgments 4 Table of Contents 7 List of Abbreviations and Acronyms 10 Chapter 1: Introduction 13 A. Problem Statement 13 B. Background and Literature Review: United States, Latin America, and Argentina 17 1. The U.S. and the World Context 17 2. Latin America and Argentina 24 Chapter 2: Social Movements and the Law 40 A. Background and Theory 40 B. Methodology 57 Chapter 3: Law and Politics in Argentina 60 A. An Overview 60 B. The Form of Government and Political System 69 C. The Legal System 73 1. Marriage Law 77 2. Property Law 77 D. The Legal Profession 77 E. The Use of Courts by Rights-Based Advocacy Groups 80 Chapter 4: Legal Background of the LGBT and the Indigenous Peoples Movements 86 7 A. Legal Background of the LGBT Movement Strategy 86 B. Legal Background on Indigenous Rights 89 C. Governmental Institutions Relevant to the LGBT and Indigenous Movements 103 1. National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Racism (INADI) 104 2. National Indigenous Affairs Institute (INAI) 107 Chapter 5: The Use of Courts by the LGBT Movement 113 A. Organization and Mobilization Background of LGBT People in Argentina 113 1. Argentine Homosexual Community (CHA) 114 a. History, Location, and Structure of the Organization 114 b. Funding 115 c. Members and Human Resources 115 d. Goals Achieved and Strategies Followed 115 2. LGBT Federation 119 a. History, Location, and Structure of the Organization 119 b. Funding 122 c. Members and Human Resources 122 d. Goals Achieved and Strategies Followed 122 B. Common Features of the LGBT Mobilization 124 C. The Conflicts and Differences within the Social Movement 125 D. The Strategy: “the Same Names, the Same Rights,” a Superior and Common Objective Prevailed 127 E. The LGBT Movement beyond the Courts. The Time for a Legislative Agenda: Egalitarian Marriage Reform 145 8 Chapter 6: The Use of Courts by Indigenous Peoples 152 A.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sí, Quiero: the Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in Argentina
    MOUNT HOLYOKE COLLEGE Sí, quiero: The Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in Argentina M. Linley B. Beckner Senior Thesis in International Relations May 6, 2011 PROJECT ADVISORS: Professor Jon Western, Five College Associate Professor of International Relations Professor Christian Gundermann, Associate Professor of Spanish and Gender Studies Beckner 2 Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................5 Project Advisors ..........................................................................................................................7 Acknowledgements .....................................................................................................................8 Dedication ...................................................................................................................................9 Chapter I: Introduction .......................................................................................................... 10 The International Human Rights Movement and the Exclusion of Sexual Minorities ........... 12 Section 1: National Nondiscrimination of Sexual Minorities: The Legalization of Same-Sex Marriage in Argentina ........................................................................................... 16 Section 2: Question: What made the legalization of same-sex marriage possible in Argentina? ............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • "Arcón" De La Historia Reciente En La Norpatagonia Argentina
    El “arcón” de la historia reciente en la Norpatagonia argentina Articulaciones de poder, actores y espacios de conflicto, 1983-2003 Orietta Favaro y Graciela Iuorno (editoras) El “arcón” de la historia reciente en la Norpatagonia argentina Articulaciones de poder, actores y espacios de conflicto, 1983-2003 Fernando Lizárraga María Elizabeth Vaccarisi Emilia Daniela Campos María Susana Palacios Alicia Esther González María Cecilia Azconegui Adriana Jorgelina Freire Fernando Aiziczon Orietta Favaro Graciela Iuorno Beatriz Carolina Chávez Mariana Giaretto Diego Burd Índice Presentación La historia reciente: una trama posible entre sujetos, poder y conflicto Orietta Favaro y Graciela Iuorno ��������������������������������������������������������������������� Política, discursos y prácticas Sobisch, la neuquinidad y la construcción del enemigo absoluto Fernando Lizárraga ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ La oposición político partidaria ante un partido hegemónico El curso y decurso del Partido Justicialista en un espacio subnacional (Neuquén, 1983-2003) María Elizabeth Vaccarisi y Emilia Daniela Campos ������������������������������������� Crisis económica, lucha intrapartidaria y puebladas Curso y decurso de la política y de lo político en el municipio de Cutral Co (Neuquén) en los años ’90. María Susana Palacios ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Diseño de tapa y separatas de los capítulos: Juan Pablo Iozzia Compaginación de la obra:
    [Show full text]
  • Factories Without Bosses: Argentina’S Experience with Worker-Run Enterprises
