1

James Madison

Flake

(1815-1850)

Prepared in 2011 by Ron Freeman [email protected] 291 N. 2620 W. Hurricane, UT 84737 (435)635-8011

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Index

Flake ancestors Samuel Flake...... p. 3

Jordan Flake...... 9

James Madison Flake, birth until marriage...... 12

Mississippi years...... 16

Nauvoo interlude...... 27

Winter Quarters...... 34 Green Flake's cabin assignment...... 37

On to Utah!...... 42 Green Flake: slave or not?...... 46

The Gold Mission...... 51

Death of James Madison Flake...... 55

The Aftermath San Bernardino...... 56 A brother's visit...... 60

Death of Agnes Haley Love Flake...... 67

The Flake children...... 69

Conclusion...... 69

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Flake ancestors: Samuel Flake

James Madison Flake's ancestors were from well-known families and among the earliest residents of North Carolina. The first Flake to arrive in the area seems to have been Samuel Flake. Nevertheless, the information previously written about Samuel has come under scrutiny. Currently, two schools of thought seem to exist regarding Samuel Flake. First, we will present the "traditional" thinking as presented by Osmer D. Flake. Following, some current research and opinions will be presented.

Traditional explanation

The traditional description of Flake ancestors that has been passed down through several generations, starting with Osmer D. Flake, is found in the Family Tree Book1 and states the following:

The Flake family is said to have been of Scotch-Irish descent. Samuel Flake and Henry Flake, two brothers, landed at New York. There Henry Flake settled, later visited his brother Samuel Flake in the Carolina and returned to New York. There are thought to be many people in the east who can claim him as an ancestor. Samuel Flake landed at Charleston, S.C. about 1720 and later located at Lilesville, Anson County, N.C., and there died in 1802, then being over one hundred years old. The first tract of land that he purchased so far as the deed records show in Anson County, was Nov. 4, 1763, then Nov. 24, 1767, and several tracts later. He was married twice and the name of his first wife is not known. His second wife was, in the will, called Alcy and her name is said to have been Sallie (Alcy) Harris. The records disclose that one James Harris obtained a deed to land in Anson County Dec. 4, 1874, Samuel Harris on June 24, 1762 and Charles Harris Oct. 19, 1758. From the will of Charles W. Harris, probated Dec. 19, 1803, we are left to think he was quite a gentleman of taste and education as in his will he left to his brother Robert Harris and sister Jenney Harris what was evidently the furnishings of an elegant and richly adorned home. It is possible that the wife of Samuel Flake was related to their people. We know nothing of any of the descendants of these Harris families. . . . The will of Samuel Flake now in the office of Recorder of Anson County, N.C. made May 5, 1802, discloses that he had nine children then living. It is known that Mary Flake, his daughter who married John Smith No. 2, had died before then and it is thought that he had a son John Flake who had perhaps died single. His [Samuel's] children were as follows: (A) Mary Flake, born about 1748, died about 1794, married John Smith No. 2. She was a daughter by the first wife. (B) John Flake. . . . It is thought that he was a son of Samuel Flake and died without issue.

1 Family Tree Book Genealogical and Biographical: listing the relatives of General William Alexander Smith and of W. Thomas Smith. (Data for the Flake Tables by Julia Flake Burns and Osmer D. Flake) , published by W. Thomas Smith, Evansville Ind., 1922, pp 47-67. 4

(C) JORDAN FLAKE [capitalization added], born May 15, 1764, first married Mary Penelope Williams. After her death he married Faithy Elizabeth Hanna. (D) Samuel Flake Jr., born about 1766, married Elizabeth (Betsy) Gilbert.2 (E) William Flake, who went to Warren County, Georgia (F) Elizabeth Flake, married Steven Birmingham and left Anson County, going West or South. They are said to have had children by the names of Hardy, Mary, Roxy, Ann and Jemina Birmingham (G) Delilah Flake, married Hardy Hooker (H) Sarah Flake, married Joshua Talent, so it is thought, as on Nov. 17, 1798 Joshua Talent and his wife Sarah Talent deeded to Hardy Hooker, husband of Delilah Flake, 120 acres, part of a 250 acre tract deeded to Samuel Flake by letter patent Nov. 2, 1771. As the wife in those days did not have to join in a deed save when the land was hers, this might indicate that Samuel Flake had deeded her the land, and it is thought this was his daughter. (I) Elijah Flake, married Elizabeth Williams (J) Thomas Flake, was Patriot in the Revolutionary war as will be seen by reference to the Exhibit in sketch of Samuel Flake. In 1804 he sold his land in Anson County and went West, and had sons: William Green, born 1810; Augustus, born 1812; Warren, born 1820. (K) Jemina Flake, married William Cook. (Family Tree Book, p. 47-48)

In a nutshell the traditional explanation of Flake ancestry states that two brothers, Henry and Samuel Flake, immigrated to the United States in about 1720 at age 20. One brother opted for New York, but the other went to North Carolina where he married twice and sired--over a 60-70 year period of time--, a progeny of eleven children. This southern Flake was more than 100 years old when he died, and left a Will written 5 May 1802.

New Thoughts about the Flake ancestry

More recent research has questioned the validity of much of the information found in the Family Tree Book.3 Briefly, current researchers have questioned the following:

2 Jeff Henson states: "For reasons still unknown to me, four of Samuel's children migrated to Camden, Kershaw, South Carolina, and the info. provided [in the Family Tree Book] on 3 of the 4 children was completely wrong. [For example] Son Samuel Flake Jr. married Sarah, the widow of Reuben Patterson and had only one child with her, a daughter also named Sarah. There was a lawsuit brought by the children of Reuben Patterson against Sarah Flake because a division of the estate of Reuben Patterson was never made..." genforum.genealogy.com/flake/messages/507.html 3 William Joiner observed: "Much of the information in the Family Tree Book, which was published by W. Thomas Smith, with the Flake information attributed to Julia Flake Burns and Osmer D. Flake, was based on family tradition. I understand from my conversations with Osmer D. Flake that some (but not all) of Julia Flake Burns' information was based on information available from Family Bibles and records in Anson Co., NC. The stories written by Osmer D. Flake about the FLAKES of Anson Co., NC were based almost in their entirety on family tradition. There is no documentation that Samuel Flake had a brother, Henry . . . " Wm. F. Joiner, Flake Family Genealogy Forum, #179 of 520, http://www.genforum.familytreemaker.com/flake/messages/179 5

a) the Flake place of origin. Diane Ellerton writes: "I'd always heard that "Samuel the Immigrant" was Scotch-Irish" but [I] have found the name Flake absolutely non-existent in Scotland."4 Wm. F Joiner adds--without citing sources: "Samuel Flake: born between 1699 and 1701 in Isle of Wight, England"5

b) the alleged birth date of Samuel Flake (1701) Jay Stein writes: "While I have searched for proof of 1701 as his [Samuel's] date of birth, in more than 30 years of research I have never seen any documentation supporting the claim. I also question the validity of the data based on the known ages of Samuel Flake's children. . . . is the 1701 date of birth given for Samuel Flake in some sources a reference to the birth of an earlier and older Samuel Flake and the "Samuel Flake, Sr." of whom we know much more is actually a "younger" Samuel Flake, perhaps born in a more reasonable time period?..."6 Stein and some others give 1740 as the possible birth date of this "younger" Samuel Flake. However, no definite documentation accompanies the affirmation. Michael Flake adds: "Mr. Stein mentioned in an earlier post that the date of Samuel Flake's birth has always been in question and I would agree. The only reference to Samuel Flake's birthday I have found is in the Family Tree Book and Osmer Flake states, "The Flake family is said to have" etc. Osmer goes on to mention Samuel Flake's death date and his age of death around 100 years old. It seems that subtraction has been used to come up with his date of birth being around 1700. This is all family mythology...no documentation at all. Osmer later put a marker at the home site with that date and now it's part of Flake history. This cannot be used in any way to seriously determine Samuel Flake's age or birth date. It is simply hearsay and mythology. Other individuals have Samuel Flake listed as Robert Flake the 3rd's son, being born 1740 and his later marriage to Sarah Flake at the age of approximately 21. That would also place his age in a reasonable time frame regarding Samuel Flake's obtaining land grants in Anson Co. which is documented.7

Other concerns raised by recent researchers are the supposed date of emigration and the somewhat mysterious New York brother named Henry and even the name and existence of Samuel's alleged first wife.

Since neither Samuel Flake nor his son, Jordan/Jurdan, is the focus of this sketch, we will not spend time attempting to work through each of the problems relating to Samuel's life and activities. Those interested in the subject should consult the Flake Family Genealogy Forum presented by Genealogy.com (http://genforum.genealogy.com/flake/messages.html.)

4 D. Ellerton, "RE: Samuel and Alcy FLAKE of Anson Co., NC" genforum.familytreemaker.com/flake/messages/241.html 5 Wm. F. Joiner "Anson, NC to Snowflake, Navajo, AZ," genforum.genealogy.com/flake/messages/177.html 6 Jay Stein, http: archiver.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/FLAKE/2010-01/1263512945 7 Michael Flake, "Samuel Flake's Birth," http://genforum.genealogy.com/flake/messages/517.html 6

It should be sufficient to summarize by saying that some researchers suggest the Isle of Wight as the birthplace of Samuel Flake.8 Others mention the possibility of two Samuel Flakes, one born in about 1701 and the other, a son, in about 1740.9 Some doubt the existence of a first Flake wife named Agatha.10 One or two suggest that the real name of Samuel's second wife was either Alice, Sally, or Sarah Harris and that her father was Stephen Harris.11

Consensus of opinion

Despite all the controversy, most researchers agree that a Samuel Flake-- "our" Samuel Flake-- eventually settled on a 250+ acre estate on Smith's Creek in Anson Co., North Carolina, where he lived until his passing in about 1803. Just prior to his death, he wrote a will in which he mentioned his wife's name, Alcy, three times.

Land Grants

The following land grants or patents were issued to Samuel Flake:

Samuel Flake - Anson Grant No. 276 - Bk 20 p. 728 250 acres 22 Nov 1771 275 20 728 200 " " 2 Apr 1785 John Smith to Samuel Flake, both of Anson, for 100#, 100 acres S.W. of Peedee on Smith's Creek 846 64 187 100 " 7 Aug 1787 1549 106 243 100 " 6 Dec 1799

It is very possible that Samuel had accumulated more than 1,000 acres of land by the time of his death in 1801.

8 Diane Ellerton, genforum.familytreemaker.com/flake/messages/241.html 9 Jay Stein, Michael Flake, genforum.genealogy.com/flake/messages/ 517, 520.html 10 Wm. F. Joiner, genforum.familytreemaker.com/flake./messages/179.html 11 Wm. F. Joiner, ibid. 7

Samuel's will

Samuel's will states the following:12

In The Name of God Amen. I Samuel Flake of Anson County Being of Sound Disposing Mind Tho Weake In Body owing to age And Informity Do make & ordain This my Laste will & Testament In Manner following Item I give & devise to My wife Alcy All puter Potes & House Holde firnuture Allso my Stock of Horses & Cattle & Hoges Three negro Boys Jo Tom and Abraham All which Estate It is my will and desire My Wife Alcy and Elijah Flake my youngest Son may peaceably possess and injoy for their own & use enduring her natural Life or widow-Hood & at my disease it is my will and desire that the above property to be Equally divided Shear and Shear aboute Except my youngest Son Elija Flake now lives with his Mother and will that the truble of her and all other Mothers things touching the primses which it is my will and desire the sd Elijah have two Shears of Dividing of Negrows Stock Household & kitchin furniture and allso of all plantation and other tools that my other three sons Namely Thomas Samuel & Jordan one share equally alike etc. ITem I give and bequeath to my Son Thomas & Samuel one Negro girls name Dill Which Negrow is to Be divided Be twixt my two Sons Thomas & Samuel after the Desease of My Wife Alcy which is in conveyance of There part of my Lands I tem I give and beqeath to My Son Jurden one Hundred Acres of My Lands [emphasis added] being parte of two Trackes No parte of and olde survey pattend by Jo White Mcvane parte of a track of two Hundred Akers patternd my self. Jining the hundred acres I sold to Dudley Williams Lastly I give to my son Elijah the ballance of sd three tracks of land Including the Williams plantation & c. Also I give and bequeath to my son Wm. Flake one Dollar which is his parte I give and bequeath to my five Daughters Namely Mary Elizabeth Jemejah Sara & Delilah one Dollar Each which is to be paid out of my Estate that Being There Several parts of My Estate Samuel Flake April 5th 1802 Samuel Flake * Seal *

Test (Ref: Book 2 - p. 36.) Thomas Smith (Anson Co. N.C. Will Book)

It would appear that Samuel had favorites among his children. Elijah, his youngest son, got a double share of Samuel's estate. Thomas, Samuel and Jurden [Jordan] received more or less equal shares, but William and the five daughters received only one dollar each from the estate.

Samuel's 1802 will is valuable for two reasons. First, it shows that Samuel was a man of property and possessions. In addition, it mentions his wife, Alcy, and nine living children: Thomas, Samuel, Jurden, William, Elijah, Mary, Elizabeth, Jemyah, Sara and Delilah.

Flake grave marker/monument

Some 130 years after Samuel's death, his Arizona descendent, Osmer D. Flake, arranged for the erection of a grave marker honoring his ancestor. Perhaps the birth date is in error and also the

12 The present writer has not seen an original of Samuel's will. Two typed copies are in circulation, with minor differences in spelling between the two, but the substance of the will is the same in both. 8 name of his possible first wife, but it was a kind and generous act on Osmer's part, he being one of the few early Arizona Flakes who attempted to put down information in printed form, relating to his own father, William Jordan Flake, and earlier ancestors. We owe Osmer a sincere debt of gratitude.

The gravestone says:

FLAKE IN MEMORY OF SAMUEL FLAKE 1701-1802 HIS WIVES AGATHA & SALLIE THEIR CHILDREN AND THEIR SLAVES

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Jordan Flake

We are even more limited in the information we have about Jordan Flake than we were about Jordan's father, Samuel. Our most complete initial description of Jordan's life comes from the Family Tree Book:

Jordan Flake was born in Anson County, N.C. May 15, 1764, lived and died in that county August 27, 1843 after passing the age of 79. He was a planter by occupation and the records indicate that by the time he reached the age of thirty-five or forty he had then accumulated a considerable landed estate. We frequently find his name as witness to some legal document. It seemed in the early days all papers had to be witnessed by two people instead of being acknowledged before an officer, as is now customary. This is indicative that he had the respect and confidence of those asking for his services. He first married Mary Penelope Williams [on 10 Mar 1803 in Anson Co. NC]. [She was] the daughter of Joseph John Williams and a cousin of Elizabeth Williams who married his brother Elijah Flake, and also a cousin of Lelusey Williams who married his nephew, John Auld Smith. Mary Penelope Williams was born Oct. 21, 1783, most likely in Wake County, N.C. and died Oct. 1, 1813 and [was] buried in Anson County. Children (A) John Wesley Flake, born Dec. 19, 1803, died Dec. 26, 1852, married Roxaline Dunn Bennett (B) William Cameron Flake, born April 13, 1808, died Nov. 1856, married Emaline Huntly (C) Thomas G. Flake, born Sept 13, 1810, died April 5, 1860, married Loretta Ellen Henry (D) Nancy Ann Flake, born Sept. 29, 1806, married Charles Winfree (E) Samuel Flake, born August 19, 1805, died Sept 5, 1805

. . . Jordan Flake, after the death of Penelope Williams, his first wife, married Faithy Elizabeth Hanna [or Hannah] [in 1814]. [She was] born Oct. 27, 1783, died Sept. 22, 1841, and buried on Smith's Creek in Anson County, N.C. She was born in Iredell County and her brother Robert Hanna was a man of considerable prominence in that county. In her younger days she was very fond of hunting the buffalo and on many trips she went with her husband to High Hill Lick, sometimes know as Aunt Nancy Ingram's Mountain, in quest of game of this character.

The will of Faithy Hanny Flake is on record in Anson County and dated Nov. 28, 1833. The executors named by her are her husband, Jordan Flake and her brother Robert Hanna; and among the other items is one leaving a negro slave to be passed on to the daughter, Faithy Hanna Flake. Children of this union: (A) Jane Elvira Flake, born March 13, 1817, married Jurden Morris (B) James Madison Flake, born June 22, 1815, married Agnes Love Haily (C) Alcey Flake, born January 25, 1819, died April 4, 1819. (D) Sarah Flake, born March 9, 1820, married Peter P. Cox. (E) Faithy Hanna Flake, born Feb. 27, 1822, married James M. Flowers. (F) Francis Edward Flake, born January 6, 1828, married Mary Knotts. (Family Tree Book, pp. 53, 58) 10

Flake Family researchers have added little to the above information compiled by Julia Flake Burns and Osmer D. Flake in 1922. We know from Samuel's will that Jordan was bequeathed 100 acres of farm land. Jordan Flake seems to have spent his entire life in Anson County, NC where he married twice and sired eleven children, nine of which survived to adulthood.13 At the end of his life, Jordan/Jurden also, like his father, left a will:

In the name of God, amen I Jurden Flake of the State of North Carolina & County of Anson Being weak in body though of sound mind and memmory thanks be to God for the same and Calling to mind the mortallity of my body and knowing that it is appointed for all men once to Die, Therefore I Do make this my last will and testament in the following manor and form First I give and bequeath to my son John W. Flake the three negro boys that he has in possesion namely Red, Daniel and I Som and Two hundred Dollars including note In 2nd I give to my son William C. Flake three negroes Lucy Ruben & Cudgo and Two hundred Dollars out of his note 3rd I give to my son Thomas G. Flake four negroes Abram, Haly his wife Arter and Jude and all the East part of my land on Smiths Creek up the T Creek as high as opposite the old house to that Cross fence where the lane was formaly and with that fence to the Little orchard that Son Thomas tends and round to the maple Corner near Thos Spring including the orchard then up the S spring branch including the Spring up to the fence of that upland field west of Thos House then with that fence to the Corner next Hooker then South to Hooker and then round Hooker Lowes & P Smiths to the South line then up to opposite the Cross fence 4th I give to my son James M. Flake Two negroes Green and Lyse and three hundred Dollars 5th I give to my son in Law Jurden W. Morris and Jane E his wife Allonzo, Siller and her child and Claborn by his paying up his note 6th I give to my son in law Peter P Cocks and Sarah his wife six negroes Lyda King George Rosan and her two children Aron and Arter 7th I give to my daughter Fathy H. Flake three negroes Sary and her two children Thaner and Tom and her filly bedd and firniture and Two hundred and fifty Dollars 8th I give to my son Frances E. Flake four negroes Aron Jack Cindy and Mary a bead & firniture and his young horse and all the balance of my land on the North Side of Smiths Creek including the Houses 9th I give to my son in law Charles Winfree and Ann Winfree his wife one thousand DOLLARS to be paid them by my Executors when collected and all the balance of my property not in the will including the land wher James M Flake left also all joinding it on the South side of Smiths Creek also the Sandhill land & Stock & Ephram to be sold as the Law Directs and all the proceeds after all my Debts is paid and what there is Due me Collected and what there is in the will all Discharged then the balance if any to be Equally divided a mong all my heirs Eccept Charles Winfree and Ann his wife who will have their part in the will and I hereby apoint my Sons John W. And William C. Flake my sole Executors to this my Last will and testament and it is my Desire that my son John W. Flake be appointed guardian for my son Francis E. Flake and to attend to Education and everything Else of his to his best interest till he is Capable of managing for him self Signed and Seald this 19th Day of May and in the year of our Lord Eighteen hundred and forty three Test James Hooker Jurden Flake *Seal* Benj. G. Hooker October Term 1843

13 Belva Cauthen adds one other bit of information about Jordan Flake: he witnessed Sherwood Harris' 1805 Anson Co. NC will. Cauther also states that Jordan Flake's wife, Faithy Hannah, "was said to be the daughter of James Hannah and Faitha Madison of Laurens Co. SC." http://listsearches.rootsweb.ancestry.com/th/read/HARRIS-HUNTERS/2009-08/1249185311 11

Then the above will was duly proven in open Court by James Hooker & Benj G. Hooker the subscribing witnesses thereto--whereupon John W. Flake & Wm C. Flake appeared in open Court & qualified as Excecutors and obtained letters Testamentory W. W. Boggan CM

From the contents of Jordan's will, it is evident he was a man of property and possessions. In addition to bequeathing nearly $2,000 in cash, he also distributed twenty-nine slaves among his several children and their spouses. (Some of those slaves, as in the case of the two given to James Madison, had been transferred to the children during the years prior to Jordan's death.)

Since the will is somewhat confusing, the following breakdown shows what each of Jordan's children inherited:

(Five children from first wife, Penelope) John Flake bequeathed 3 Negro boys plus $200. Also, he was named co-executor and guardian of Francis, the youngest child. William Flake bequeathed 3 Negroes, a female and two males, plus $200. He was also named co-executor Thomas Flake bequeathed 4 slaves, plus land Nancy Ann Flake bequeathed, with her husband Charles Winfree, $1,000, plus property including that of James Madison, and a slave, Ephram, to be sold. Samuel Flake born & died in 1805. Not mentioned in will.

(Six children from second wife, Faithy) James M. Flake bequeathed two Negroes, Green & Lyse, plus $30014 Jane Elvira Flake bequeathed, with her husband Jurden W. Morris, 3 slaves Alcey born & died in 1819. Not mentioned in will Sarah bequeathed, with her husband Peter P. Cocks [Cox] 6 Negroes Faithy bequeathed 3 Negroes, a horse, bed, furniture, plus $20015 Francis E. bequeathed 4 Negroes, a bed, furniture, young horse, land.

14 James Madison had already taken possession of Green at the time of his marriage in 1838. According to family tradition, Liz was a gift to James and Agnes from Agnes' parents, when the young couple married. Therefore, the slave Lyse, mentioned in Jordan's Will, may or may not have been Liz. The $300 was a nice extra, but James' land in North Carolina was bequeathed to his sister Nancy Ann and her husband. 15 It is interesting that no husband is mentioned for the daughter Faithy. Perhaps he had died or he and Faithy had separated by the date of the will in 1843. 12

James Madison: birth until marriage

Of James Madison's early life we know very little. He was born 22 June 1815 at the family home in Anson County, North Carolina. Apparently he was named after James Madison, the fourth U.S. President who was serving in that office (1809-1817) at the time.16 When James was born, his father, Jordan, was fifty-one years old and his mother, Faithy, was thirty-two. Also, Jordan was somewhat of a newlywed. His first wife, Penelope, had died a year or two earlier and Jordan had married his second wife, Faithy Elizabeth Hanna or Hannah in 1814-- only the year before James Madison's birth. James was the first of six children born to that second union. When the last child, Francis, was born in 1828, Jordan Flake was sixty-four years old.

When James Madison was born in 1815, there were four other children living in the Flake home: John W., age 12, Nancy Ann, 9, William Cameron, 7 and Thomas G. age 5. One other child, Samuel was born 19 Aug 1805, but died less than a month later, on 5 Sep 1805. We can only presume that James M. grew up in a relatively well-to-do family and that most of his immediate needs were met by Black servants/slaves.

Marriage

We do not know the circumstances in which James Madison met and courted Agnes Hailey Love, but they were married in a lavish wedding that joined two prominent families.

Agnes17 was born 6 Nov 1819 in Richmond County, North Carolina and was the seventh of eleven children born to William Love and Agatha Haley.18 Some say Agnes' ancestors were early patriots who fought against the British in the Battle of Almanance , North Carolina, in 1771.19

16 We are not sure of the given name by which James Madison went. Osmer Flake, in his book, William J. Flake, Pioneer, Colonizer¸ privately published, n.d. p. 4-5 intimates that James was known by his middle name, Madison. Osmer tells of an experience he had while visiting Flake relatives in Mississippi over a half a century after James Madison lived there: "One of my Grandfather's old slaves was called to see me. After looking me over and over, with her hand up over her eyes, she said to me, 'Is you really a grand-son of Madison Flake what joined de Mormons and went to de Debel?'" However, a much later interview by John Fretwell of Bertha Udell, a descendent of Green Flake records that Green referred to his master as "James." (Fretwell, Miscellaneous Family Papers, p. 9) Bound for Canaan, p. 9 17 Agnes' name is spelled two ways, depending on the document one reads: "Agness" and Agnes". 18 Curiously, most of Agnes' siblings died at an early age. The eleven children were born between 1810 and 1827. By 1855, when Agnes died, at least seven of the brothers and sisters had died. Records indicate that only two children, Rosa and Augustus, were still alive at the time of Agnes' death in 1855. 19 Osmer Flake wrote: "His [William's] Mother [Agnes] was the daughter of William Love, one of those stalwart men who helped to make history of which all North Carolinians are justly proud. He fought in the battle of Almanance, N.C., one of the early battles against the injustice heaped on the settlers by the Crown." (p. 1) However, family group records available on NewFamilySearch give 1785 as the birth date for Agnes' father. Since the battle of Almanance was fought in 1771, it would seem more likely that Agnes' grandfather or some other Love ancestor was the one who participated in the battle. 13

Among the presents received by the newlyweds were two slaves. Osmer Flake writes:

When James M. married, his Father gave him a negro about twenty years old. Agnes' Father gave her a negro girl about ten years old. Agnes had been raised as other ladies on the old Plantations of the South. She had never known what work was; not even attending to her own clothes, or doing anything for herself. (William J. Flake p. 2)

We have no first-hand account of James and Agnes' wedding. However, in 2002 Margaret Blair Young and Darius Aidan Gray wrote a fictional account of the early life of Green Flake and Liz. While their account may not be exactly what happened the day of the wedding, it still makes for interesting reading. It should be remembered, however, that it is historical, imaginative, creative fiction!

She had another name once but couldn't recall it. It was a sweet name only her mama used. Mama had said it like a sad song, braiding her hair, whispering, "Massa say he goin' put you in his pocket. That pocket like to hold everyone of us before long, and all we be doing is jingle."20 Mama pulled hard to get the braids tight. "He actin' crazy. Why he want to sell off my baby for? What might you do, so young? 21Fetch and carry?" Mama finished the last braid. "If you was mine, I'd have you pluckin' flowers for the table. Nothin' but pluckin' flowers." "I is yours!" Mama turned her around and nodded. "Today you is." Tears made gold streaks down Mama's cheeks. "Some folk put young 'uns in the field where the cotton be taller'n they is. What they want with a baby anyhow?" The tears glistened. "I cain't recollect my mama's face, and I don't reckon you goin' recollect mine." She did recollect it, though, even after she forgot her sweet name. She recollected her mama's weeping face, her mama's stretched-out arms, her mama's legs running to beat the band when the horses pulled the cart away. As you know, that was the way the world worked for us colored folk back then. We had no choice in much of nothing and no lawful right to cling to our own kin.

20 The expression "Massa put you in his pocket" was used during slave times, as recalled by William Johnson, a former slave, who remembered "Master used to say that if we didn't suit him he would put us in his pocket quick--meaning that he would sell us." (Johnson, Soul by Soul, 19) Bound for Canaan p. 9 (endnote) 21 There are differences of opinion as to the age of Green and Liz when they were given as wedding presents. Osmer Flake claimed Liz was about 10 years old and Green about 20. However, Kate Carter (Negro Pioneer, 19) Joel A. Flake Jr. ("Green Flake") both set Liz's age at five. A San Bernardino census (as cited in Fretwell, Miscellaneous Family Papers, 13) lists Liz's age as 26, which would mean that she had been born in 1834. If that date is accurate, Liz might not have reached even her fifth birthday when she was sold away from her home and given as a wedding gift. "Green was most likely 10 years old when he was given to the young Flake couple." (Bound for Canaan, p. 9, endnote) 14

Inside the cart, all she could do was cry herself to sleep atop the turnips and rutabagas. She and all these vegetables were being taken to Mizz Agnes Love's daddy, Massa William. She recognized Massa William Love straight off. He was a tall, sharp-faced man with a plump belly, who had paid a visit to the old massa only a few days before . . At the Loves' big house, she got a new dress and a permanent name. The dress was stiff gingham, and the name was Elizabeth. Of course, she was dressed so fancy not to pleasure her but because she was a gift for Mizz Agnes, whose wedding celebration was upcoming. The place was Anson, North Carolina, and the marriage date was October 2, 1838. There sat Elizabeth, on a stair landing next to a black boy called Green. Her hair had been pomaded and combed into a knot at the back of her head. She was dressed in a yellow frock that matched the roses she was supposed to carry. Green was wearing a yellow shirt and brown suspenders, hitched to new pantaloons. The pants fit him tight. Seemed someone wanted to show off how big Green was. It appeared to Liz that he might bust out of those pants with one big step and stand embarrassed in front of all the white folks. Looking like a matched set, these children could see everything from where they'd been told to wait. Mizz Agnes's face was round and pale as a full moon. Her smile never quit her and appeared pained after a time. Her chestnut hair was styled in a whirl of side curls, and she was wearing white silk over a lace petticoat. The hem swayed whenever she took a step. James Madison Flake was dandied up like he was a present too. He was bony and darker of skin and hair than his bride, though both of them were skinny as cornstalks. And they both appeared stiff, stunned, and scared to shed their smiles. The table was decked out with full-lit candelabras, engraved pitchers, platters, and filigreed lantern bases. All the silver glinted. Chattering women in big skirts leaned to admire the display-and there was much to admire. That table was a sight! On one end were china plates and blue goblets so thin they'd fall over in a breeze. At the other end were patchwork quilts, Bible verses stitched in needlepoint, tatted doilies, lamps, and a portrait of an old man. Filling the spaces between these gifts were white persimmon blooms, sending out so much perfume the Negro gifts could smell it from the landing. In the parlor, three women played violins. But their music quit when William Love took his place by the table and raised a hand to shush the crowd and the music. He began his speech: "We appreciate all y'all taking time to celebrate this day with Madison and Agnes, and we do thank you for starting off their married life with such generosity." Then he listed each gift and which family had given it. Whenever he named a gift as "From my good wife and myself," his voice got loud and happy. 15

Finally, after all the other presents had been acknowledged, Green was led to the table. Massa William put his hand on Green's shoulder. "From the plantation of Mr. and Mrs. Jordan Flake, a well-built Negro boy called Green." Then Elizabeth was brought into the room and set beside Green. Mizz Agnes's daddy said in his deepest, proudest voice: "And finally from our family-from the Loves-a mannerable, healthy colored girl, named Elizabeth." The human gifts, who had been greased down for their presentation, shone in the candlelight almost as fine as the silver did. Elizabeth Flake stood straight and looked pleasant as she had been instructed. Since leaving her mama, she had cried every day, but Mizzus Love had warned her that if she spilled so much as one tear to spoil this celebration, she would understand the limits of kindness. So Elizabeth had not dropped a single tear this evening, though she tore a mess of petals from her yellow bouquet. You understand, she had to keep her hands and mind occupied and hardly realized she had disrobed these blossoms until she saw the results: A few of the flowers were only spidery heads with no skirts at all. Mizz Agnes was still wearing that tight smile, though she clearly noticed the naked blooms, for her eyes narrowed. Elizabeth braced herself for whatever would happen, expecting no less than a slap. But no slap came. Massa William called out: "Y'all just enjoy this little party now. We thank you again for this fine beginning to our children's new life," and the guests applauded. Agnes's brothers and sisters were all at the wedding. Three of them would die within five years, when cholera spread down river. Augustus Love would survive it. He was a copper-haired child and the first one to call her "Liz." 22

Birth of first two children: William Jordan and Charles Love

Less than a year after the wedding celebration, on 3 Jul 1839 a first child was born to James and Agnes. They named him William Jordan-- William because that was the name of Agnes' father, and Jordan for James' father. William Jordan was born while the young couple was still living on Smith's Creek, in Anson Co. North Carolina. Although the union would produce several other children, little did James and Agnes realize that their eldest child would eventually be the only one to carry on the James Madison Flake family name. Only he and one sister survived the rigors of infancy and young adulthood.23

22 Margaret Blair Young & Darius Aidan Gray, Bound for Canaan, Standing on The Promises, Book 2, SLC. UT: Bookcraft, 2002, pp 5-8. 23 Charles was the only Flake child, besides Wm. Jordan and a sister, Sarah, to survive infancy. He traveled west with the family and after the death of his parents became a skilled mule skinner. His death was described in the following way: ". . . A short time after this, the cook called them to dinner. All of the boys went in but him [Charles]. He said "I will be there in a minute," and went into the shed to feed his mules. When he did not come some time later, the cook went out to see what was the matter. Sitting against a hay stack with a nose bag in one hand, and a feed cup in the other he [Charles] sat with his chin on his breast, dead." (William J. Flake, p. 43) 16

Just a little over a year after the birth of William Jordan, a second child was added to the family. He was born 3 August 1840 and was given the name of Charles Love Flake. This son also survived the vicissitudes and difficulties the Flake family encountered during the next 15-20 years, but he died suddenly in 1864 at the early age of twenty-four.24

On to Mississippi

We do not know what prompted James and Agnes to leave their very comfortable home and lifestyle in Anson Co. NC in order to create a new life for themselves in much more primitive conditions some 500 miles to the west, in Kemper County, Mississippi. Some say available land was the inducement.25

Osmer Flake suggests the companionship of a brother and friends who went with James might have contributed to the lure of the west:

When the subject of this sketch [Wm. Jordan Flake] was three years old his Father decided to take Greely's advice (not yet given) and go West. . . . The trip was made with a pair of white mules, a mare and a horse pulling a large Prairie Schooner. They landed on the Sucarnooche, a small branch of the Tom-Big-Bee River, in Kemper County, Mississippi. Here, he made all preparations for a new start, secured the land and put up the necessary buildings for a good farm home. He was very fond of hunting. 26 He fixed a deer lick, then built a turkey pen. He would set the trap at night and go out any morning and get his turkey, or to the lick and shoot a deer. Maps of the area in He kept a fine pack of hounds, and when he wanted the chase, he took them. Some were trained to start the Mississippi where deer, and when they came around near, he would shoot a James and Agnes deer [&] they were trained to stop; another large dog that settled in about 1842. he kept with him would run for the wounded animal and

24 Some family group sheets at NewFamilySearch give 31 Aug 1842 as Charles' birthday, but that date is questioned by others such as Dave Smith. In fact, it was in about 1842 that James and Agnes left North Carolina for Mississippi. Had Agnes been expecting, they probably would have delayed their departure. 25 Dave Smith, p. 2 26 An unknown contributor wrote the following in The Flake Roundup, July 1979, Issue No. 41, p 3: "We have Grandfather's [William Jordan's] own recollection of his life in Mississippi. He said: 'My father was a great hunter. He used to salt the deer and feed the wild turkeys and kept us in deer and game all the time. The hogs ran wild. He would call them in, catch out the ones he wanted to fatten and turn the rest out. We had a pet deer we called Billy. He would dig up our sweet potatoes and would bring other deer in the night. One day he brought a big buck home. Billy came into the house. The buck came up to the door and Father shot him. Father nor any of the negroes didn't have the heart to kill Billy.'" 17

bring it down. Another dog was trained to follow him and pick up anything he dropped or left behind. He could sit under a tree, and lay his powder horn or hunting knife down, and the dog would bring them along. He kept a drove of hogs running in the woods, where acorns were plentiful, so that he had all the good meat he wanted. . . . During the next three years, life seemed to be at its best. His brother, John W. Flake and other North Carolina friends had moved in near him, and conditions grew better and better. All of them were wealthy and enjoyed everything the times afforded. There seemed nothing more to ask for. It had been a busy and very enjoyable three years. ( William J. Flake, pp 2-3)

Maps of the Tombigbee River and Kemper Co. The Tombigbee River originates in the counties just north of Kemper Co., Mississippi, but flows mostly south through the state of Alabama.

Above right: A map of Kemper County from the 1840s that shows the Sucarnoochee Creek where James Madison Flake settled.

Dave Smith adds that James Madison secured a large tract of land and purchased more slaves to begin his own cotton plantation. He also states that "other settlers also moved in near the Flakes and their social life began to flourish. James was elected to the Kemper Co. Board of Supervisors, which indicates his popularity and respect from peers. James worked at working his slaves hard and began to prosper."27

At some point prior to 1979, Jay Turley, Dennis Flake Jr. and others visited the plantation and home site of James Madison Flake in Mississippi:

27 Dave Smith, Flake Roundup, Sp 2008, p. 2. Unfortunately, Smith neglects to indicate the source of his information. 18

After driving the approximate 40 miles N-NE from Jackson, we arrived at Kemper Co. The forests are in some places thick like jungles. We drove around the area Dennis remembered. He had been there once before. Now logging roads made it impossible for him to find [the place]. We went back and visited with a rancher in the area. The woman knew exactly where the old Flake homestead was. Some of the Flake relatives still live in Kemper Co. This woman had a warm feeling for the Flakes and gave us directions where we would walk [to within] 300 feet of it to see it. There it was, the remains of a home about 30 feet by 20 feet. It had a red brick fireplace at either end. The bricks were obviously handmade. The fireplace on the north end was fallen in a crumpled heap and the fireplace on the South stood stately and tall. The chimney was still intact, but nearly covered by climbing vines that seemed to be trying to obscure it and make it appear as part of the jungle. Nearly all of the planks and lumber had rotted and returned to earth. There were still plenty of square nails and ends of hand-hewn timbers, to see the wooden pegs and holes used to secure the building. The height of the hearth on the one standing fireplace was mute evidence the floor had been about 2½ feet off the ground. This was probably to protect from dampness and maybe rodents and snakes. We were warned to watch in the forest for snakes. We found wild turkey feathers and saw many deer tracks.28

The Big Change

Meanwhile, elsewhere events were occurring that would alter the life of James and Agnes in a most profound and irreversible manner.