    affairs Y Contemporar Factories without Bosses: Argentina’s Experience with Worker-Run Enterprises Peter Ranis Only in community with others has each individual the means of cultivating his gifts in all directions; only in the community, therefore, is personal freedom possible. In the previous substitutes for the community, in the State, etc., personal freedom has existed only for the individuals who developed within the relationships of the ruling class, and only insofar as they were individuals of this class. The illusory community in which individuals have up till now combined, always took on an independent existence in relation to them, and was at the same time, since it was the combination of one class over against another, not only a completely illusory community, but a new fetter as well. In the real community the individuals obtain their freedom in and through their association. Karl Marx, “The German Ideology” Clothing and Ceramic Factory Workers Confront the Owners “It was just a question of adding and subtracting. We can do that.” This was the response of a woman worker of one of the recently occupied factories of Argentina, the Brukman garment factory, as she explained why the workers were able to run the factory without their former managers or owners.1 Brukman is just one example of the many factories and enterprises taken over and run by their workers and employ- ees since the late 1990s; their number has multiplied substantially since the Argentine economic crisis of 2001. The Brukman takeover became one of the more celebrated confrontations between the workers, most of whom were female, and their employ- ers and the Argentine state.
    [Show full text]
  • ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES in CIVIL SOCIETY: a CHALLENGE to CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS Wusa 273 77..106
    Workingusa The Journal of Labor and Society ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES IN CIVIL SOCIETY: A CHALLENGE TO CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS wusa_273 77..106 Peter Ranis The worker-recuperated enterprise and worker cooperative movements in Argentina raise fundamental theoretical and practical questions that not only implicate the Argentine political economy but also redound on workers confronted with outsourcing, downsizing, and arbitrary decisions by owners and managers of capitalist enterprises. The Argentine workers so engaged represent a dramatic confrontation between the rights of private property and the labor rights of the working class faced with unemployment and poverty. These examples of worker autonomy have demonstrated significant departures in terms of social formations. By their capacity to form alliances with progressive legal, community, political, and labor forces available to them, they represent an alternative path to economic development that is predicated on worker solidarity and democracy in the workplace. These conflictual visions of civil society are contested in the legal-constitutional, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural arenas. Contemporary Argentine industrial and enterprise worker cooperatives were essentially born in the run up to and during the massive popular societal demonstrations of December 2001. They owe much of their momentum to the social and economic crisis that offered little alternative to laborers and employ- ees but unemployment and poverty. Factory and enterprise bankruptcies and employer abandonment of places of work forced the laborers and employees to seek the redress of their grievances. One of the measures to which they turned, inspired by two prominent worker organizations, was the formation of worker cooperatives that are sanctioned by historical Argentine law.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights and Justice in Argentina Under the Macri Administration
    Crenzel, E 2020 Four Cases under Examination: Human Rights and Justice in Argentina under the Macri Administration. Modern Languages Open, 2020(1): 26 pp. 1–13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3828/mlo.v0i0.320 GLOBAL CRISIS IN MEMORY Four Cases under Examination: Human Rights and Justice in Argentina under the Macri Administration Emilio Crenzel1,2 1 National Council of Scientific Research (CONICET), AR 2 University of Buenos Aires, AR [email protected] Since 1983, following the restoration of democracy, Argentina has stood out for its transnational justice policies: it put the military juntas on trial; its National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons investigated the crimes of the dictatorship and, together with its Never Again report, became a model for numerous subsequent truth commissions; it passed reparation laws for the victims, built memory sites, and its new constitution placed international human rights laws above national legislation. More recently, after taking office in 2015, liberal president Mauricio Macri modified the Supreme Court, which then handed down rulings that introduced key philosophical changes in the way abuses were treated. In that framework, this paper will examine four rulings: the “Muiña ruling,” which released an agent of the dictatorship by commuting his sentence based on a law that holds that each year served without a conviction counts as two and which had been repealed when he was arrested; the “Fontevechia ruling,” which rejected the primacy of international human rights treaties over domestic legislation; the “Alespeiti ruling”, which granted house arrest for health reasons to an agent of the dictatorship; and the “Villamil ruling”, which found that the state’s obligation to repair victims was subject to a statute of limitations.