In April of 1843 a young Mormon missionary named Benjamin Clapp was called to serve a mission in Alabama, the place where he had been born. Clapp was twenty-nine years old in 1843-- a year younger than James Madison Flake. He had been converted to the Mormon faith by Wilford Woodruff in Kentucky/Tennessee in 1835 while Woodruff was serving his first mission. Clapp was full of missionary zeal and eager to share his message and conversion story with any who would listen.

Several Flake family historians have provided accounts of what happened when Elder Clapp knocked on the door of James and Agnes Flake. Osmer states:

In the winter of 1843 and 1844, there came a stranger to their door and asked for entertainment [i.e. food and lodging]. No one was refused in the old South. Southern hospitality did not admit the turning away of a stranger. This man carried neither purse nor script, yet he was well dressed, intelligent and refined. He carried a Bible, which was very common among southern people, for they were a religious people. This man also carried another Book, which he said had been delivered by a Heavenly messenger to a Prophet. He said that he was a Minister carrying that new, yet old Gospel as taught by the ancient

28 Jay Turley, article in The Flake Roundup, July 1979, Issue No. 41, pp 2-3 19

Apostles, that the Elders were sent out two by two as of old, and that he was spending all of his time to deliver that message to the World.29 (William J. Flake, p. 3)

Carol Read Flake adds a few more details to the Flake conversion story:

Proselyting had been going forward in the eastern section of Mississippi since 1839, with several small branches of the Church in neighboring counties [i.e. counties neighboring Kemper Co.]. As membership increased, so did opposition. Just the year before [1842?] a company of between eighty and ninety Latter-day Saints had emigrated to Nauvoo because of persecution. The mere fact that the Flakes had opened their home to one of the sect's elders drew forth bitter comment and even threats from relatives and neighbors. But this did not dissuade James and Agnes from continuing their investigation of Mormonism. After several weeks they became convinced that they had found the true Church of Jesus Christ. They were baptized during the winter of 1843-44, along with a few others. All were ridiculed and defamed because of it. A branch was organized, having the picturesque name, Running Water Branch.30 (Carol Read Flake, Of pioneers and Prophets, 1974, p. 45.)

Dave Smith adds a bit more information and appears to have taken some of it from Osmer Flake:

. . . Elder Benjamin Clapp of Tennessee,31 a convert of David Patten and Wilford Woodruff, came to the Flake home. He carried a Bible and another scripture containing the Gospel of Jesus Christ delivered by an angel to a young prophet. The Flakes were not interested in his message, but southern hospitality obliged them to feed, lodge and politely listen to the Elders' [sic] message. After weeks of investigation, with hearts touched by the spirit, they were baptized. Their family and many neighbors disowned them, but it did not deter their commitment to the restored church. Later, James had Elder John Brown teach the gospel to his slaves. Green gained a testimony and a white named Brown baptized a black named Green on April 7, 1844. (Smith, Flake Roundup, p. 2)

Perhaps one final description of the Flake conversion should be included. It is taken from Bound for Canaan, and it should be remembered that it is totally historical, imaginative fiction:

29 The source of Osmer's information is unclear. He may have heard about his grandparents' conversion from his own father, William Jordan, but even William was but a young child of 4-5 years of age in 1843. 30 Actually, as we will see later, the branch to which James Flake belonged was called the "Running Tiger Branch." The Running Water branch was in Alabama and was headed by Benjamin L. Clapp. (Minutes of the Mississippi and Alabama conferences, held in Cypry, Tuscaloosa County, Ala, on the 12th of April, 1844.) As mentioned previously, Carol Flake includes no footnotes in her book, thus omitting any mention of the sources of her information. 31 Clapp had lived in Tennessee and was converted in the Tennessee-Kentucky area, but his place of birth was West Huntsville, Alabama. (Wikipedia.org/wiki/Benjamin_L._Clapp) 20

Life changed direction for all the Flakes-Negroes and whites alike-in the winter of 1843. That was when a stranger stopped by, a Bible in his hands. By this time, Liz was almost a teenager. She knew the ways of the household better than Mizz Agnes did. Liz tended the children32 and performed every chore assigned her, getting slapped only occasionally for being "lazy." She kept herself clean, combed, and aproned and looked the part of a well-maintained household slave when she answered the door on a particular rainy evening. Before her stood a tall fellow with a dimpled chin and blueblood fingers. He was wearing a top hat, but it hadn't done much good on this day. The weather had found its way to his hair just fine. Water was dripping down his temples and past his ears. "Is your massa or mizzus in?" He removed the hat and shook it. A good amount of water spritzed the porch plants, and Liz had to step back to avoid getting hit in the eye with his raindrops. "You have business with 'em, sir?" "My name is Elder Benjamin Clapp. I'm a preacher." "Is my massa 'spectin' you?" "I'm sure he'll welcome me in." "I hate to make you wait in this rain, sir." "It's only a drizzle now. Your massa's name is-" "Mister James Madison Flake. I hope you won't object to waitin' just a moment whilst I fetch him." Massa Madison came to the door directly. After a brief conversation, he invited the visitor inside, calling for Green (in the slave quarters) to attend to the man's horse. Southern hospitality did not leave gentlemen or their horses alone to cope with rainy evenings. Madison Flake led Benjamin Clapp to the fireplace, asking Liz to bring them coffee and a second lamp. She could hear them talking about the weather and general news of the day. But it was clear Elder Clapp had another focus. The moment Liz returned with the coffee service and lamp, Clapp was opening his saddlebag and bringing out a book. He called it the Book of Mormon and said-easy as a comment on the weather-that one of God's angels had conveyed it into a modern prophet's hands. "Coffee, sir?" Liz offered the guest. "Just set it on the table if you would," he answered.

32 By 1843, the Flakes had four children: Wm. J., Charles L., Thomas and Richmond. Reliable birth information for Thomas and Richmond has not been forthcoming. NewFamilySearch shows Thomas' birth in 1841 and some contributors give Anson Co. NC as his birthplace while others list Kemper Co. MS. The same lack of definitive information exists for Richmond who was apparently born in 1842 in Kemper Co. 21

Massa's posture showed polite resistance to this man. The Flakes were Methodists. Though they were open to discussions of religion, the idea of angels handing books over to everyday folks was not something Madison Flake would include in serious conversation. At least not the Madison Flake Liz knew. He said, "I'll have a cup, Liz. This is a cold night, and I'm sure the coffee will warm me. Mister Clapp, from the looks of things, you could use a sip. Why don't we delay this discussion until you're warm and dry?" Benjamin Clapp answered fast. "As you might imagine, I would not venture out on such a night if I didn't have something of importance to share. I appreciate a good cup as much as the next man, but my purpose here is not to find a drink." The massa glanced up at Liz. "I think you have just made the perfect cup, girl. Hot enough to surprise the mouth but not to scorch it." "And it sho' is a cold night." She offered. The two-Bible man was not about to surrender his subject. "The message of this book---" "Try your coffee, Mister Clapp", interrupted Madison. "It would be a pity to let it cool when the girl has found its perfect temperature. Would you care for sugar?" "No sugar, thank you, and I do appreciate your hospitality." He drank a swallow and acknowledged, "Indeed, the girl has made a fine cup." Madison smiled. "What more can I offer? You must be hungry. How long have you been on that horse?" "I don't eat after sundown. And my horse is not a bad ride. I am quite accustomed." "Perhaps you aren't accustomed to the way Mississippi brews her storms. Mississippi skies take no time at all to open their clouds and rain pitchforks on a man's head." Benjamin Clapp palmed his wet hair from his face. "The storm did startle me. God heard my prayers, though. I saw your boy carrying a lantern past your window." "Green?" "No, he was a black boy. The one who hitched my animal to your post." Now Madison laughed full. "That's Green. And you possess a fine sense of humor, sir. ' Elder Clapp did not smile. There was unbending purpose in his eyes and voice. "Now if I may continue what I was saying--" Massa Madison stood. The preacher stood too, set to leave if that's what was to be. But Madison did not show him the door. He faced the fire and then faced Clapp. "Tell me why God should have need of a book other than the Bible. The preacher clasped his hands behind his back, pleased and ready to answer questions all night long. "Don't we need God speaking to us today?" 22

Madison made the thoughtful frown Liz knew well. This was the frown that could mean Green was going to get a kick in the pants or it could mean Madison had just discovered an idea worth announcing. Or it could mean both-that Madison had just discovered the idea that Green required a kick in the pants. "Doesn't the Bible speak to us?" he asked. "Has its message lost its savor?" This Clapp fellow was an earnest one. His words came urgent: "The Bible is as full and rich as ever it was. But it isn't the only word God has given to man. This other book," he said, holding it up, "contains the records of a people who were in the New World. Now, we know God is no respecter of persons-that's in the Bible. We know he cares about all of his creations." "The Lord knows about the fall of every sparrow," Massa Madison said. "And about the lilies of the field." "I see you are a Bible-reading man." Massa squinted at his visitor. Of course he was a Bible-reading man! What Southern gentleman wasn't? "But angels bringing books? Sir, you appear to be an educated person!" "I have had adequate book learning, yes." "From books God's angels have delivered?" Massa was pushing now. Liz had seen him do this on occasion. He tended to get the best of his opponent too. "Only one of those books, sir," answered Benjamin Clapp in a church-fit voice. "The one I'm holding now." Massa raised his brows. This was part of the push. "And you believe angels fly to earth with books in their wings?" "Sir, I frankly do not believe angels have wings." Massa sat down with his legs loosely sprawled. He laughed hearty. "Many artists will be disappointed to hear you say so. Some of their best work must be relegated to the cellar, I'm afraid." Elder Clapp sat too, his legs together and his hands folded around the book on his lap. Without even the hint of a smile, he said, "I have always thought our cellars neglected. "Oh? So you approve of putting winged angels next to potatoes and carrots?" "I have always approved of gold wings. Why, none of us knows what Jesus Christ looked like. Artists depict the Lord according to their own visions." "That is true." Massa Madison drew his legs into a more dignified pose. This conversation was about to take a serious turn, that was plain. Both men were leaning towards each other, Benjamin Clapp holding the angel's Bible. "I do believe angels exist," Clapp said, "just as I believe the Lord lived-and lives yet. I more than believe it. I bear witness of it." 23

Massa fidgeted, but when he spoke, there was no mocking in his tone. He was not pushing now. "Have you ever seen an angel?" Standing ready to offer more coffee, Liz bent forward to hear the reply. It didn't come for a moment. "No sir, I have not." Liz had hoped for some stories--true or not-- about how angels worked and how they dressed. Did they wear clouds? Or were they so bright it wouldn't matter if their bodies were naked? Did they even have bodies? Like most of us, Liz loved a good tale. Massa shrugged. "In that case, I must say I have you, Mister Clapp. For I've seen an angel--without wings." Liz bent forward again-- too far, for the pitcher spilled three drops of coffee on the pine floor. Massa glanced at the drops but continued, "Indeed I have seen a wingless angel. In fact, I married her." He turned to Liz. "Why don't you fetch that particular angel, girl? This conversation might be of some interest to her. And I believe you are in need of a cloth just now, aren't you? That coffee will stain the wood." Mizz Agnes had been listening at the door and was ready to be presented. Soon Elder Clapp was a regular guest at mealtimes, and Massa Madison was asking questions and reading both Bibles. Then he and Mizz Agnes up and joined the religion Elder Clapp was peddling. They walked down the path toward the pond one chilly afternoon and came back soaked to the bone. Liz squealed, "You'll both catch yo' deaths!" and ran for blankets. Massa answered, "We have just been baptized Latter-day Saints. We have no intention of catching anything but what God sends our way. And that we'll catch with joy." Not long after the Flakes joined the Latter-day Saints, a fellow named John Brown accompanied Ben Clapp to the plantation. Brown was a wide-mouthed, blue-eyed man with hair just past his ears, wearing a homespun suit he had long outgrown. When he spoke, though, nobody paid mind to how bad his suit fit. There was weight in his words, and even the slaves were invited to listen. John Brown taught that everybody, including Green Flake, was a member of a family, and one day Green would meet his mother, his brothers and sisters, and all his family members. "In our Father's house are many mansions," Brown told them-and there was a place for colored folks too. There was a Heavenly Father who would accept Green Flake and all the rest of the Flakes' Negroes into his kingdom. I don't know if you can imagine what such good news meant to a slave. As a child, Green had been kept away from his mama and told he was an orphan. He wasn't sure if he believed his mama had really died, though. Another slave said she knew his mama. She told him that she and another woman nursed him, but so did his own mother. Green was sure he 24

had brothers and sisters too, for he recollected growing up with other colored children. He remembered being cared for by different women in the Negro quarters before he got gifted to the Flakes. He thought maybe he was kept from knowing about his mama, because if they loved each other too much, then when one got sold off, they both might pine and worry and maybe run away. So the idea that he could know his mama in a heavenly house, and know his brothers and sisters too, came as the sweetest tidings he had heard in his life. Both Allen and Green decided to get baptized. 33 Green was fifteen at that time but big as a buck deer. Allen was a skinny one, though strong in the arms from his fieldwork. They went under the waters at Mormon Springs (that's what Benjamin Clapp had renamed the pond) with no fight at all. Allen had no comment, but Green said he liked his new believings. The same day Green and Allen got baptized, John Brown put his hands on Massa Madison's head and made him an elder in the Latter-day Saints' church. He said, "You hold the priesthood now, brother." Green Flake wouldn't have minded holding a bit of priesthood himself, he told Liz. A man with priesthood could heal the sick, command fig trees to wither, and direct devils into the fat bodies of pigs. At least, that's what John Brown had given him to understand. Liz hadn't got herself baptized and didn't care to hold such dangerous magic, even if it was real. But she sure did think that if Green Flake got the priesthood and it worked like he said, he'd change her into a slug just out of mischief. So she was relieved when John Brown announced that the priesthood wasn't for slaves. But who could guess what the Almighty had in store? (Bound for Canaan, pp 11-17)

Benjamin Clapp received his call to go on a mission to Alabama in April of 1843. However, he delayed leaving until at least the end of June since records show that Clapp was part of the expedition sent to aid Joseph Smith when he was arrested in Dixon, Illinois about June 23rd and efforts were made to extradite him to Missouri.34

All available accounts indicate that when Clapp finally left for Alabama that he traveled alone, not in the company of other elders called to that mission.35 However, at some point during the winter and spring of 1843-44, John Brown arrived to aid Elder Clapp in his missionary efforts. Brown had been called to a Southern States mission in April 1843--the same time as Clapp.

33 John Brown's journal records that he baptized "two black men, Allen and Green, belonging to Brother Flake: and ordained James Madison Flake (and Washington Cook) elders on April 7, 1844 (Brown, Autobiography, 46.) Bound for Canaan, p. 18, endnote) 34 Gapages.com/clappbll.htm, p. 3 of 7 35 Brigham Young called four men to go to Alabama: Benjamin L. Clapp, John Blair, Wilkinson Hewitt and Lymon O. Littlefield. (History of the Church, Vol. 5, p. 347) However, in the local Alabama/Mississippi records only Clapp's name is mentioned. 25

However, Brown and another elder first traversed without purse or scrip parts of Kentucky and Alabama. Later he reached Monroe Co. Mississippi which is located just two counties north of Kemper Co. where the Flakes were living.

Monroe County, Mississippi, like Kemper County, had been settled, for the most part, by couples with young children who had emigrated to that good cotton country from Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Florida, and Alabama in the late 1830s. As those children grew they intermarried, and practically the whole county was kin. When the missionaries arrived in 1843, the converts spread the gospel among their families, and within a year, a congregation of perhaps 150–200 Latter-day Saints was thriving, including black members as well as whites.36 It was called the Tombigbee Branch after the river where most of them settled. They were reasonably well-off, with livestock, homes, slaves, and good land. While on this mission, in Monroe County, Mississippi, May 21, 1844, Brown married Elizabeth Crosby, daughter of John Jeter Crosby and Elizabeth Glen Coleman Crosby.

We know that Brown and Clapp eventually joined efforts. Clapp presided at a Church conference in Cypry, Alabama in 1844 and as indicated previously, Brown also baptized Green and Allen Flake at about the same time. There were 192 members present at the Cypry Conference, including twelve elders, five priests, four teachers and two deacons.37 The following are minutes of that conference:

Minutes of the Mississippi and Alabama conferences, held in Cypry, Tuscaloosa county, Ala., on the 12th of April, 1844. Conference was organized by calling elder Benjamin L. Clapp to the chair, and appointing elder John Brown clerk. The president then arose and stated the object of the meeting and gave some valuable instruction to the saints. Conference then adjourned until to morrow 11 o'clock. Saturday 13th, a conference met pursuant to adjournment, a hymn was sung, and the throne of grace addressed by the president, after which the following branches were represented. Cyprus branch, represented by George W. Steward, consisting of 50 members, two elders, one priest, one teacher and one deacon, all in good standing. Boguechetto branch, represented by L. J. Uttly, consisting of 22 members, two elders one priest, one teacher and one deacon, all in good standing. Pleasant Springs branch, represented by Charles M. Johnson, consisting of 23 members, two elders, one priest and one teacher, all in good standing. Running Tiger branch, represented by James M. Flake, consisting of 15 members, one elder, all in good standing. (emphasis added) Running Water branch, represented by B. L. Clapp, consisting of 29 members, two elders, all in good standing. Flat Wood branch, represented by B. L. Clapp, consisting of 36 members, two elders and one priest, all in good standing.

36 The influence of the Church in that area at that time is still reflected in local place names. North of Tuscaloosa is a road called "Mormon Road. Up near Jasper is found a town named Nauvoo. (internet: "History of the Church in Tuscaloosa Co., Alabama) 37 History of the Church, Vol. 6, pp 331-338 26

Five Mile branch, represented by Juththan Avrett, consisting of 17 members, one elder, one priest and one teacher, all in good standing. Resolved, That this conference withdraw the hand of fellowship from elder Amos Hodges, for refusing to attend the conference to answer to a charge preferred against him. Official members present, seven elders two priests three teachers and two deacons. Conference adjourned for fifteen minutes. Conference assembled again; prayer by elder Johnson. The president then addressed the conference on the subject of the gathering, and building the Temple and Nauvoo House, showing the southern brethren the pains and labors of the brethren in Nauvoo to build those houses; although many of them have been robbed two or three times. He urged the necessity of the whole body being equally engaged in keeping the commandments of God, even in building an house unto the Lord, in fulfilment [sic] of the prophets who have spoke of the great work of God in the last days. He also urged the southern brethren to take the Nauvoo papers, that they might be able to successfully meet the slang that is hurled forth against the truth. Resolved, That a copy of these minutes be transmitted to the editor of the Times and Seasons for publication. . Conference then adjourned till the 12th day of July next, to be held in Noxby county, Mississippi. BE JAMIN L. CLAPP, Prest. JOHN BROWN, Clerk.

Brown remained in the South for a time, but Clapp returned to Nauvoo, probably after the April Conference in Alabama. About that time, Clapp penned the following letter to Wilford Woodruff:38

Dear Sir: It is not with an ordinary degree of satisfaction that I embrace the present opportunity of writing a few lines to you, to let you know where I am and what I am doing. I left home August last; came down the river to Vicks Burg; travelled into the county about forty miles; preached a few times; was taken very ill, and remained unable to preach for about four weeks. I then got better and began to preach as soon as I felt able. In company with Elders Hewet and Gully, I started for Alabama, travelled about 140 miles and came into Kemper county [Mississippi], where I am now. The weather being rainy, and the waters high, we commenced preaching the everlasting gospel. Large congregations turned out to hear and many soon began to believe. The waters still continued high and I continued to preach in this and the adjoining counties, until I, with the help of my brethren, have succeeded in organizing two branches of the church consisting of 6 and 7 members. The spirit of the Lord has been poured out, and some have spoken in tongues while others have rejoiced in the blessings of the new and everlasting covenant. I have not yet been to Alabama; the waters have continued so high that it has been impossible to get there.

38 The letter was supposedly written late in 1844, but its contents suggest that it was actually written during Clapp's first sojourn in the South. He speaks of "leaving home in August last" and going to Kemper Co. That information relates to his first mission. He did not leave on his second mission to the South until after October 20th, 1844. (He was ordained and set apart as one of the presidents of the eighth quorum of Seventy Oct. 20, 1844 in Nauvoo.) 27

It happened pretty much by chance, a few days ago, that I got hold of one of the late numbers of the Times and Seasons, in which I discovered an article on the necessity of a more extensive spread of your very valuable paper, upon which I determined to use what influence I could in that way, and feel still determined with the help of the Lord, to be the means in the hands of God of spreading this word as far as I can, both by preaching and obtaining subscribers for both the Times and Seasons and Neighbor. --Brother S. Gully, the bearer of this, will hand in the names of some ten or twelve subscribers, with the pay. The brethren here have subscribed liberally for the papers, in a general way. I have seen many ups and down[s] in this world since I first heard the gospel by your mouth; but the circumstances which transpired in those days are still fresh in my mind and well do I remember the many times that I repaired to the silent grove and poured out my soul in mighty prayer to God, that I might receive authority as a minister of Jesus Christ, and little did I realize the importance of the calling. But I chose it, not because I was eloquent, not because I was learned, nor yet because I was desirous of obtaining vain glory; but because I could not bare [sic] the idea of God's people being gathered and not to have a hand in it; believing that God was able out of weakness to bring strength and with weak and foolish things to bring to nought the strong and wise in the things of this world. May the Lord, in his mercy, direct me in all things that I may follow the spirit of truth and the council [sic] of the church of Latter-day Saints. Pray for me that the Lord may bless me and keep me in the right way. Write to me, if you please, and give me such instructions as I need, and you will confer a great favor on me. I am your brother in the bonds of the new and everlasting covenant, BENJAMIN L. CLAPP39

Clapp returned to the Mississippi-Alabama area in the late fall of 1844. He gives October 23rd as the date. He was on a special mission to collect tithing throughout the southern states. "He returned, having held many meetings, baptized fifteen persons and collected one thousand and forty-seven dollars which he delivered to the Trustee-in-Trust.40

James Madison → Nauvoo

Shortly after the Cypry, Alabama, conference, James decided to find out more about this new church that he had joined. Also, he may have been influenced by the sermon given by Elder Clapp at the Cypry conference. Clapp spoke "on the subject of the gathering, and building the Temple and Nauvoo House, showing the southern brethren the pains and labors of the brethren in Nauvoo to build those houses. . ." Perhaps James simply wanted to see for himself that a temple was under construction. He may have even wanted to meet this latter-day prophet, Joseph Smith, about whom he had heard so much. Osmer Flake wrote:

A few other families joined the Church. They were persecuted and ostracized in every community. He saw that he could not live at peace among his people. The only thing for him was to go to the body of the Church.

39 Gapages.com/clappb11.htm pp. 3-6 of 7 40 Ibid, p. 3 28

In the Spring of 1844, he saddled a mule and went to Nauvoo, Illinois, to learn the true condition before moving his family there. Fifteen days before the Martyrdom of the Prophet and Patriarch, he received a Blessing from the latter. (William J. Flake, p. 5)

Carol Read Flake added a few more imaginative details about James' trip north:

James felt a sincere obligation to join his efforts to the task of construction and to strengthening Zion. Before moving his family, however, he felt it wisdom to ascertain just what conditions were in that place. It was a journey of almost 700 miles to Nauvoo, but he set out alone, on mule-back, the latter part of May, 1844, riding north through Tennessee to the Mississippi River. He followed the river to St. Louis, then on 200 miles to Nauvoo. He found the young city an impressive and inspiring sight, neatly laid out within the broad curve of the Mississippi. Rolling green farmland surrounded the handsome brick dwellings and business establishments, all of it embroidered with the leafy, flowering foliage of springtime. Rising majestically above it all, on a hilltop that sloped gently to the river, were the gleaming white limestone walls of the uncompleted temple. James knew his help was needed here. Mingling with the inhabitants of the city, he felt the warm spirit of unity and strength, for the Saints were a friendly, industrious people. Among those he met was the brother of the Prophet, Hyrum Smith, counsellor [sic] in the First Presidency and Patriarch to the Church. From him he sought a blessing." (Carol R. Flake, p. 47)41

Dave Smith gives a slightly different version of the journey James made--without any indication as to the source of his information:

The Flakes decided to move to Nauvoo to be with the saints and offered freedom to their slaves. James and Green went to Illinois to find a place to live. James met the Prophet and received his Patriarchal blessing from Hyrum just weeks before the Martyrdom. Green stayed in Nauvoo to start building a home while James returned to sell out and move his family."42 (Dave Smith, Flake Roundup, p. 2)

Patriarchal Blessing As mentioned, James received a Patriarchal Blessing from Hyrum Smith on 12 June 1844--just two weeks before Joseph and Hyrum were murdered.

Patriarchal Blessing on the head of JAMES MADISON FLAKE, son of Jordan and Faithy Elizabeth Flake, born in Anson Co., N.C., June 22, 1815. Blessing June 12, 1844, in the City of Joseph by Hyrum Smith, Patriarch. Brother James: I lay my hands on your head in the name of Jesus of Nazareth to place and seal a Blessing on you in the order of my

41 Again, Carol Flake gives no source for her information about the details of James' trip. She apparently borrows heavily from Osmer's account for the basic facts relating to the journey. 42 This writer has not seen another account of James' journey to Nauvoo that included Green, nor any mention of Green staying in Nauvoo to build a house for the Flakes. Perhaps Smith is confusing Nauvoo with Salt Lake City/Cottonwood and Green's task in 1847. 29

calling, Patriarchal and Prophetic, to come to pass in the future according to the will of God, from time to time according to the desires of your heart and according to your faith which is in Jesus Christ. Behold I say unto you, James, according to the workings of the spirit in me, you are of the blood of Ephraim and from that lineage you have rights that are inherent under promises and covenants that are made Fathers, for his cause you have been wrought upon by the Spirit of inspiration and have come up hither and your faith is unshaken, for this cause you are blessed and shall be blessed and your children after you with the Priesthood and the power of its administration and the keys of the knowledge of God through you may receive a fullness of the everlasting covenant, even the blessing of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. And you shall be blessed in your avocations of life, in your testimony, in your house and habitation, in the field and in the garner, and your name shall have honor and be perpetuated from generation to generation and the blessings of Ephraim shall crown your head upon Mount Zion, with the ten thousands of Ephraim and the thousands of Manassah. Therefore be firm, steadfast and immovable and you shall abound in grace and every good gift, henceforth and forever, and your days shall be long in the land and you shall go up and down through the land to and fro on the earth and prosperity shall be in your pathway notwithstanding the trials that are incident to your calling wherewith you are called unto the Ministry and as a laborer in the field in the eleventh hour that is white and already to harvest in which your name shall be known and come up in honor in Mount Zion as a savior and a judge to judge the Mount of Esau with the residue of Gods, the fullness you know not but by and by you shall know it. These Blessings I seal upon your head, even so, Amen.

Exodus from Mississippi

As James was returning to his home in Mississippi, he heard news of the tragic martyrdom of Joseph and Hyrum Smith. Undeterred, he made preparations to leave permanently the State of Mississippi: Returning to his home, he reported his trip to the few Saints. They all disposed of their property for any price they could get, and with Elder Clapp, took the long journey to Nauvoo, Illinois. The families of Billy Lay, C. Covington and Joe Mathew made up the company. The locomotive power for the trip were [sic] the two white mules and an ox team.43 Three of his slaves wanted to go, and he gave the rest their freedom to go with whom they wanted. Holcum Thomas, a cousin, was a young man when they left. He taught his children that the Mormons were a low class of people and only gathered up the skum [sic] of the earth where they went. Sixty years later, when William [Jordan Flake] visited him and asked him to tell him of his parents, he said, "They were the finest people I ever knew." He also said the same of Lay, Covington and Mathews. Then he added, "When Ben Clapp left here he took the cream of Mississippi." His grey-haired son of sixty jumped up and asked, "What are you saying? You have always told us they were all a low class of people; you now say they were

43 Dave Smith states that "the family moved in style in a carriage and three wagons." However, he does not give a source for his information. 30

the best people in the country. You have lived a lie all these years." The old man with bowed head said, "Yes, I have lived a lie; they were the finest people I ever knew." (William J. Flake, p. 5)

Slaves freed?

Flake family tradition has continually stated that James Madison Flake freed his slaves when he left the south. In reality, the subject is much more complicated. In a way, it may be true that James freed his slaves to decide with whom and for whom they wanted to live and work, as may be inferred by Osmer's statement "he gave the rest their freedom to go with whom they wanted." (That is not necessarily the same as giving his slaves absolute and unconditional freedom.)

Of more interest to us are the three slaves that accompanied James and Agnes north. Since the family was headed for Illinois, a free state, it seems logical to assume that Green, Liz and Edie were given their freedom, but chose, voluntarily, to stay with the Flake family. However, as future events will show, perhaps that freedom was temporary, or was only a spur-of-the- moment verbal assurance. When the Flakes reach Utah in 1848, we will see that Green and Liz are regarded as personal property of the Flakes.

Life in Nauvoo

We know very little of the Flake's quality of life in Nauvoo. Osmer tells of two experiences had by William Jordan Flake. On one occasion William was apparently taken to the top of the still unfinished Nauvoo Temple and was enthralled by the spectacular view. According to Osmer, "All his life he [William] thought of this as the most beautiful view he had ever looked on." (William J. Flake, p. 6) The other incident was more somber. William threw a handful of gunpowder on a fire to see it burn and the flashback blinded him for two or three months:

. . . he took a handful of powder out of his Father's powder horn and threw it in the fire. He did not see it burn; neither did he see anything else for weeks, but wore a black cloth over his face for two or three months, both day and night, with holes cut for his eyes and mouth, until he got a new face. The old one having burned off. (William J. Flake, p. 6)

Carol R. Flake gives more information about the Flakes in Nauvoo, but neglects to cite her sources: In Nauvoo, James constructed a large brick home for his family with the usual bricked- up well and cistern in the rear. The Flakes very soon became a part of the bustling, busy community. . . . The winter of 1844 was long and cold. The Flake family found frost and snow and biting winds a new experience. On December 23rd [1844] James was ordained a member of the Eighth Quorum of Seventy. The certificate of ordination was signed by Benjamin L. Clapp, the man who had baptized him. 31

Young William Jordan, age five, retained life-long memories of their sojourn in Nauvoo. A second little brother, Richmond, died there, and another brother, Samuel was born [11 Oct 1845]. (Carol R. Flake, p. 48)

Carol R. Flake states that James and Agnes had a fine home in Nauvoo. Interestingly, the Nauvoo Land and Records Office does not have information on their main data base that James had property in Nauvoo. However, in a telephone conversation with an LDS missionary working in that office, the present writer asked if there were any other records that might show James as a landowner. The missionary looked in the Hancock County Land Records book and James was listed as owning property at "Well: Block 19, Lot 3 N/2." That places his home directly across the street to the east of the Nauvoo Temple! The Nauvoo Temple was in Block 20. Block 19 where James' home was located, was directly to the east of the temple.)

James' home was in Block 19, as shown in the red circle

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Frank Flake supplied this picture. He wrote: "During the summer of 1960 we visited Nauvoo. That was before the days of reconstruction. Nauvoo was just a sleepy place in the road. We stopped at the Chamber of Commerce... The lady at the desk inside the door asked us to sign the guest register during our conversation. When she saw the name Flake, she informed us of there being the remains of an old home and a barn that had belonged to a Flake family in early Nauvoo. She told us how to find it, and we did. The brick walls looked to be in good shape but the wood structure had mostly fallen to the basement. The barn was still being used. We looked the place over, took a couple of pictures, the children picked up a few pieces of brick and we went on with our tour." During this same time period (the 1960s) the University of Illinois would send students and a teacher to test the cement that was used to build in Nauvoo. The cement in the Flake barn was about waist high and in perfect condition. They told Frank they were trying to figure out what the cement was made of because it had lasted so well. Lester & Frank Flake (Osmer, Wm. J. Flake)

(Picture appears on the cover of The Flake Roundup, October 1990)

A 1954 newspaper article added: "The property, consisting of eight acres where his relatives and their three slaves lived, was recently sold by Cecil Grant to R. E. Hamon of Fort Madison, Ia. Only the wall of the 2-story brick home, which was a pretentious place at the time, remain standing. To the northeast of it stands the antique grout house which presumably had been occupied by the three Negro slaves." Hawk Eye Gazette, Burlington IA, 30 Apr 1954.

33

James returns to Mississippi44

Apparently, the slave/servant, Edie, either did not like the cold weather or simply yearned for her family in the south. Consequently, James made another trip south in 1845 to Mississippi to return Edie to her more familiar surroundings. When he returned to Nauvoo, he brought badly needed mules for the poorer Saints to use in the exodus from Nauvoo.45

James was not among the first Saints to leave Nauvoo in February of 1846. The Flake family has a tithing receipt dated 1 April 1846 that indicates James was a member in good standing and that he had paid his "property tithing" and in addition had contributed $140 "to assist the poor to go to the West." The existence of the receipt is clear evidence that James was still in Nauvoo as of 1 Apr 1846.46 As a benefit for his faithful contribution, James was given the privilege of using the baptismal font, but no record has survived of his having done vicarious baptisms for his deceased ancestors.

44 Dave Smith says that this trip was taken in 1845. Osmer Flake and Carol Read Flake date the trip later, after James had arrived in Winter Quarters (William J. Flake, pp 9-10, Carol R. Flake, p. 59) We have no concrete evidence to support either date. 45 Dave Smith, p. 2. No source given for his information. No one has ever mentioned it, but perhaps James traded Edie to some of his relatives in exchange for the much-needed mules. 46 Osmer Flake errs a little in the departure date and river crossed. ”He helped one company after another to get started on their long, long road to the West. He and his family remained until among the last. They crossed the Missouri in February 1846, driven by mobs." (p. 7) James and Agnes crossed the Mississippi, not the Missouri, and probably did not leave Nauvoo until May or after of 1846. 34

Winter Quarters

We do not know the exact date when James left Nauvoo, nor do we have any details about his journey across the state of Iowa. However, it was a relatively easy trip, compared to the struggles and hardships of those who had left Nauvoo during the early days of February. Those early contingents crawled slowly across the State through snow, rain and deep mud.47 The 300+ mile journey took the first groups 131 days to complete. They literally made the trail for later pioneers who needed less than a third that time to traverse the State.48

By December of 1846 James and Agnes were living in Winter Quarters, 7th Ward. Winter Quarters was situated on the west side of the Missouri River. (Saints were allowed to dwell there between 1846-48 after which the government required the Latter-day Saints to move back to the east side of the River, since the west side was Indian lands.)

Of the Winter Quarters experience, William Jordan later recalled:

In the summer of '47 I herded cows in the Missouri bottom. Father farmed in '47 on the bottom. He would tie a string of hooks to the willows and catch fish--some very large ones. He had a canoe and would go up and down the river and fish. He was a great fisher and hunter.49

47 Not without a sense of humor, some of the early pioneers quipped: "It was a middling good road when the mud did not quite reach one's boot tops--while astride a horse." Another wrote: "We only had to pass through one mud hole--which was about six miles in length." 48 Joseph Lee Robinson--the man who chose James as his Counselor in Winter Quarters, left Nauvoo in June. The page of his journal is missing where he told of the groups of saints with which he and his family traveled. However, on June 27, 1846 he "camped at a beautiful grove and stayed over the Sabbath. We found several of the brethren there and had some conversation with Brother Benjamin Clapp..." (The Journal of Joseph Lee Robinson, p 76, internet download) It is very possible that the Flakes were traveling either with Robinson or Clapp. Robinson, by the way, was sent back to Nauvoo on Church business, but left there again on July 18th and arrived in Cutler's Park (Winter Quarters) on August 20th. His trip across Iowa took only 32 days--one- fourth the time it took the original Saints who left in February, 1846. 49 The Flake Roundup, July 1979, p. 4 35

Map of area that was Winter Quarters. The Seventh Ward was in the area marked by #1.

Although a recent arrival, James was immediately selected as First Counselor to Bishop Joseph Lee Robinson in the WQ Seventh Ward. A perusal of ward members shows interesting information:

--Several of the families were from the South: Collins,50 Covingtons, Matthews, Thomases. It is conceivable that they had been with the Flakes in Nauvoo and had accompanied them across Iowa.

--The entries for the Flakes show both living and deceased children, the living in bold print.

--For some reason, Green Flake was given head of family status in the ward census-- perhaps because he was a baptized member of the Church.

--The entry, "Carlotty L. Flake" must refer to Agnes' servant/slave Liz since no record exists of the Flakes having a child by the name of Carlotty.51

50 Albert Washington Collins was from Noxubee Co. MS, the county adjacent to Kemper Co. He married Susan Thomas and his father-in-law, John Pledger Thomas, was also in the WQ 7th Ward. 51 About Carlotty, Arlene Flake has noted: "Carlotty is listed with the Flake family in the list of 7th Ward members in Winters Quarters in 1847. She is also listed in the emigrants' list of the Amasa Lyman Company going west in 1847 along with the Flake family. As she is not a daughter of James Madison and Agnes Love it appears almost certain that this is Liz, who we know accompanied the family to the Salt Lake Valley. I can see no other reverences to Liz so this must be the black girl that was taken in by the family. The Winter Quarters 36

Flake activities at Winter Quarters

Life must have been bitter-sweet for the Flakes during the period 1846-47. The bitter part was the loss of two of their children. Frederick was born and died the same day, 3 Nov 1846. It was probably shortly after they arrived at Winter Quarters. He was buried in the Cutler Park Cemetery, #47.52

James' second child to die was Samuel B. Flake. He died 25 Mar 1847 at age 1½. He is buried in the Winter Quarters Pioneer Cemetery, Grave #114.

On a more positive note, just eleven days after Samuel's death, Agnes gave birth to a baby girl, on 4 April 1847. They named her Sarah James Flake and she and William J. were the only two Flake children who eventually married and had children.