    [Show full text]
  • The First 100 Days of Alberto Fernandez
    The first 100 days of Alberto Fernandez 1 REPORT THE FIRST 100 DAYS OF ALBERTO FERNANDEZ Madrid, March 18, 2020 ideas.llorenteycuenca.com The first 100 days of Alberto Fernandez The first one hundred days of a government Kirchnerism’s leading figure is Cristina Fernandez, are usually considered a precedent, based on the Vice president of Argentina and Head of the which it is possible to forecast some of its guiding Senate, and Axel Kicillof, governor of the province principles. During this period, the presidential of Buenos Aires, the largest in the country. The imprint and style are defined. In the case of influence of this movement covers several areas Alberto Fernandez’s Argentina, this stage is even of government and Congress. more relevant, considering the fact that his party is a coalition between different factions of The Frente Renovador, on the other hand, was Peronism that now coexist in power. given control of the Lower House, headed today by Sergio Massa, the Ministry of Transportation, The complexity of these coexisting political the National Telecommunications Agency forces is further enhanced by a fragile economic (ENACOM), the state-owned water company and social scenario that the new Argentine (AYSA) and the Legislature of the Province of government must face, with an economic Buenos Aires. recession—drops in the GDP of 2.5% and 2.1% in 2018 and 2019 respectively—and a high inflation Other key positions were given to the President’s (over 50% last year). Furthermore, society has closer circle. This includes Santiago Cafiero, Chief been seriously affected by the crisis and a hefty of Staff; Julio Vitobello, Secretary-general of the 2 foreign debt, of about 97% of the country’s GDP, Presidency; Vilma Ibarra, Head of the Legal and both with private creditors and the International Technical Secretariat; and Juan Pablo Biondi, Monetary Fund (IMF) that must be addressed.
    [Show full text]
  • La Ventaja Del Oficialismo En Neuquén
    Programa de Política y Gestión de Gobierno Área de Instituciones y Gestión Pública DOCUMENTO DE TRABAJO N°111 AGOSTO DE 2013 La ventaja del oficialismo en Neuquén Polischuk Luciana I Quayat María Victoria Este documento es parte del proyecto “Fortaleciendo la reforma electoral: aportes para reducir el sesgo pro-oficialista y promover la equidad en la competencia electoral” y fue realizado en el marco del Observatorio Electoral Argentino (OEAR), una iniciativa del Programa de Política y Gestión de Gobierno de CIPPEC para promover la equidad y la transparencia electoral. 1 Índice Resumen ejecutivo.......................................................................................................................................... 3 Agradecimientos ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Introducción ..................................................................................................................................................... 5 1. La Magnitud de la Ventaja Oficialista en la Provincia de Neuquén ............................................... 6 1.1. Estimando la ventaja del oficialismo en la provincia de Neuquén ................................................... 8 2. Efectos y mecanismos de las fuentes de la ventaja oficialista en Neuquén ................................. 14 2.1. El monopolio de los recursos públicos ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Informe Mapa De Género 2016