We are aware of two other activities associated with James Madison. On 20 Jan 1848 he signed a petition, along with at least a hundred others urging the government to authorize a post office at Winter Quarters. Included on the petition are the names of James M. Flake, William I. [sic] Flake and Charles L. Flake.

In addition, Sarah Rich, wife Charles C. Rich, wrote in her journal of the generosity of James M. Flake:

We had not gone far before we met Brother E. T. Clark with a sack of flour and a bushel of potatoes in his wagon. He said he had been inquiring where I lived and he said it was for me, so I sent him on to my house with instructions for the girls to hurry up breakfast and we would soon be there with some groceries. We went and got a little sugar, a little coffee, and tea, and of course a dollar would not get much, but we were so proud to get a little. We then started for home, passed Brother Flake's whom I had never seen; he was just finishing dressing a calf. Someone present observed to him that there went Sister Rich. He turned and called me and said, "Sister Rich send that man here and get a quarter of this calf." I did so, and reached home with plenty to eat . . .53

Research Group gives no source of information for Carlotty.(25 Mar 2011 e-mail sent from Arlene Flake to Margo Clouse, editor of the Flake Roundup. 52 Cutler Park was selected in August 1846 to be the winter quarters for about 2,500 Mormon travelers. Brigham Young held talks with two Indian tribes, the Otos and the Omahas, and finally moved 3 miles east to a place that overlooked the Missouri River that he named Winter Quarters. Our interest in Cutler Park is that Frederick was buried there, which could indicate that the Flakes lived there when they first arrived in the area. When Joseph L. Robinson reached that area he wrote: "August 20th [1846]. It came to pass, with my team I . . . crossed the river and drove up to the camp of Israel at a place called Cutler's Park." (p. 85) Robinson also had a child die at Cutler's Park: "September, 1846, . . . It came to pass that we buried our sweet little daughter in the edge of the little mound near Cutler's Park and there were some ten others buried there." (p. 87) One to two months later, on 3 Nov 1846, Frederick Flake was born, died and was laid to rest in that same Cutler Park burial grounds. 53 Autobiography of Sarah D. Pea Rich, 1814-1893, typescript http://www.boap.org/LDS/Early-Saints/SRich.html

37

James M. Flake and others were counseled to stay at Winter Quarters when the first Pioneer Co. left for the West in April of 1847. Bishop Joseph L. Robinson wrote:

1847. Early in the spring, the First Presidency and a good company of pioneers and families left to search out the place for the Saints to gather into. It came to pass that we that remained behind, went to with our mights [sic] in plowing, planting and sowing and fencing and going down into Missouri for supplies. (p. 94)

James stayed behind with the Robinsons and others, whether by his own choice or by counsel from Church leaders. However, he did send Green Flake with the first Company and loaned the Company the use of his fine mules and mountain carriage:

When Brigham Young commenced fitting out a train to take the first of the Pioneers across the Great Plains, he needed the very best teams and outfits to be had. James M. Flake, who had put his all upon the altar, sent his slave, Green, with the mules and mountain carriage, to help the company to their destination. He told Green to send the outfit back by some of the brethren, who would be returning, and for him to stay and build them a house. Like the old slaves he faithfully carried out his instructions. We have always believed that President Young USED THIS OUTFIT FOR HIS OWN CONVEYANCE [capitalization in the original] and it was from that carriage, that he got his first view of the Valley. History records that he lay sick in President Woodruff's carriage.54 (William J. Flake, p. 9)

Green's assignment to build a cabin

Flake family tradition has stated continually that Green built a cabin that was ready for James and his family when they arrived in Utah a year later. However, not all researchers are in agreement with that assertion.

Brigham Young arrived in the Great Salt Lake Valley on July 24th, 1847. He remained there only one month before setting out on 26 August to return to Winter Quarters. Two questions arise: #1 Did Green Flake remain in the Salt Lake Valley as per instructions in order to build a suitable dwelling for James Madison? #2 If Green did not stay in the Valley, did he have adequate time to build a cabin in Cottonwood before he left to return to Winter Quarters?

In answer to the first question, it appears that Green did NOT remain in the Valley. In his History of Utah Orson F. Whitney stated that on the 26th of August, 1846, "the pioneer leaders

54 Osmer seems to contradict himself in this affirmation. On the one hand he says that "we" i.e. the Flake family believe Brigham Young was in the Flake carriage when he first viewed the Valley. However, he then adds that historians are of the opinion that Brigham Young was in Wilford Woodruff's carriage on that memorable day. The latter comment seems to be the more accurate one. 38 bade farewell to their friends who were to remain, and set out upon their return journey to the Missouri."55 He included "a full list of names" of those returning to Winter Quarters:

Significantly, Green Flake's name appears among those of the pioneers returning to Winter Quarters. Perhaps this is an error on the part of Orson F. Whitney, or it may have been that Brigham Young asked Green to return to the Missouri River with him. We may never know.

Assuming that Green returned to Winter Quarters on 26 Aug with Brigham and others, the second question needs addressing: Did Green build a cabin for James and if so, where?

Pioneer records indicate that the first Pioneer Company that arrived officially on 24 July 1847 was comprised of 143 men, 3 women and 2 children. Three of the 143 men were designated

55 Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah, vol. I, SLC: Geo. Q. Cannon, 1892, p. 357. 39

"colored servants." The names of those three servants/slaves were Green Flake, Hark Lay and Oscar Crosby. Interestingly, Green Flake was not the only one of the three blacks who had an assignment to build a cabin. "Hark Lay, age 22, stayed in Salt Lake City that first winter and built a log house for the Lay family to occupy when they came in 1848."56 Oscar Crosby, age 32, "was the older brother of Hark Lay but was owned by William Crosby . . . Oscar was baptized a Mormon shortly after arriving in the Salt Lake Valley in 1847. He also built a house for his master's family in Holladay."57

Dave Smith, without citing his source, states: "Arriving in the Salt Lake Valley, Green built a cabin and then returned with Brigham Young before winter with the teams." Such an action was certainly possible. After all, to build a makeshift cabin was the work of only a few days or possibly a week. The question is whether or not Green built the cabin and where?

Certain arguments suggest that Green did not accomplish his task:

#1 Orson F. Whitney wrote that the pioneers were kept busy exploring, planting, laying out the town site of Salt Lake City and building a fort during that first hectic month:

The building of the fort was pushed forward as rapidly as possible and by the last of the month [August, 1847] twenty-nine houses had been erected at the stockade.58

Prior to their departure, a special conference was convened the 22nd of August... It was decided by vote to fence in & cultivate the city plat during the coming year, in preference to lands lying outside.

[Brigham Young:] We desire you to live in that stockade until we come back again, and raise grain next year.

#2 Other than the "houses" (14 foot square one-room dwellings) that were built as part of the Old Fort, private home construction was not encouraged. Brigham's brother, Lorenzo, built one of the first homes, if not the first, outside the Fort and it was not finished until "early December:"

Lorenzo built a house in common with others in the fort which was being constructed for the defense of the people. The ground on which the fort was built was somewhat low and, as before stated Mrs. Young being troubled with phthisis, believed her heath would be better

56 Heritage Gateways, "Blacks in the Pioneer Company," heritage.uen.org/companies/Wc8a1ec054fc1a.htm 57 Ibid 58 Carol Read Flake wrote: "The first construction in the Pioneer Camp took place very early, on the 11th of August, when a fort was laid out on a ten acre square...The walls were built of adobe with small log huts facing inside. Roofs, slanting inward, were of brush covered with earth. In each was a small opening, like a porthole, that faced outside. Each cabin measured 16 by 14 feet and 8 or 9 feet high. . . . [by midwinter] the fort was enlarged to include a total of 423 cabins to shelter the 1,671 souls. (p. 67-68) 40

if she were located on higher ground. For this reason, when the emigration59 arrived, by permission of the authorities . . . Lorenzo sold out in the Fort and built a house of hewn logs, of two rooms and hallway between. It was located about one mile from the fort, on the corner where, at this writing, stands the "Beehive House" west of the Eagle Gate, in Salt Lake City. [This was the first house build outside the fort.] [bracketed comment part of the typescript copy of Lorenzo's biography.] . . . He moved into the house early in December. (Biography of Lorenzo Dow Young, p. 48 of 73)60

#3 Several sketches of James M. Flake state that the cabin Green supposedly built was located on the Amasa Lyman Survey, also known as the Big Creek Cottonwood settlement, located 6-7 miles south and slightly east of Salt Lake City.61 However, settlement of that area did not commence until well after Brigham's group had begun their journey back to Winter Quarters: "Later, on August 11, Brown, Albert Carrington, and Mormon Battalion veterans Rust and Wilson took the opportunity to camp in the mouth of Big Cottonwood Canyon . . . Thus Brown, if not Lyman, had become fully familiar with the Cottonwood area which the next year became "Amasa's Survey" doubtless contemplated for settlement by at least some of the 1848 Lyman company prior to their reaching the Great Basin. . . And as local historian Jay M. Todd has discovered, John Holladay, another of the Mississippi Mormons who (he claims) remained in the Salt Lake Valley in the fall and winter of 1847, brought some associates out to the spring near Big Cottonwood Creek and started projecting a community there, keeping several men at the site throughout the winter."62

William D. Kartchner was one of the first to settle in the Cottonwood area. He wrote in his journal: Spring [1848] arrived, we were to farm as we had traveled, by tens, fifties and hundreds. The land our ten drew was on a high bench six miles southwest [southeast??] of the city and our Captain John Holladay, Sen. He asked permission from his captain for us to locate three miles farther south at the large spring. It was granted, and soon we moved out there, built a row of small houses and fenced a field.63

#4 The Holladay Walking Tour brochure gives the following historical information:

No. 1: First Settlers of Holladay Memorial John D. Holladay, a leader of the Mississippi Company of Mormon pioneers entered the Salt Lake Valley on July 29, 1847. John Holladay's group explored the valley of the Great

59 The "emigration" to which Lorenzo alludes is the arrival in the fall of 1847 of 1200+ members of the "Big Company." 60 http://young.parkinsonfamily.org/john/histories/uhq-lorenzo-d-young-bio.htm p 48 of 73 However, endnote #43 in the Lorenzo Dow Young diary states: "Sept 1847. Osmyn M. & Wm Henry Denel built one of the first houses in the valley, located north of the east portal of the old fort." 61 "They [James & family] entered the Valley in Oct 1848 and settled in the house Green had built on the Amasa Lyman Survey on Cottonwood Creek." (Dave Smith, p. 3) Also "The company arrived in the Salt Lake Valley in October 1848, . . . The log house and lean-to barn Green had built for the Flakes were part of the Amasa Survey, in Cottonwood." (Bound for Canaan, p. 67) 62 Edward Leo Lyman, Amasa Mason Lyman. SLC: U of Utah Press, 2009, pp. 143, 159 63 Memoirs of William Decatur Kartchner, BYU 1954 typescript, p. 27 41

Salt Lake and its tributary canyons with an eye toward irrigation, wild hay for their animals, and waterpower for mills. Most of the Mississippi Company stayed together and by fall had planned [emphasis added] their farms and community in the area of a free-flowing, spring-fed stream issuing from the base of Mt. Olympus

No. 3: The 1847 Dugouts Eastward 200 to 500 yards on Spring Creek's northern side in 1847, 2 or 3 men built temporary winter shelters called dugouts only months after entering Salt Lake Valley in July. . . . Reportedly by fall a group was here planning farms and a community. They returned to the city to winter, except the men who built dugouts, making Holladay Utah's first pioneer community outside Salt Lake City. (emphasis added) Dugouts were made by digging a 12 ft. square area about 4 ft deep in the sloping creek bank. Corner poles 8 ft. long were set upright; secured to them was wall siding of split logs. Wood slabs, willows, and sod formed the roof, canvas or rawhide the door. Often one end of a dead tree burned in the floor's middle, the tree's other end sticking out the doorway. When the fire burned low, more of the tree was pulled into the fire.64

In summary, the present writer believes that IF Green Flake returned to Winter Quarters in August of 1847, he probably did NOT build a cabin for James M. Flake--and certainly did not build it out on Amasa's Survey since no one, other than one or two in an exploring party, had ventured into that area. Of course if Orson F. Whitney's information is in error, then it is very easy to accept Green living in the Salt Lake Fort during the winter and in the spring going to Cottonwood Creek with the other two black servants to build dwellings for their owners.

This, however, is not to say that if Green returned to Winter Quarters, that he did not eventually help in the construction of the Flakes' dwelling place. At a pioneer appreciation day held in Mill Creek, Idaho, many years later, Green stated:

Sometimes I would work long and hard on a difficult job and no one would even say thanks or tell me and say a few kind words. Sometimes a colored person would be given a kick or a cuff because he may have taken more time than was necessary to do a task. I drove a team and wagon to the Salt Lake valley for my master, James Flake, and helped build him a home and fit place to live. [emphasis added] They moved into the home and I was moved out most of the time to live in a dugout and a shed."65

Green's description of his activities is interesting. When he says "I drove a team and wagon to the Salt Lake valley for my master" is he referring to his 1847 crossing or possibly a second crossing in 1848, in company with James? Also, Green says "I helped build him a home and fit place to live" rather than saying simply "I built him a cabin." In other words, it may well have been that James and Green built the family home in the Cottonwood area once they both arrived in October of 1848.

64 http://mormontrails.org/Tours/Holladay/Holladay.htm pp 1-2 of 6 65 Fretwell, Interview with Udell, Miscellaneous Family Papers, 7 42

James and family: On to Utah!

During the spring and early summer of 1847 approximately 1600 Saints crossed the plains to Utah. The original company of 148 was followed by what was called the "Big Company" that departed Winter Quarters in nine wagon trains between June 17-21, 1847. The companies totaled nearly 1500 individuals. As indicated previously, James and Agnes Flake stayed at Winter Quarters another year. They aided in planting crops and helping others make preparations to make the 1,000 miles journey to the Valley the following year.

Osmer Flake states that in the early summer of 1848 James and family were ready to leave:

When they were ready to leave there, they were divided into three companies. Amasa Lyman and Dr. Willard Richards led the company James M. traveled with. Some started on June 29th, the others July 2nd, 1848. They soon joined together, elected Flake, Captain of one hundred wagons. . . . The company consisted of 502 white people, 24 negroes, 169 wagons, 50 horses, 515 oxen, 170 chickens, 4 turkeys, 7 ducks, 5 doves and 3 goats. Liz, the negro girl with him and three other small boys walked and drove the loose cattle all the way to Utah . . . William became eight years old and was baptized in the Elk Horn River, by his Father. (William J. Flake, pp 10-11)

The Lyman-Richards Co. was not the first nor the only company to leave in the spring and summer of 1848. Actually, only three companies left Winter Quarters for Utah in 1848, but they were huge. Brigham's was the first and it totaled 1220 individuals. It left on 5 June. Heber C. Kimball's was next, leaving 7 June and it was comprised of 662 Saints. The Richards/Lyman wagon train was the smallest, at 526. It was the last to leave. The Lyman portion of the group left on 1 Jul and the Richard component followed on 3 July. James Madison Flake was part of the Amasa Lyman group.

A perusal of the list of Company members reveals some interesting information. James, of course, is listed, as is his wife Agnes Haley Love, and also three children. The digitalized record shows:

Flake, Agnes Haley Love (28)

Flake, Carlotty L. (10)

Flake, Charles Love (6) Flake, James Madison (33) Flake, Sarah James (1) Flake, William Jordan (9)

Carlotty, as explained previously, is in all likelihood Liz, the slave girl, but the age seems about five years too young. (She was about five when James and Agnes married in 1838 so she should have been 15-16 in 1848.) It is interesting that no mention is made of Green Flake.

43

In addition to the Flakes appear other names of interest. For example, also traveling in the same company were Jacob Israel Casteel (age 51) his wife, Sarah Knowling [sic] (48), and two children James Nowlin (15) and Joshua (18). Jacob's daughter, Margaret Jane, was not with them since she and her husband, Wm. D. Kartchner, had arrived in the Valley the previous year, with the Mississippi Saints. In 1850 Margaret would give birth to Prudence Jane, who would become the second wife to William Jordan Flake. Thus, William Jordan, age 9, crossed the plains with his future wife's grandfather!

Other company members of note included several families from the south. Some of them had been with the Flake since they left Mississippi.

John Brown, age 27, wife and three children. (Brown baptized Green Flake and ordained James an Elder in Mississippi.) Two Crosby families. (They, too, were from Mississippi. John Brown had married a Crosby.) William Lay, his wife and five children. (The Lays made the trip from Mississippi to Nauvoo with the Flakes.) Joseph Matthews, wife and four children. (The Matthews made the trip from Mississippi to Nauvoo with the Flakes.) Joseph L. Robinson 3 wives and four children. (Robinson had been bishop of the WQ 7th Ward where Flake resided, was married to a southern woman and had slaves.)

Although James Madison Flake did not keep a personal diary of his experiences during the trip, he is, nevertheless, mentioned in several journals and diaries of company members. From those sources, we learn that James M. had a very significant role in the leadership of the company. Shown below are several journal entries in which James M. Flake is mentioned. (For the sake of brevity, the quotes are taken out of their natural contexts.)

John Brown, Reminiscences & journals, 1843-1896, vol. 1, 109-113 ...crossed the [Missouri] River on the 10th of June. We remained in Winter Quarters fitting out & waiting on others until the 27 when we moved out about 6 miles, that is the first fifty of Amasa Lyman's division had not yet started. James M. Flake was Captain of [a] hundred. ...Between Prairie Creek & Wood River, Brothers Lyman & Flake were hunting Antelope. They let their horses get away from them when they were a great ways from water. The day being very warm they had liked to have pearished [sic] with heat & thirst. Brother Lyman did not recover for several days. ...Brother Lyman, Captain Flake & John Holladay left us at Bear River & went on horseback to the valley to send up some fresh cattle to help us over the mountains. At the Weber they met us with some help.

Campbell, Robert L., [Journal extracts, 30 June-19 Oct. 1848], in Historian's Office, Journal 1844-1997.66

66 Campbell was the official Company Historian. However, from his entries, it appears he traveled most of the time in the Willard Richard's section of the Company. 44

Thurs July 6th 1848 11.[00 A.M.] Captn [James M.] Flake with 5 of Amassa’s [Lyman] Company came to our Camp, report 108 waggons over the Horn. plenty fish, very good ford &c. Sab July 9th 1848 meeting between the carrells, [sic: corrals] at 10. A M Prest W Richards. & Amasa Lyman. J M Flake. Meeting called to order by Amassa Lyman – sung “Glorious things of thee are spoken” F. D. Richards prayed – A. Lyman man for the convenience of transacting the business on hand let those who have travelled with Dr R take seats on the right. first item – be to have an expression of the feelings of the Camp in relation to the General office or Captn of Hundred J M Flake, he does not feel to act without an expression of the Bal of the Camp with us now – if it be the view of Drs Camp that J. M. Flake act as Capt. of 100 & manifest uplifted hand – unanimous vote Mond 17 July 1848 Travelled to day 14 miles. Just as came in sun hour high. Amassa & Captn Flake arrived from the upper Ford whither they had both went with a letter from T[homas] Bullock giving Extracts from Camp Journal – Sat 22 July 1848 Passed thousands of Prairie dog holes – saw several also a skunk few rods South of track. dogs worried it. smelt dreadfully. travelling in dark. tens apart – turned South for river. passed deep dry c[r]eek about 9 – P. M. Captn. Flake going back to Pilot hind tens – Sab 23 July 1848 cool morning cloudy – S Wind, breezy this morning as Captns Flake & Richards going to find a better location for washing & cooking. Mond 24th July 1848 Two soldiers in from Fort after lost horse found by Captn. Flake.

Tuesd 5 Sept 1848 Captn Flake requests our division to move out first[.] Dr Willard has an ox died last night. found it this morning torn up by wolves. 5th creature died in our Camp – in 1st Ten every cow yoked up but one – it has the hollow horn. Sab 10th Sep 1848 Amassa & Captn Flake visiting Dr Willard – who is writing long letter to B Young & H C Kimball[.] R[ichard]. C[ampbell]. Copying letter to B Young & H C Kimball and writing out Sketches to send with letter to B Young & H C Kimball. Tuesd 3d October 1848 – 6½ A.M: Camp starts. crosses river foot deep. sun clouded. tolerable roads. move off lively. cattle improve. cows increase in their milk – Warm. Sunny. Snow on mountains before us. have seen it 3 or 4 days. no water in small creek – Pass on to Blacks fork third time – cross 2 feet deep[.] 2½ P.M. difficult to cross. teams stall. Amassa & Captn. Flake at encampment waiting on one of their creatures supposed in our herd.

Crosby, Caroline Barnes, Memoirs and diary 1851-1882, fd. 2, 7-24. Monday July 17th very warm morning [...... ] an alarm raised about indians[.] thought they were . . . several men went armed on horseback, but it was a false alarm. Last night called on sis tanner[.] her oldest daughter sick with ague, she gave me a piece of good cheese. Monday came on to loup fork near the upper ford the heat and dust[.] almost sufficated[.] Brs [Amasa Mason] Lyman and Capt [James Madison] Flake went ahead and found litter from the other camp[.] found they were just before us[.] we have gained three days on them in coming from the horn. Wednesday [July 19th] very warm here[.] 10 miles to go to day, had a beautiful camping place tonight, on a high prairie, entirely out of sight of time. Wednesday night arrived late at our camping place having travelled much farther than we expected to[.] next morning we stopped about 7 miles west of wood river in an entirely new camping place, being almost worn out with the heat and dust[.] Capts Amasa [Mason] Lyman and [James Madison] Flake went on a hunting excursion, got so far from the camp and being destitute of water they 45

nearly perished of fatigue and thirsty, their horses broke from them by being frightened with an antelope which they caught they were discovered by D. Richard and rescued from their almost perishing condition, br Lyman was so far exhausted as to be deprived of reason.

Moon, Hugh, The book of the life of Hugh Moon, 4. July 6—Crossed Elkhorn – We overtook Amasey [Amasa Mason] Lyman’s company under the command of Captain [James Madison] Fleak [Flake].

Rollins, James H., Sketches from camp journal of Pres. Amasa Lyman's Company [24 July 1848 report], in George Albert Smith, Papers, 1834-1882, box 4, fd. 11. [July] (3rd) Pres. L. [Lyman][.] Capt F. [Flake] went to Burying grounds—Indian dug into Sis Taylors Grave[.] Body not disturbed—fixed them[.] anxiously waiting for Dr. R. [July] (15th) A Lyman[,] J. M. Flake & 12 or 15 others went to the Loupe to find a route across[,] which they did in a short time[,] the water not being more than 2 feet in deepest part[.] after staking the route and fixing banks returned, (16th) Capt J. M. F. Rec.d a line from Cap F. D. R. requesting the aid of teams in crossing Loup[.] Accordingly 12 teams of 4 to 6 yokes ea were sent and Dr R's Co are here safe—I since went to Milsion to get Plank & coal—Cloudy and Warm (17th) started at 9 OC Pioneer trail very dull, Pres L. & Capt F. went ahead to upper ford also to search best route. after B L. Adams Piloted the camp, traveled 15 ms and camp on Loupe, Pres L. & Capt. F. found a Letter from first camp at upper crossing giving general information concerning camp and all pertaining to it Both man & Beast, several antelope were seen today (19th) ...Pres. L.[,] Capt. F. and W[eeden]. V[ander]. Hakes left camp this morning to Hunt[.] after going 8 miles Bro H. killed an Antelope[,] got on Capt. F.s horse he became frightened and Both Horses broke from them and Ran Back one mile beyond P. Creek, there Bro Hake caught them, Pres G. & H. started for train on foot and was near perishing for want of water and overcome by excessive heat[.] Pres L came near the foot of the train but came near Perishing before he could by signals make them see him when he did[.] Dr. Richards came to him with his carriage and took him in—But could take nothing him that would stay on his stomach— Capt. F. found Bro Hakes lieing in the Prairie helpless 4 miles from Train,

The above journal entries may not be the most scintillating reading, but they do give some insight into the role James M. Flake had in the westward trek of the Richards/Lyman Company. He was a scout, a hunter, a wagon master, and toward the end, part of a relief effort to bring new oxen to aid the Saints in their last push over Big Mountain into the Salt Lake Valley.

The above entries relate specifically to James M. Flake. Thanks to this monumental project of the LDS Church we have access to actual records of the historic journey made by Flake and many others, as we have seen in the above excerpts.67 Not only is available a complete list of

67 The project bears the title Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel, 1847–1868, and is accessible by entering that title on the internet. 46 the individuals that comprised the company, but also more than thirty excerpts from personal journals and letters.

By reading the diary and journal excerpts cited in connection with the Richard Company, we gain a much better understanding of what the Flakes must have experienced in their travels. For example, the records tell of a boy who died after having been run over by a wagon. Indians tried to abscond with a white child. Buffalo threatened the Company at times. Eleven camp rules were listed. These and many more details allow the reader to more fully understand the tribulations and ultimate victory of those who accompanied James M. Flake in his journey across the plains in 1848.

The Richards/Lyman companies arrived in Salt Lake City from October 10-19, 1848.

Fall 1848: Big Cottonwood Creek/ Amasa's Survey

About the Flakes arrival in Utah, Osmer Flake wrote the following:

When they reached the Valley, there was a log house awaiting them that Green had built on the 'Amasa Survey' on Cottonwood. [It was] the first town settled in Utah outside of Salt Lake City. William Crosby was the first Bishop, James M. Flake, a councilor [sic]. The negro was then given his freedom and was known as Green Flake. He raised a large family in Salt Lake, then moved to Idaho. He was known as a good citizen. (William J. Flake, p. 13)

The unlikelihood of a cabin or log home having been built in advance has already been discussed. Perhaps it is time to comment more in detail on the status of Green Flake.

Green Flake: slave or not?

Ironically, according to Osmer Flake this seems to have been the second time Green was given his freedom. The first time was supposedly when the family left Mississippi. A somewhat wry comment about Green's status was made by Margaret Blair Young, co-author of Bound for Canaan: One of the first conflicts I discovered as Darius Gray and I began writing African American Mormon history was this: Whites tell the history of black Mormons differently than blacks do. Initially I found this phenomenon as I explored the varied stories of one of three slaves in the vanguard pioneer company, Green Flake. Now, if you happen to be a Flake, you might be on the defensive already. As a white Flake, you might have been told that Green was freed by James Madison Flake as soon as the family joined the Church, so he wasn't a slave when he 47

came to Utah. Or, in an alternate white version, Green Flake was offered his freedom and refused it. He wanted to remain a slave because he loved the family."68

Shortly after arriving in the Big Cottonwood area in 1848, Green Flake married Martha Crosby. Apparently, Green and Martha were still considered slaves at the time of their marriage. Historian Ronald G. Coleman writes that both Green Flake and Martha Flake

. . . worked for the Crosby family until Martha's master decided they had paid 'a fair price for a colored girl'; neither was granted freedom until the mid-1850s ("History of Blacks in Utah, " 39). According to Green's descendent Bertha Udell, "Green and Martha gave the Crosbys produce from their garden and farm. Brigham Young was upset with the Crosbys and said that the debt had already been paid in full" (qtd. in Flake, "Green Flake," 20). . . . Savage suggests that Martha Crosby Flake had been acquired by "Herbert Kimball (almost certainly Heber C. Kimball), who subsequently "made arrangements for James Flake to take possession" of her before her marriage to Green (Blacks in the West, 28). (Bound for Canaan, p. 68-69, endnotes)

In short, the status of legal standing of Green Flake and his new wife was uncertain at the time of their marriage. The Utah Census of 1850 seems to clarify some of the confusion.

Utah Census, 1850

At the time the 1850 Census was taken, Agnes was living temporarily in Utah County, near Payson, as final arrangements were being made for the wagon train, of which she would be a part, that was going to colonize San Bernardino. The main 1850 census shows three sets of data relating to the Flakes. The first shows Agnes (spelled Agness) and her three children (by this time, James Madison had died in California).

Agness Flake 30 Female William 11 Male Charles 9 " Sarah 2 Female

The second set of 1850 census figures relates to Green Flake. In the census, he was acknowledged as a head of household, but the information about his "family" generates more questions than answers:

68 http://mormonlife.com/story.313-well-it-depends-on-your-point-of-view/print 48

Green Flake is shown as being 23 years old, male and from South Carolina. The other two names are puzzling. The woman shown is not Martha Flake but rather Vilate Crosby and her age is given as "50." Another woman, "Rose" age 20 is also included as being a member of Green's household. Martha may have been listed by her third given name (her full name was Martha Ann Vilate Whales Crosby, according to NewFamilySearch), but the age is definitely an error. It turns out that Vilate Crosby was a slave of the Crosbys and had two daughters, Martha and Rosa. It is not known why Vilate, the mother, and Rosa, Martha's sister, appear as part of Green's household. (The same census showed a Vilate Crosby, age 52, as being a black slave in the William Crosby family.)

The final and most important 1850 Census entry was a listing of "Slave Inhabitants in Utah County, Deseret." It shows Agnes Flake as owning two black slaves, almost definitely Green and Liz:

Slave Inhabitants of Utah County, Deseret Name # of slaves -Age, Sex, Color--, Fugitive? Manumitted? Deaf/Blind/Insane/Idiotic-Remarks

NAME #/slave age Sex Color Remarks Agnes Flake 1 23, Male, Black, Going to Calif. 2 17, Female, Black "

The notation of the far right of the census pages says "Going to California."

Since Agnes was, when the census was taken, only weeks from leaving for California, the big question was what to do about Green? (Liz had already indicated that she would continue to serve Agnes in California.) Several statements have been made as to how the situation was resolved, but they boil down to the following:

49

#1 When Agnes made the move to San Bernardino, she "left Green Flake in Salt Lake City to work for the Church, as a way of paying the family's back tithing".69

#2 Leonard Arrington wrote: "Green worked for Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball in a variety of capacities for a year or two, and then was given his freedom and a plot of ground at Union Fort, in the Salt Lake Valley. . . . He thereupon married Martha Crosby and at Union, on the east side of 9th East, they grew garden crops, maintained an orchard and bred fine livestock.70

#3 Agnes, in about 1854 while living in San Bernardino, attempted to arrange the sale of Green to another person. Margaret Blair Young wrote, in an internet posting: "I have a copy of a letter from Amasa Lyman to Brigham Young, asking that Green Flake be sold so that his master's widow could have the proceeds from the sale. In fact, a buyer was already identified and ready to pay handsomely. (Brigham Young prevented the sale.)71 The actual text of the letter is: "Sister Agnes Flake wishes me to inquire of you if there is any chance for her to receive any help by way of the negro man she left when she came here. She has a family on her hands for which to provide. Her health is also very delicate and if she could realize something from this quarter it would be a benefit to her. Thomas I Williams told me if he could, he would purchase the negro and pay for him. A word from you on this subject would be received a favor."

Brigham's response, dated 19 August 1854, was somewhat less than totally honest--but Brigham misrepresented the facts as a protection for Green Flake:

"Green Flake worked for me about a year sometime ago, and when he went to Cottonwood his health was quite feeble, and from all I can learn he is still unable even to support himself and family entirely. Should he regain his health so as to be able to be of any benefit to Sister Flake, I will inform you."72

Green and Martha became the parents of two children, Lucinda and Abraham. They lived and enjoyed a happy life in the Salt Lake City area until Martha's death in 1885. Later, Green moved to Idaho where his son was living. Green was invited to Salt Lake City as a guest of honor in 1897 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the pioneers' arrival in Utah.

69 Miriam B. Murphy, "Beehive history 22", she cited as her sources Ronald G. Coleman, "A History of Blacks in Utah 1825-1910" (PH.D. diss., University of Utah, 1980); Leonard J. Arrington, "Black Pioneer Was Union Fort Settler," The Pioneer (SUP) September-October 1981). 70 Ibid. It should be noted that Arrington puts Green's marriage at a later date, 1852, than Osmer's account, 1848. Arrington may be more accurate since Green's first child was not born until 2 Dec 1854. 71 http"//mormonlife.com/story/313-well-it-depends-on-your-point-of-wifw/print 72 Bound for Canaan, p. 171, also letter 1854, dated 19 Aug 1854, in Brigham Young's Letterbook, on pages 635- 636 of the first letterbook (second reel on the microfilm). 50

When Green died in 1903, he had inscribed on his headstone "In my Father's house are many mansions."

1849

While living in Cottonwood, James M. wrote two letters to his friend Amasa Lyman:

The Great Salt Lake Valley Sept. 30, 1849 Brother Amasa Lyman, Sir I recevd your letter about 15 minutes ago and in answer I can say that we are all well at this time--that is, your family and mine. We have a plentiful crop in my settlement, of everything that we planted and had health and prosperity in all things that we set our hands to do. We had to pay dear for provisions up till harvest but we found it to buy and bought it and there is no debt contracted for you, but what I let your family have means to buy provisions and now they have tolerably plenty. Those in the city have moved in their house on your lot and those of my neighborhood have done well. In short, all is well. Oct. 3 The money came to hand all right. Brother Grover did not purchase any stock on his way. Cattle are high as but few of our Brothers have come in as yet, but I will try to buy when they come in or as opportunity presents itself. John Gleason is attending his father in law's saw mill made but a light crop. David Frederic has worked hard, but has made but little grain and the crop not being very good on Cottonwood. I think I shall have to buy quite a quantity of provisions for the family. The boys calculate to sell all the (land) inside of the field. You need not render yourself uneasy about your family or anything under my charge for it will be all right as means are rolling into our hands from the emigration continually. The emigration through the valley has been beyond all calculation. Goods are cheap. Wagons and tools and almost everything is as cheap here as in the states73, except soap and sugar, that is scarce.

73 Part of the reason goods were so cheap is due to the 1849 gold rush. Prospective miners from the east were divesting themselves of everything they could before the final push into California. 51

Sickness is scarcely known in our Valley. Provision plenty. Wheat is worth $3 per bu., corn two dollars but I think plenty to supply all demands. Our emigration amounts to about four hundred wagons. George A. Benson and Oliver Cowdery are on their way and we look for them soon. I hear from Mississippi that my land is sold for one thousand dollars. The cholera is raging throughout the United States; you will learn from Pickett and others. General Rich can tell you all about it therefore I will close and subscribe myself as ever your understanding friend and Brother.

Brother Amasa: Little did I expect to write to you from the Salt Lake Valley when you left me last spring. But circumstances have been such that the Council thought it not prudent for us to leave. The emigration has been so great that we concluded that we had better remain here for the present, although it would have afforded me great pleasure to have spent the ensuing Winter with you and gathered up some of the yellow dirt.74 But it is all right. I have made a first rate crop--say 130 bu of wheat, about 250 of corn, 75 bu buck wheat and potatoes, beans, turnips, squashes and (p. 2, J.M.F. 1849) almost anything more you can call for, but the best of all Agnes' health is first rate, better than it has been for ten years past. The rest are all well. The President speaks something about gathering up an exploring trip south this fall as he is about setting a colony about 200 miles of [from] Salt Lake. I would write more but have not room. The brethren--Rich, Pratt, Hunter, Blackwell and Brown can tell you all the news. Yours as ever James Madison Flake75

James' Mission to California

James lived in the Cottonwood/"Amasa's Survey" area for about a year after arriving from Winter Quarters. He was residing there when news of gold strikes in California reached the Great Basin. Many Mormons, including Saints who had arrived on the ship, Brooklyn, and many ex-Mormon Battalion volunteers were busily engaged in gathering gold. More than 300 members of the Church were at work on Mormon Island, in the Sacramento area, by July, 1848. Brigham Young was adamantly opposed to Church members running off in search of riches. He stated:

Some have asked me about going [to California]. I have told them that God has appointed this place for the gathering of his Saints, and you will do better right here than you will by going to the gold mines." 76

In September, 1849, Young recorded in his journal:

74 "Yellow dirt" is an allusion to gold and Amasa Lyman was in California when James wrote to him from Utah. 75 The Flake Roundup, July 1979, pp 5-6 76 Eugene E. Campbell, "The Mormon Gold Mining Mission of 1849," BYU Studies, 2, no. 1 (1959-60) p. 2 52

Fourteen or fifteen of the brethren arrived from the gold country, some of whom were very comfortably supplied with the precious metal ... That there is plenty of gold in Western California is beyond doubt. (Campbell, p. 2)

Although Brigham continued his public opposition to those who wanted to run off to California, by the fall of 1849 he permitted certain church leaders to "call" young men of their choice on a "mission" to journey to California to mine gold for them. Albert K. Thurber wrote:

The California gold mines were attracting great attention and as B.J. Johnson was of the Council of Seventy, the president, Brigham Young, authorized them to send a few men, as Johnson told me, to prove them. ...Johnson was to fit us out and get one third of what each made and we to receive one third of what he made at home." (Campbell, p. 4)

It is not known who called James M. Flake to be part of what became known as the "Gold Mission."77 Be that as it may, on 11 October 1849 the group with which Flake was traveling left Salt Lake City. Henry Bigler recorded:

I then got in the waggon and we drove to Brother Flakes on Cottonwood, about 10 miles. Got thare in the night, all was gone to bed, we mired in the big field, we had to get in the mud and water with our shoulders to the wheels (Friday 12th This morning we ware detained a little in getting something made. ...we bought a mare of Brother Flakes, paid $20 down and give our note for 100$ with interest at our Return. (Campbell, p. 5)

Several members of the group kept journals of their experiences. Henry Bigler and George Q. Cannon were two of the more meticulous writers. Cannon's October 15th entry indicates that Flake had been chosen as Captain:

Monday, 15 October 1849 We started pretty early we were 20 in all & had chosen Bro. J. M. Flake for Captain; after travelling 8 miles we reached Hobble Creek & 8 miles further crossed Spanish Fork.78

77 Actually, two groups of gold missionaries were called. James' group consisted of about 20 men. Another group that left a little later and arrived at the gold fields by a different route was made up of about 30 individuals. (Campbell, pp 10-11) 78 The Journals of George Q. Cannon, Vol I To California in '49, edited by Michael N. Landon, SLC: Deseret Book, 1999, p. 15 53

The journey south was made with a minimum of discomfort. They traveled with a party of non- Mormons led by a Captain Smith. On 23 October they met up with the group piloted by Jefferson Hunt. Charles C. Rich also joined them. The three groups spent a day in camp while they considered a proposal to take a shortcut, known as Walker's Cutoff, to California. It was claimed that it could save 500-600 miles in travel.