    Presidente Dr. Ricardo Luis Lorenzetti Vicepresidenta Dra. Elena I. Highton de Nolasco Ministros Dr. Juan Carlos Maqueda Dr. Horacio Rosatti Dr. Carlos Rosenkrantz La Oficina de la Mujer de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación depende de la Ministra Dra. Elena Highton de Nolasco. Oficina de la Mujer de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación 2 1.- INTRODUCCIÓN: Hace algunas décadas existe una creciente preocupación de los organismos públicos, internacionales y la sociedad civil acerca de la brecha de participación en las altas esferas de la economía y la política que afecta a las mujeres. Las barreras informales de acceso a los puestos de conducción fueron estudiadas bajo distintos nombre como “techo de cristal” o “piso pegajoso” (OIT, s/f). La Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) destaca que las mujeres ocupan sólo del 1 al 3% de los puestos ejecutivos de las mayores empresas del mundo, el 13% de las bancas parlamentarias a nivel global y que sólo 8 países tienen como jefe/a de Estado a una mujer. Aunque las mujeres representan casi un 40% de las organizaciones sindicales del mundo, sólo 1 % son dirigentes (OIT, s/f). Respecto de nuestro país, el Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD) destaca que Argentina es uno los países con mejor desempeño en el Índice de Desarrollo de Género y en el Índice de Desigualdad de Género (PNUD, 2015)1. Desde el retorno de la democracia las mujeres alcanzaron importantes avances en acceso a la educación y en su participación económica (PNUD, 2014. Actualmente son mayoría en los niveles educativos más altos (PNUD y Consejo Nacional de Coordinación de Políticas Sociales, 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • La Venganza De Los Huérfanos : Las Elecciones
    La venganza de los huérfanos : las elecciones nacionales y subnacionales de 2015 Titulo en Argentina Lenarduzzi, Julieta - Compilador/a o Editor/a; Mauro, Sebastián - Compilador/a o Autor(es) Editor/a; Mocca, Edgardo - Autor/a; Mauro, Sebastián - Autor/a; Brusco, Paula - Autor/a; Cid, María - Autor/a; Porta, Gabriela - Autor/a; Eryszewicz, Leandro - Autor/a; Benavídez, Lucía - Autor/a; Cavilla, Marina - Autor/a; Miretti, Sofía - Autor/a; Ortiz, Noelia - Autor/a; Ariza, Andrea - Autor/a; March, Valeria - Autor/a; Stillo, Juan - Autor/a; Ruiz Montero, Mariano - Autor/a; Trinidad, Nicolás - Autor/a; Ruiz, Florencia - Autor/a; Imposti, Lucía - Autor/a; Lenarduzzi, Julieta - Autor/a; Florito, José - Autor/a; Fuente, María Camila de la - Autor/a; Puente, Agustina - Autor/a; Abdulhadi, Augusto - Autor/a; Puente, María Agustina - Autor/a; Sesnich Diomeda, Mariana Avril - Autor/a; Carlino, Milva - Autor/a; Giusto, Patricio - Autor/a; Buenos Aires Lugar Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Editorial/Editor 2017 Fecha Colección Sistema electoral; Elecciones regionales; Elecciones nacionales; Participación Temas política; Partidos políticos; Argentina; Libro Tipo de documento "http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/Argentina/ceap/20170614030929/LaVenganzaDeLosHuerfanos.pdf" URL Reconocimiento-No Comercial-Sin Derivadas CC BY-NC-ND Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.edu.ar Julieta Lenarduzzi y Sebastián Mauro (Compiladores) LA VENGANZA DE LOS HUÉRFANOS LAS ELECCIONES NACIONALES Y SUBNACIONALES DE 2015 EN ARGENTINA La venganza de los huérfanos : las elecciones nacionales y subnacionales de 2015 en Argentina / Sebastián Mauro ..