On 24 October the Smith group and the LDS group headed by Flake voted to take the shortcut. They unloaded the two wagons they had and repacked those supplies on pack mules. For about a week, they continued south, and arrived at a creek near Cedar City they called "Muddy Creek"--not to be confused with the Muddy River near present-day Moapa, NV.

On November 1st, the Smith-Flake groups broke off, heading west.79 Most of the 105 wagons Jefferson Hunt was guiding also attempted to take the cutoff. Hunt was left with only seven wagons and he refused to give in to pleas for all of them to take the shortcut.

Cannon's journal records the difficulties the group encountered during the next 2½ weeks:80

1 Nov 1849 struck over the ridge to the Westward ...had to climb a good many ridges ... raining all the time very heavily very miry in consequence & very bad travelling for man & beast

2 Nov ...continued up bed of creek for 10 miles from Rock and came to a beautiful spring ...here found plenty of water ... my pack horse began to fail

3 Nov Travelled down the Cañon crossed the creek several times, had some bad places, rather miry, Cañon narrow & the Mountains on each side perpendicular and rocky ...rained very heavily during night. 4 Nov upon rounding a point we found the companies all stopped not being able to go any further in the opinion of some; surrounded upon all sides by high Mountains impracticable to cross... Capt. Flake & one or two others

79 On Sunday Oct 28 "In the evening Bro. Rich called the Coy. [Company] together to know who should be Capt. of the company it was his mind that Bro. Flake remain as Capt. Of the Co'y." (Cannon, p. 29) 80 Information given here will be condensed highlights from Cannon's journal for the Nov 1-18 period. 54

then descended the Cañon to see if there was any possibility of our being able by laboring a little to make a practicable route...The Capt. Returned, stating that it was extremely rough being very rocky & a precipice to ascend...

5 Nov ..we traveled on down creek about 3 miles & came to another small valley with a standing corn field...Beans, Morning glories, Squash vines, &c ...the corn afforded our animals good feed for night

6 Nov Cañon more open ...pleasanter travelling Passed in afternoon a place where Indians had been working

7 Nov A corn field found about 1½ miles below ...resolved to stay remainder of day & recruit our animals as the fodder was green and made excellent feed for them. We intended to strike Westward about 1 mi. below.

8 Nov struck over some high hills to the W & kept in this direction nearly all day. Camped in dry bed with no water or feed for our animals after 32 miles travel

9 Nov ...after 10 miles travel we came to water; both men & animals drank greedily, for all had suffered. Several animals had given out.

10 Nov ... a call for 5 men to volunteer to go back to find [lost] men...

11 Nov This day's travel was an uninterrupted succession of hills very fatiguing for both animals and men...we had not gained over 3 miles by our day's travel. BRO. RICH SAID THIS EVENING THAT HE WAS NOT GOING TO BE LED ROUND IN THIS MANNER "ANY LONGER," WE SHOULD ALL PERISH "IN THE MOUNTAINS" IF THERE WAS NOT AN ALTERATION; IF HE COULD NOT HAVE HIS WAY HE SHOULD GO BACK TO THE WAGONS AS QUICK AS HE COULD. HE SAID IF HIS COUNSEL HAD BEEN TAKEN WE WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN HERE. I was glad to hear him speak as he did for I had seen that he had not taken a very active part in matters & that Capt. Smith's opinion had been taken in preference to the Generals...81

12 Nov Travelled until evening stopped & fed an hour on excellent grass. Capt. Flake went ahead to see if he could find water and grass to camp.82 We travelled until about ten o'clock & camped without water and grass. We travelled 32 miles.

13 Nov Started at daylight. Bro. Rich went ahead on foot two or three going of us going with him. We climbed several high ridges the prospect was dreary, no signs of water. We travelled until afternoon we began to feel hungry & thirsty, it began to rain a little. Never in my life did I see the hand of the Lord more plainly shown that in the present instance

81 Bigler faults the non-Mormon Captain Smith for leading them astray. He seems to infer that James M. Flake allowed Smith to pretty much take the lead as to where they were going. 82 This is the last mention of James M. Flake in Cannon's journal. From this point on, Cannon refers to Rich who had assumed leadership of the group. 55

14 Nov Capt. Smith sent out men early this morning to search for water;

15 Nov Bro. Rich started for the Mountains West calculating to see what chance there was to go on the other side. He was gone all day... did not return until long after nightfall ... the country westward was considerably higher than this & very sterile; he thought there was not enough grass for one animal to subsist upon & he did not see any signs of water ...he did not think it would be wisdom for him to take the company thro' & he thought he would strike for the Spanish Trail. The brethren were unanimous in their feeling to go the Spanish Trail.

16 Nov Capt. Smith expressed determination to persevere ...All the men, with the exception of one or two that joined our company, not belonging to the church left & went with Capt. Smith. We parted with the best of feelings each one believing his way the best.83

17 Nov Travelled down bed of Creek until we came to Cañon about 3 mi. long, sides "of solid rock" rising perpendicularly several hundred feet; it was good travelling down the Cañon, upon emerging from it we came to splendid grass & some warm springs of water....

18 Nov Travelled about 5 miles down the Creek and came in sight of some cattle grazing on the other side of the Creek & seen some men who told us Capt. Hunt was here with seven wagons... (Cannon, pp. 32-56)

Thus ended the more brutal part of the journey. The gold mission group joined with the Hunt wagon train and they arrived December 9th at the Cajon Pass. From there they went to the Williams ranch where they worked and recuperated for about a month. The first part of January, Rich & Hunt used the money the group had earned to outfit the company for the trip up through California to the gold mines, some 700 miles away.

Accidental death of James Madison Flake

We do not know the exact day or place where James Madison died. Both Cannon and Bigler had ceased making daily journal entries by that time. We know that the group followed the coast north until they reached Gilroy Ranch, south of present-day San Jose. " When they turned east, they crossed Pacheco Pass, descended into the San Joaquin Valley, crossed the San Joaquin River, and ascended the Merced River toward the Mariposa diggings." (Cannon, p. 79) It was in that

83 Cannon later told how Smith and his group attempted to continue to the west, but after two days without water, they returned to the spot where the two groups had divided. Rather than striking south as Rich and the gold missionaries had, Smith's group retraced their steps back to the point near modern Enterprise, UT, from which they had begun. There they met a wagon train headed by a Captain Egan, received supplies and eventually arrived in California quite a bit later than Rich and the gold missionaries. (Cannon, p. 55) One James M. Flake sketch asserts that he and his party traveled through what is now known as Death Valley. However, that it not true. Another group originally with Flake did take a route that eventually led them through Death Valley, but they were no where near James M. and his group. 56 area, the San Joaquin Valley, where James suffered his fatal accident. According to Henry Bigler, it occurred in May 1850.84 Osmer Flake described James' death in the following way:

While passing through the San Joaquin Valley, he was thrown from his mule. His only words were "Brethren, lay hands on me". He passed away from a broken neck. His whole life since joining the Church, had been given to help his fellow men. He spent a fortune helping them to cross the great American Desert, to get away from the Christian mobs. Wrapped in a blanket, he was buried by the side of the trail. He truly gave his life for his brother. At camp that morning, a man was to ride a fractious horse and had no cinch. He [James] took the cinch from his saddle and gave to the man who, he thought needed it worse. As he was riding on the trail the mule got scared, jumped to one side and the saddle and all fell to the ground (William J. Flake, P. 15)

The Aftermath

Agnes did not hear the tragic news until 3 months later.85 Osmer stated:

When his wife heard the sad news, she took to her bed, and did not recover for a long time. She was a frail woman and was suffering with tuberculosis. It is a wonder she held up at all. (William J. Flake, P. 15)

On to San Bernardino

Agnes' time for mourning was short-lived. She probably heard of her husband's death in about September 1850, when Amasa Lyman returned from the California gold fields. Perhaps it was at that time--in order to distract Agnes from her grief--, that Amasa mentioned the possibility that a Mormon settlement would be made in southern California and that he wanted Agnes to be part of it.

Brigham Young was not in favor of extending Mormon settlements into California. However, when Lyman and Rich sat down with Brigham in the fall and spoke to him of the advantages of such a colony, Brigham's last hesitation crumbled. One thing led to another and in February 1851 Brigham Young called and set apart a number of men, including Rich and Lyman, to lead a company to the San Bernardino area and to establish a settlement there. Brigham's original plan was for some twenty families to accompany his designated agents. He was very surprised and disturbed when he learned the size of the group planning to go to California. He wrote: "Elders Lyman and Rich's company, however, had swelled to above 570 persons and 152 wagons, most

84 When Bigler began his journal entries again he wrote: "A fiew days ago we buried Br. Egar Gipson [Edgar Gibson], we had the painful duty of intering br. Flake who was thrown from his [mule] last may "(Cannon, p. 81) 85 Edward E. Lyman states that Amasa Lyman heard of James' death as early as May 1850: "Near May's end, Lyman [while he was in California] received the sad news that his good Mississippi friend, James M. Flake, still mining as a missionary for church leaders, had been killed by a broken neck, suffered when he was thrown from a mule. Lyman hurried to Hangtown (Placerville) with Jefferson Hunt and Porter Rockwell to meet the Mormons there, retrieve some of Flake's possessions, and collect $382 in tithing from the group. When he returned to Utah in the autumn of 1850, Lyman called on widow Agnes Flake to express his condolences." (Amasa M. Lyman, p. 185) 57 of whom had become so enamored of the California "paradise" that they had determined to try their fortune there. I was so sick at the sight of so many of the saints running to California, chiefly after the God of this world, and was unable to address them."86

Since most of Agnes' friends were living in the Cottonwood area and were friends and associates of Amasa Lyman, one of the proposed settlement's leaders, it was almost a foregone conclusion that Agnes would join them in the trek to California.

The trip to California was quite arduous. Due to its large size, the company left in groups of ten, at hour intervals--to enable them to use more efficiently the water for themselves and grass for the 1,100 head of livestock they took with them. They departed from Payson shortly after the visit by Brigham and Heber C. Kimball.

They arrived in mid-April at the last outpost of Mormon colonists, the newly established Iron mission in Cedar. One historian, Edward Lyman notes: "The 400 mile journey from southern Utah to southern California stands as one of the most challenging in the annals of American pioneering." (Lyman, San Bernardino, p. 43) The wagon train made its way slowly down through Mountain Meadows to Santa Clara, then veered southwest to avoid the Virgin Gorge. They found water at Beaver Dam and then made the 80 mile trek to perhaps the most appreciated stopping point at Vegas, where there was good water and grass.

The most difficult stretch in the trek was from Vegas to Mojave. Edward Lyman describes the ordeal:

The terrain was rocky and difficult for oxen, and an even greater challenge was finding sufficient feed and water for so many cattle, horses and mules. . . . Although there were several good camping locations in the Mojave Desert, particularly the oasis-like Resting Springs, the stretches between good water and grass necessitated considerable night travel and several dry camps. Animals were lost to thirst and exhaustion. Pratt observed old men, women, and children struggling along the sandy road between Salt Springs and Bitter Springs, west and southwest of present Baker, California, and wrote: "It was certainly the hardest time I ever saw." While some 14 miles from water, they were forced to stop for rest every few minutes. They encountered members of their party who had been ahead of them, "lost in slumber--every man and beast, by common consent, sunk in profound

86 "Mormon Colonization of San Bernardino," www.covalt.org/mormon.HTM, p 5. 58

slumber and probably dreaming of water and feed ahead." They quietly passed by and in the cool of the night reached the Mojave River. The pioneers had reason to be relieved since the worst part was over. They would then take a week to travel leisurely along the 50 mile desert river extending toward the San Bernardino mountains. (Lyman, San Bernardino, pp 44-45)

The journey lasted three months, from about March 24th, 1851 until June 10th, when the Company reached Cajon Pass and made camp in Sycamore Grove. Osmer Flake gives quite a few details of how Agnes and the little family fared on the trip:

On March 24, 1851 they started on the long, long journey across the American Desert. She [Agnes] drove the mules on the carriage; Liz drove two yoke of oxen on the wagon. William and Charles drove the loose stock. She had bought a small Indian pony, for them to ride part of the time. There were long distances without water and they suffered great hardships. One stretch was five days without water for the stock; some of them died from thirst. One time she stopped to have some repair work done on the wagon, expecting to go on with another family who had also stopped. After three days, these people decided to turn back. She was built of sterner stuff; there was no turning back with her. She started immediately, knowing the hard time she would have to catch up with the company, across a waterless, treeless, Indian-infested country, but they went on. They caught the company just across a long stretch of desert where there was not water; they were almost famished. William rushed to a bitter seep, grabbed a cup from a camp nearby, and drank four cups of water. As he got the fifth, a man ran up and took it from him. He fought for the water, and had to be physically restrained. They would not allow him to drink any more water until he had eaten some food they furnished him. This likely saved his life, as he would have drunk so much it would have killed him. It taught him a lesson about quenching thirst that he never forgot. If real thirsty, drink a little water, then eat a bit of bread. Another time when they had crossed a long stretch with no water, William was lying on the horse almost unconscious. The horse walked into a pool of water. A man nearby pulled him out, almost gone. On the Mohave Desert, as William ran out in the brush on foot to turn a cow back in the road, an arrow whistled by his ear and hit the cow, (it was meant for the cow). If they [the Indians] killed an animal, people would go off and leave it and they would get food. These are some of the hardships William went through while yet a boy of tender years. That was not all, he almost carried his life in his hand for the next forty years. They would hobble the gentle mule out at night, knowing the other would never wander off, but followed wherever the other went; she was tricky and treacherous. One morning in the Cajon Pass William went out early for the mules. He soon saw a wolf ahead of him. Priding himself on his throwing, William tried his hand on the wolf. The wolf trotted around and soon he saw it was following him, then another and another. First it was great fun throwing and hitting them, but he was not strong enough to do much damage. They [the wolves] continued to increase until there were ten or twelve of them. When the dog would go after them, they chased him back. The more of them there were, the bolder they became, and he quit throwing at them. They got so close he did not even dare turn his back to them, fearing they would jump on him if he did. So he backed up until he reached the gentler mule. He did not stop to unhobble the mule, but dropped the rocks he had been carrying, and 59

jumped on the mule just in time to avoid contact with the fangs of the nearest wolf. He kicked the mule and went for camp about a half mile away. The other mule followed closely and would grab a wolf by the back and throw it to one side, stomp some of them and kick others. When they neared camp, the wolves slunk off in the brush. William always looked on this as the most narrow escape of his life. They reached the Cajon Pass in June 1851. Here they camped for weeks while looking for a place to settle. While here he got one more month of school. A large Sycamore tree gave the shelter and the whole outdoors was the classroom. The leaders, Lyman and Rich, purchased the San Bernardino land grant, one hundred thousand acres, for $77,000. William's widowed Mother turned all she had in on the deal, except the mules and wagon, which she kept to help in making a living for the three children and herself.87 (William J. Flake, pp 19-20)

In late November [1851] rumors began to fly about an uprising of local Indians who were allegedly planning attacks on American settlements from the Mexican border all the way to Santa Barbara. Hastily, The Saints began to build a fort large enough for their entire population. The threat of Indian hostilities soon evaporated, but the Saints, in a manifestation of group solidarity, decided to make the fort their home until such a time as urgent community projects were completed and the huge debt was somewhat lessened.88 The result was that the Fort remained home to almost 400 people for more than 2½ years. During that time, land for a huge collective farm was cleared, planted and harvested. Irrigation projects were begun and completed as were roads and public buildings.

Agnes Flake, widow of James Madison Flake lived in the Fort from 1851-1853. Her dwelling was #36. In the spring of 1854, the settlers began to build separate dwellings and the Fort was dismantled and the logs used for private and public buildings.

87 William J. later said: "Lyman and Rich paid seventy-seven thousand five hundred dollars for the San Bernardino Ranch. Mother paid seven hundred fifty dollars of it. We moved down to the Ranch and built a house in the fort, pickets standing on end. In the spring we made dobies and built a house. This was in '52. In '53 we farmed on City Creek. In '54 we put in grain in the field east of the fort. In '55 Mother died and we were left orphans. In the fall we went to live with Amasa Lyman as our guardian". (The Flake Roundup, July 1979, pp 6-7) 88 Initially, Lyman and Rich gathered the colonists together and outlined the financial arrangements and encumbrances they had made. They, the colonists, not the Church leaders in Salt Lake City, had made the purchase and were responsible for paying off the $77,000 debt. "When the proposition was put to the congregation, they committed to purchase individual inheritances from the leaders." (Lyman, p. 53)

60

Osmer Flake described Agnes' "cabin" in the following way:

She built a small stockade house, the posts standing on end with a flat roof. The wind blew so much and the sand drifted in until it was inches deep on the floor. She said "If it ever stops blowing long enough, I will get a house the sand will not sift through." (William J. Flake, p. 20)

Eventually, in about 1854 the Fort was dismantled and individuals began building private homes. Agnes' boys worked long and hard to provide a suitable dwelling for their mother:

William now twelve years old [1851] was taking his part equal to many much older. When there was hauling to or from Los Angeles, he would go along with some of their friends, and in this way make many a dollar to help his Mother. When he had no other work, he would make adobes for a house. When he was fifteen years old [1852-53] --he [later] told us-- "with the help of my younger brother, we made adobes for a house." They would put a yoke on four or five yoke of calves, and drive them around in the mud to mix it. Then they would mould out the adobe. They always had the help of Liz; she was a worker. By changing work with men, they got the walls laid. It was the first house built by our people in the San Bernardino Valley. (William J. Flake, p. 20) A Visit from a Brother

The Gold Rush attracted men from all geographic areas and social classes. One of these happened to be Agnes' younger brother, Augustus. At Los Angeles he somehow learned of his sister being at San Bernardino and so he made a special trip to see her. What he saw must have been difficult for him. His beloved sister was an impoverished widow, living in a primitive hut. His heart went out to her; after all she was one of only one or two siblings still alive. Agnes had had ten brothers and sisters, but all except two had died prior to the visit by Augustus:

Anna J. Love. b. 1810 d. 1838 Richmond Love b. 1811 d. 1844/45 Jane Elvira Love b. 1812 d. 1844 Mary Love b. 1813 d. 1851 Charles Love b. 1815 d. abt 1844/45 Rosa B. Love b. abt 1816 --still living in 1855 Agnes H. Love b. 1819 John Love b. 1823 d. date of death unknown Augustus Love b. 1825 --still living when he visited Agnes, 1853-54 Thomas Love b. abt 1825 d. abt 1844/45 William Love b. abt 1827 d. 1842

Augustus must have felt strong emotions for his sister, six years older than he. However, his expression of love was not unconditional. He proposed to Agnes the following:

When he found that she was a widow and living in poverty, that the trip had cost all they had, he begged her to return with him to the old home. She said that she could not stand 61

the struggles that lay before her, her widowhood, her weakened condition, (the T.B. was taking its toll), the hard work of building and starting anew. He told her their parents had both passed away. There was no one to occupy the old home. They all had plantations of their own, and she could have the land, the home and all the negroes she needed to work it with. They would all be glad to welcome her back. She could live as a lady, raise her children as gentlemen and lady, give them all good educations, and never again know want or hunger or trouble.89 All they would ask of her, was to give up Mormonism and have nothing more to do with that. She looked him in the eye and asked, "You don't think you are asking much, do you?" "No," he said, "very little." She replied, "It is more than my life's blood. I would rather wear my nails off over the wash tub to support my children, than to take them away from the Church, for I know it is true." He asked "Agnes, is that your answer?" "Yes," she replied. He turned and walked away a few steps, then turned and said, "Agnes, if you ever change your mind, write me and I will come for you at once." She answered "Brother, you will never get that letter." She never saw nor heard from any of her kin people again, nor did any of us for forty- six years. (William J. Flake, p. 22)

In Bound for Canaan, the authors present a much more highly imaginative--and mostly fictional- - account of the visit between Liz and her brother:

So Liz remained the lone slave left to the Flakes. She was the one who answered the door when a surprise came calling. The surprise was named Augustus. By now, gold fever was burning in many parts of these United States. From as far away as North Carolina, folks rushed to California. One of these was Miss Agnes's little brother, Augustus Love. Liz hadn't seen him in more than ten years and wasn't prepared to recognize him now. In this part of the country, though, you didn't admit a stranger into your house without some questions first. Southern hospitality quit somewhere around the Arkansas border. Augustus said, "Elizabeth?" She answered, "Do I know you, sir?" "I'm Augustus Love. Aren't you Elizabeth--Liz? I know you remember me. I remember you from when you were a present for my sisters. You cried a week and a creek before that wedding."

89 Of course, little did Augustus realize that the Civil War would devastate the South, beginning in less than 6 years. So the promised land--had Agnes accepted his conditions-- may not have turned out to be so blissful. 62

"Mister Augustus? It is you! My, you all growed up! You done filled out like yo' daddy." Indeed, Augustus was a man now--twenty six years old and as tall and strong as William Love stood in Liz's memory. Of course, there were differences. Massa William had always been careful about his hair, which was pomaded into stiff, dark bands. Augustus's hair was a mass of reddish curls. He wore a scraggly beard. Augustus answered, "You've gotten bigger too, but your eyes are the same. I recall the very day my daddy brought you home from the Boones' place and set you before my sister and her damned husband." Liz had been kindly disposed, but couldn't nobody call her deceased massa "damned" and stay on her good side. Her face turned stony, which didn't affect Augustus one whit. He strode past her with a casual, snooty walk. "You and that boy, Green. You were the most costly gifts set before that big table. Where's Green?" he asked. Liz drew her lips tight. "Sir, don' nobody in this house want to hear disrespect towards Massa Madison. Miss Agnes loved him sure. His death near killed her." Augustus turned, "Madison's dead?" "Been two years now." "Where is my sister?" "I'll tell her you here, Mister Augustus, but I will not have you upsettin' her." Frowning deep, she led him to the kitchen. Agnes spent hours there in her rocking chair, sometimes reading scriptures, more often sleeping. Though California days were pleasing this time of year, the evenings could be right chilly. The kitchen was the warmest spot of their place, being furnished with a wood-burning stove as well as a pinewood table and a hip-high cabinet for plates and cups. In the corner were a washbasin and a butter churn. One window allowed a slant of light to shine on the chair's armrests and the tip of Agnes Flake's nose. August was two steps ahead of Liz. She had to run in order to present him right.: "It's Augustus, Miss Agnes. Your brother." When Liz saw the two together, there was no doubt they were related. Both had the same fair skin, the same dark eyes, the same chestnut hair (though his was redder). But it was a sad contrast, for Augustus was robust, while Agnes's vitality had dimmed. Her hair was stark white at the temples and platted into two loose braids reaching her hips. Agnes did not rise, but her tears did. "Gus? Oh my, your features are so like Daddy's I might have thought you were he!" She held out her hand. Her fingers and nails were long and clean, for Liz scrubbed them daily. It was her duty to lengthen Mizz Agnes's time on this earth and help her feel good. 63

The visitor went to his knee and then burst into such tears that Liz had to fetch a handkerchief for everyone there, including herself. "Do I appear so ugly you must cry?" Agnes asked. "Or did you never learn not to? You cried exactly like this the day we left North Carolina. You have a deeper voice now, but you cried just this way." "You're much changed." His voice was hoarse and gravelly at the moment. "And not for the better. Your expression doesn't hide a thing." "Last time I saw you, you were plump as a partridge." "Was I? I can hardly recall. Well, I am not so plump these days." His lips sealed down. "I don't rightly know how you keep yourself from floating out of that chair." "I might float out of it sooner than you think." "Come, come, let's none of that," Augustus said. It was a phrase William Love had used. Augustus's voice was so like his daddy's that Liz was stunned by the memory. "Let's move to family conversation," Agnes suggested. "We have much ground to cover, and I am eager for every detail. How's Mama?" "She died," he answered quick. "I'm sorry to report it." Agnes closed her eyes. "God bless her. How's Daddy managing without her?" "He's passed too." "Daddy's gone?" "And your girl told me that Madison met with an accident." Agnes let her head droop. "Got bucked off his mule. Neck broke" "That's a bad death." "It was a fast one. He didn't suffer." She looked away. "Did Mama and Daddy pass gentle?" "Consumption for them both." "I fear that is a hard death." "Indeed." His eyes knew all about her condition. "Did they speak of me--either of them?" "Oh yes, Aggie, they did." "Kindly?" He breathed deep. "No." Then he took to weeping again and did not let up for some time. "Aggie, the old home is there waiting for you. Everyone in the family who's still alive has a plantation of their own. I've got one waiting for me, soon as I take a mind to return. Why don't you come back? I'll carry you home myself--in my arms, if I need to. I've had enough adventure, and I'd be glad to take you where you belong. You can have the land, the home we grew up in, all the Negroes you need or want. Everyone will welcome you, and you can live as 64

God intended." He looked around. "Not like this," he said. "Oh, heaven, not like this! You are a Southern lady! I don't know if you've even heard the way Southern women dress these days--in crinolines. "I know what a crinoline is." "It appears you're wearing homespun, no better dressed than your slave. Southern ladies--Aggie, they wear dresses like bells. Steel skirts that make their silk swish when they walk." With a tolerant smile she said, "Dear Gus, I left that kind of vanity years ago. I don't need to resemble a bell when I walk. I have had seven children." "So many?" "I've lost more than I've kept. They're holding my place in heaven, alongside Madison. The ones I have left are William--" "Named for Daddy. I remember Will's birth. I'm pleased he's thrived. "Then there's Charles and Sarah." "I believe I saw Sarah." "I lost Richmond and Thomas." He spoke with reverence: "Those were our brothers' names." "Yes, I named my sons for them. Even after you all abandoned me, I grieved for my family." She sank into her chair. Liz could see she was trying not to cough, but such a battle couldn't be won. Miss Agnes put the handkerchief to her mouth and coughed into it. Then she went on talking as though she weren't sick at all. "I lost my baby Samuel too. That was in Illinois. And I lost one more son, just after he came into this world. I called him Frederick." The reality of what his sister had suffered weighed on him and it showed in his whole body. "Three children left," she said. He leapt on her words. "Whom you could bring up as ladies and gentlemen. They'd be provided the best education. They would never want for food. You and I both know that's more than you can promise them here. They'd be far from danger. They'd have all they deserve as descendants of William Love." Agnes leaned forward, finding more light with her face. Her cheeks glowed with sunset. "On what condition are you extending such a generous invitation, Gus?" "No condition." "We are yet Latter-day Saints. You must know that." He cut his eyes away and spat. "Don't you see what that's brought you?" Agnes fell back from the light, looking her brother over like she was smelling him with her eyes and didn't care for the scent. "I hope you are not purporting to be a gentleman, sir." 65

She took as deep a breath as her lungs would permit, though her windpipes were clotted with disease. "Aggie--" "Not if you allow yourself to spit on your sister's floor and speak ill of her faith." He rolled his eyes. Two more tears snailed down his cheeks. He swiped them with an angry, open hand. "Aggie, it's a dirt floor. I apologize for spitting on your dirt." "It is my floor!" she said, but she had spent her strength. Her words just tickled the air. "Oh, Gus, I am glad to see you." "You understand what's in my heart, don't you? It's--I didn't expect to find you like--" "Am I so fearful a sight?" Agnes asked. "No, you could never be anything but a beautiful sight. You remind me of Mama, that's all" "In her decline." He shrugged an apology. "Well, I didn't expect you to come to my door the way you did, either. Looking like a gold seeker. It doesn't surprise me. No, you were always one to chase an adventure. But you talk to me of Southern gentility, and here you're wearing that ill-kept beard. Don't you know it looks like tobacco juice rusted on your chin? You spat on my floor. And your hair hasn't known a comb in some time, has tit? Resembles cedar shavings more than hair. I remember the times in your childhood when you'd light off for some adventure and come back with your hair so mussed. I'd try to comb it myself before Mama could see it. Now if you were my boy--" "You always hurt my head when you combed my hair. I haven't forgot that." He wagged his finger at her. "I wouldn't be surprised if I still have bruises. You treated my hair like weeds in a garden. You and that metal comb tugged at every tangle until I was half- scalped. I do recall that!" "I see you do, and you still resist the comb. You probably wouldn't let the lowliest slave near those copper curls." She smiled. "But you are dressed tidy. That's an accomplishment in this place. My, you resemble Daddy. Your cheekbones especially. He would be proud of you." He glanced down. "I don't know if he would or not." Again, she bent toward him, and the light found her chin and nose. "Are you a good man, Gus?" "I try." "I'm glad to hear that. It's a fine legacy you carry. A good man will pray morning and evening. Do you find time for prayer?" "I forget it on occasion, but usually I manage at least a word or two for the Almighty." 66

"That doesn't mean just using his name like some of these gold-diggers. I've heard them drop the Lord's name into their conversations like cherry pits on the ground. It pains me." "I don't take the Lord's name in vain." "I'm glad. That makes you better than most. Now, Gus, a good man will be a Bible- reading man. You know that too. Daddy loved the Bible. I hope you love it as well." "I do." "And do you have a copy where you're staying?" "I confess I do not. I left it home down South. But whenever I get the chance, I read someone else's." "You've holed up in California without the Good Book as company? Oh, Gus, Daddy would never approve! Now, I can't give you Madison's. His will be William's inheritance. But I can give you mine. It's on the table." Augustus walked where she directed and picked up the book. "Is this a real Bible?" he asked with no small hint of suspicion. "King James Version. We Latter-day Saints treasure the Book of Mormon, but we haven't abandoned the Bible. You take that with you, and you read it every night before your retire." "I will do that. Thank you." "A good man will respect another's choice of religion too. You must know that." He grimaced. "Oh, Aggie, I'll lick your floor clean if you ask me, and I'll read this Bible night and morning too. But you cannot make me respect your religion. I apologize with my full heart, but my feelings will never change." Agnes collapsed back into her chair, leaving the light between them. "Aggie," he sighed, "come home for your reward." She waived her hand weakly. "God will call me home to my reward soon enough." "All I ask is that you give up this religion and resume the life you were meant for. I beg you to consider." Agnes clasped her hands together. "You don't think you're asking much, do you?" "Very little," he said. "Very, very little." She called Liz, whispering, "Help me stand. I want my brother to hear this. And I want to be on my feet when I say it. I want to look at him direct, eye to eye." Liz put both arms around her mizzus and lifted her. Didn't take much effort at all. Agnes stood straight as a rail and peered down at her dress. Its wrinkles showed more now that she was upright. She swept both hands across the fabric and posed like Liz remembered her posing on her wedding day--as if she held a sprig of violets in each hand. "Augustus, what you are asking is more than my life's blood. I would rather wear my nails off 67

over the washtub to support my children than to take them away from the church of my choice." He shook his head. "A fine speech. You could speechify from your girlhood forward." "You heard my answer." "I guess I did. And Mama was right. You are stubborn. She said so on her dying day." "I come from stubborn stock." She swayed, and Liz held her tight by the waist. "I suppose that's right." Augustus turned and walked a few steps. Then, giving her a sidelong glance, he offered, "Aggie, if you ever change your mind, write me. I'm in Los Angeles, at the main fort. I will come for you the moment I have that answer in my hand." She breathed to Liz, "Help me stay standing, girl. Don't you abandon me now." Then, in the loudest voice she had used since they left Salt Lake, she declared, "Brother, you will never get that letter." Liz felt the mizzus lose strength as Augustus Love closed the door behind him. (Bound for Canaan, pp. 162-170)

Last hours of Agnes H. Love Flake

The last year or so of Agnes' life were difficult for her. She gradually got weaker and weaker. Osmer Flake describes her final stage of life:

Thus his [William's] time went on for three years, doing whatever there was to do, freighting, farming, road building, anything to help his Mother. The two large white mules they had brought with them all the way from North Caroline proved their physical salvation. His Mother bore her part and bore it well. Although she was growing weaker all of the time, she never complained of her lot, of her condition, or of the load she had borne. She suffered her troubles in silence, never burdening other people. Later in the evening, she called the children around the bed, and told them she could stay no longer, but would have to leave them. She talked to them a long time of her hopes for them. She told them that if they wanted to live in this World, they must leave tea, coffee, tobacco and liquor alone. They were death to her people. Their constitutions could not stand it, and all of them who indulged in those things died young. It did not seem to affect some people, but her family could not stand it and live. To William, she said, "William, you are the oldest and I will hold you responsible for your every act; you must set an example before them, worthy of your standing. The whole responsibility is upon you." When she had finished her instructions, she told them to go to bed. William wanted to sit up with her, but she said, "No, I am tired and want some rest; if you sit here I cannot sleep." All went to bed as usual, but just before day, she called Liz, told her to go get the children, and when they came, she sent Liz for some of the women. While they were coming, 68

she talked calmly to the children, kissed each child, bid them farewell, and lay back on her pillow, dead. (William J. Flake, p. 23)

Thus lived and died first James M., then his wife Agnes. Prior to her death, on December 24, 1854, Agnes had summoned the branch clerk, Richard Hopkins, and Amasa Lyman to write her will. The Will is as follows:

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF AGNES FLAKE

In the name of God Amen, I Agnes Flake of the town and county of San Bernardino, State of California of the age of thirty four years and being of sound mind and memory do make and publish and declare this my last will and testament in manner following that is to say First I give and bequeath to my sons William, Charles and my daughter Sarah my real and personal Estate of what nature and kind whatsoever to be between them equally devided [sic] share and share alike. And I do hereby dispose of and commit the h (?) custody and guardianship of my children William, Charles and Sarah and every [one] of them for such time as they or any of them continue unmarried and under age unto Amasa Lyman of the aforesaid town county and State during the single life and nonage of any of my said children. And lastly I do hereby nominate and appoint the aforesaid Amasa Lyman to be the executor of this my last will and testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this twenty fifth day of December in the year A D 1855.90

Signed and sealed in presence of T Whitaker Stephen Franklin

Edward Lyman writes:

"It seems clear that he [Amasa] had already assured her that his family would look after her remaining children as their own." . . .Fulfilling Lyman's promise to Agnes Flake, Maria Lyman undertook the care of Agnes's three children. Marion Lyman later commented that his mother "shouldered a great responsibility when she took these children in addition to her own." . . .Amasa also fully included these children with his own. . . . When Marion turned sixteen, Amasa gave him some land and cattle of his own. William Flake, who was "skilled with the lasso," received the same resources. (Amasa M. Lyman, pp 221-222)

90 The Flake Roundup, July 1979, p. 7 Amasa M. Lyman noted in his journal under date of Dec 24, 1854 that he had gone "this evening over to Sister Agnes Flake's to help her make a will." It seems that it was completed the following day--Christmas Day. 69

The Flake Children

When James and Agnes died, they left three orphaned children. William was 16½, Charles, 15 and Sarah, 8. According to Osmer Flake, for the first 6-8 months after Agnes' demise, the servant woman, Liz, kept the family home and looked after the children. In the fall of 1855 the children went to live with Amasa Lyman's family.91

Within two years, the faithful saints returned to Utah during the so-called "Utah Rebellion." On the way, William became acquainted with the brothers of a certain Lucy Hannah White. On December 30, 1858 William married Lucy in Cedar City. William was nineteen and Lucy, eighteen. For a time, William's brother and sister lived with the newlyweds. Ten years later, William took an additional, plural wife, Prudence Jane Kartchner. William became a very well- to-do rancher and cattleman in Beaver, Utah. In 1877 he was called to colonize in northern Arizona and in 1879 he founded Snowflake, AZ. William's descendents now number in the thousands and they are rightfully proud of their rock-solid ancestor.

Later, Charles became a mule-skinner and traveled back and forth to California. We have previously mentioned that he died young and single, at age 24.

Sarah eventually married Frederick Hyrum Levi, of Beaver, 23 Jan 1866. That union produced six children. Sarah and Frederick later divorced and Sarah remarried, to Phillip Louis Oakden. She moved to Idaho where she eventually died in 1897.

Conclusion

James Madison Flake and his wife, Agnes Haley Love Flake sacrificed their comfortable life, their wealth, their health and their lives for their beliefs. Once they accepted the teaching of the LDS Church, they did not hesitate nor falter in assuming all the trials and tribulations concomitant with that decision. Were those last six years for James and eleven years for Agnes worth all the pain and suffering? They seemed to feel that they were. True, they had lost family and material comforts, but they gained so much more. They acquired a sense of direction and purpose. New friends and believers filled in for distant family members. Spiritual experiences became the manna that sustained them as they traveled from Mississippi to Nauvoo to Winter Quarters to Utah and finally, to California and their final resting places.

We are reminded of the concluding verses of Robert Frost's famous poem "The Road Not Taken:" I shall be telling this with a sigh Somewhere ages and ages hence:

91 According to Osmer, "Liz wanted to stay with the children, to look after them even when they were preparing to return to Utah, but William declined Liz' offer since she did not get along well with Amasa Lyman's wife. He told her she was to have her freedom, to go where she pleased or to get married and raise a family of her own. She later married and became quite wealthy and raised three children. . .She sent William a fine present when he married, a nice set of knives and forks which could not be obtained in Utah." (William J. Flake, p. 27-28) 70

Two roads diverged in a wood, and I-- I took the one less traveled by, And that has made all the difference.92

It certainly made "all the difference" in the lives of James and Agnes-- and it has also impacted so very profoundly our lives as their descendents. We should bear humble gratitude to these two fine, outstanding progenitors and live so that one day, when we meet them, they will greet us with a fond and proud embrace.

92 Robert Frost, Mountain Interval, 1920