    [Show full text]
  • Presidents Versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process
    Presidents versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process The Argentine Senate in Comparative Perspective Hirokazu Kikuchi IDE-JETRO Series Te Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization (IDE-JETRO) series explores the economic issues faced in developing regions globally, providing new research and analysis of these economies, with the aim of creating a more comprehensive understanding of the issues and conditions they are experiencing. With a wide range of volumes cover- ing key economic issues in developing economies, as well as examining the challenges faced as East Asia continues to integrate, the titles in this series are essential companions for academics and policymakers interested in cut- ting-edge research and analysis of developing economies. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14861 Hirokazu Kikuchi Presidents versus Federalism in the National Legislative Process The Argentine Senate in Comparative Perspective Hirokazu Kikuchi Institute of Developing Economies Japan External Trade Organization Chiba, Japan IDE-JETRO Series ISBN 978-3-319-90112-1 ISBN 978-3-319-90113-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90113-8 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942211 © Te Editor(s) (if applicable) and Te Author(s) 2018, corrected publication 2018 Tis work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifcally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microflms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
    [Show full text]
  • Argentina's Supreme Court and the Covenant
    CESCR - International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 61 Pre-Sessional Working Group (09 Oct 2017 - 13 Oct 2017) Argentina's Supreme Court and the Covenant Submission to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by GIDES (Grupo de Investigación en Derechos Sociales / Research Group on Social Rights) Córdoba, Argentina Summary This report highlights a group of Argentina‘s Supreme Court decisions that omit, contradict or construe in a retrogressive way the Covenant or the applicable General Comments. The Court has upheld a differentiated recognition of labor stability in the public sector [―Ramos‖ (2010); ―Chafala‖ (2016)]. The right to strike has been attributed by the Court exclusively to formally-registered unions [―Orellano‖ (2016)]. An Executive decree – according to the Court– is an adequate instrument to completely suppress the police officers‘ right to form trade unions [―Sindicato Policial‖ (2017)]. The Federal Government has no obligation to ensure proper employment injury benefits for people who work for local governments under federally-funded income transfer programs [―Pineda‖ (2016)]. Alternative housing has not been ensured to children before judicially ordered evictions [―Escobar‖ (2013); ―Plusfratria SRL‖ (2015)]. Class actions against electricity prices hikes for residential users have been denied exclusively on retrogressive constructions of legal standing [―Abarca‖ (2016)]. Persons with disability must prove lack of health insurance and personal inability to afford healthcare costs as a condition
    [Show full text]
  • El Acceso a Las Declaraciones Juradas Patrimoniales De Las/Os Juezas/Ces De La Corte Suprema De Justicia De La Nación
    EL ACCESO A LAS DECLARACIONES JURADAS PATRIMONIALES DE LAS/OS JUEZAS/CES DE LA CORTE SUPREMA DE JUSTICIA DE LA NACIÓN Julio 2019 I. INTRODUCCIÓN En una decisión histórica, el pasado 24 de junio la totalidad de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación autorizó la entrega de sus declaraciones juradas patrimoniales a partir de un pedido de acceso a la información pública de ACIJ, un pedido que nuestra institución venía repitiendo desde hace más de 6 años. La publicidad de las declaraciones juradas de quienes ejercen cargos de relevancia en el Estado es fundamental para garantizar la transparencia y la rendición de cuentas en el ejercicio de sus funciones y la administración de los recursos públicos. Esta herramienta es reconocida como una de las más efectivas para prevenir y controlar casos de corrupción y conflictos de intereses, motivo por el cual es una obligación presente en la mayoría de las legislaciones a nivel mundial y es impulsada por numerosos organismos internacionales. Como ejemplo, tanto la Convención de las Naciones Unidas contra la Corrupción como la Convención Interamericana Contra la Corrupción (de los que Argentina forma parte), enumeran a las declaraciones patrimoniales y su publicidad como una de las medidas preventivas que deben tomar los Estados contra la corrupción. Para que este mecanismo sea efectivo, es necesario que las declaraciones patrimoniales sean un reflejo fiel y detallado de la situación patrimonial del/la funcionario/a público/a y de su entorno familiar más cercano durante todo el período en el que duren sus funciones. De lo contrario, es imposible identificar evoluciones patrimoniales incompatibles con los ingresos de ------------------- +info >> acij.org.ar 1 ​ ​ la función pública o bien detectar conflictos de intereses que puedan alterar el adecuado ejercicio de sus obligaciones públicas.
    [Show full text]