DOCSLIB.ORG

Political Representation in Liquid Democracy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2021 Political representation in liquid democracy Valsangiacomo, Chiara Abstract: This article provides an in-depth survey of political representation in Liquid Democracy (LD). More precisely, it refutes two potential criticisms: 1) LD impoverishes the concept of political representa- tion relative to existing representative democracies; 2) LD undermines the centrality of political parties. In answer to (1), the article shows that LD is compatible with a selection model of representation, in which proxies are characterized as gyroscopic representatives, driven by intrinsic motivation and indif- ferent to sanctions. This claim has far-reaching normative implications for the mandate-independence tradeoff, anti-elitism, and deliberation under LD. With regard to (2), the article examines thefunction of parties, arguing that, although it puts parties and interest groups on a level playing field, LD does not threaten partisanship, but rather expands the range of potential carriers of partisanship. In addressing these objections, this article demonstrates the democratic credentials of LD, showing that LD is compat- ible with a high-quality, democratic understanding of representation, which is surrounded by a cluster of thick concepts like commitment, intrinsic motivation, alignment of objectives, sympathy, trust, and dialogue. This turns LD into a powerful instrument for the refurbishment of representation both as a unique mode of political participation and as a practice of self-government. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2021.591853 Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-202298 Journal Article Published Version The following work is licensed under a Creative Commons: Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. Originally published at: Valsangiacomo, Chiara (2021). Political representation in liquid democracy. Frontiers in Political Science, 3:591853. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2021.591853 ORIGINAL RESEARCH published: 25 March 2021 doi: 10.3389/fpos.2021.591853 Political Representation in Liquid Democracy Chiara Valsangiacomo 1,2,3* 1University of Zurich, Zürich, Switzerland, 2Institute of Political Science, Faculty of Arts, University of Zurich, Zürich, Switzerland, 3Chair of Political Philosophy, Zürich, Switzerland This article provides an in-depth survey of political representation in Liquid Democracy (LD). More precisely, it refutes two potential criticisms: 1) LD impoverishes the concept of political representation relative to existing representative democracies; 2) LD undermines the centrality of political parties. In answer to (1), the article shows that LD is compatible with a selection model of representation, in which proxies are characterized as gyroscopic representatives, driven by intrinsic motivation and indifferent to sanctions. This claim has far- reaching normative implications for the mandate-independence tradeoff, anti-elitism, and deliberation under LD. With regard to (2), the article examines the function of parties, arguing that, although it puts parties and interest groups on a level playing field, LD does not threaten partisanship, but rather expands the range of potential carriers of partisanship. In addressing these objections, this article demonstrates the democratic credentials of LD, showing that LD is compatible with a high-quality, democratic understanding of representation, which is surrounded by a cluster of thick concepts like commitment, intrinsic motivation, alignment of Edited by: objectives, sympathy, trust, and dialogue. This turns LD into a powerful instrument for the Pierre-Etienne Vandamme, refurbishment of representation both as a unique mode of political participation and as a Université libre De Bruxelles, Belgium practice of self-government. Reviewed by: Chiara Destri, Keywords: political representation, liquid democracy, substantive and gyroscopic representation, selection model UMR7048, Centre De Recherches of representation, political parties and interest groups, carrier of partisanship Politiques De Sciences Po (CEVIPOF), France Valeria Ottonelli, INTRODUCTION University of Genoa, Italy *Correspondence: Liquid Democracy (LD) is a timely, alternative model of collective decision-making that challenges Chiara Valsangiacomo traditional models of electoral representation. LD can be considered a technologically enhanced [email protected] democratic innovation, containing elements that could help remedy the shortcomings of existing representative-democratic systems, by opening up democracy to citizen participation outside of Specialty section: elections (Landemore, 2020, Ch. 5). The core idea behind LD is that, for each issue to be decided, each This article was submitted to citizen has a single vote that can be transferred to a trusted person (or ‘proxy’) at will (Miller, 1969, Elections and Representation, 108). In other words, citizens can freely decide whether to cast their vote directly or to delegate it, a section of the journal Frontiers in Political Science with a given citizen potentially choosing different proxies for different topics (Blum and Zuber, 2016, 165, 168–169). Anyone can become a proxy, meaning that the number of ‘elected’ representatives is Received: 05 August 2020 potentially unlimited (Tullock, 1967, 145–146). Metadelegation, in turn, allows proxies to transfer Accepted: 15 January 2021 Published: 25 March 2021 their delegations to other proxies, with the caveat that the original voters can withdraw the delegation at any time (Ford, 2002,4;Green-Armytage, 2015, 199). Significantly, LD uses a weighted-voting Citation: Valsangiacomo C (2021) Political system, in which voters who cast their ballot directly have a single vote, while proxies cast all of the Representation in Liquid Democracy. votes that have been transferred to them plus their own vote (New York Times, 1912; Alger, 2006). Front. Polit. Sci. 3:591853. This entire process is facilitated by the use of information and communication technologies. In the doi: 10.3389/fpos.2021.591853 present article, I adopt the following working hypothesis: In a population with universal suffrage, LD Frontiers in Political Science | www.frontiersin.org 1 March 2021 | Volume 3 | Article 591853 Valsangiacomo Political Representation in Liquid Democracy can be used as a voting scheme for governmental policymaking, at point of view. This section therefore aims to characterize political the local, regional, and national levels. In other words, LD can be representation in LD from various angles. It begins by showing integrated into existing democratic systems, potentially replacing that LD inherently fulfills the requirements of the so-called existing electoral processes and reshaping current legislative ‘formalistic’ and ‘descriptive’ aspects of political representation.1 mechanisms. It then provides a brief clarification of what is at stake in discussions That LD is intrinsically concerned with representation is clear of political representation in democracies, which supports my from the following concise definition: LD is a decision-making or claim that more research is needed to understand how, if at all, policy-making scheme based on voluntary delegation and proxy representation in LD can be conceptualized from a more voting, combining aspects of both direct and representative ‘substantive’ perspective. Finally, this section outlines the two democracy (Valsangiacomo, 2020). On the one hand, LD is gaps in the research that will be addressed more thoroughly in direct because citizens enjoy the right to represent themselves the following sections. and to engage in legislative, issue-specific (German: A clear-cut, analytic, and uncontroversial definition of political sachunmittelbar) participation. On the other hand, the representation is absent from the extensive literature on this topic representative element in LD is much more equivocal: For (Rehfeld, 2018,218–221). For many political theorists of different example, can proxies be compared to today’s elected members orientations, representation is the making present (in a non-literal or of parliament, or are they a whole new kind of representative? non-physical sense) by some party of another party, who is absent or What is their role and what should we expect from them? How otherwise excluded (e.g., Pitkin, 1967,9;Plotke, 1997,27;Runciman, does delegation alter the relationship between citizens and 2007; Lacey, 2017,54;Castiglione and Pollak, 2018,Ch.1).What representatives? In other words, it is not yet clear how distinguishes political representatives from other types of representation in LD should be conceptualized and how it representatives is mainly their acquisition of specificsocialand compares to existing forms of democratic representation. A political powers (Rehfeld, 2018, 232–235). Because representation is study of this topic is thus needed, especially since scholars are never an end in itself, the nature of these powers will vary depending starting to view LD as a potential complement to or even on how the function of political representation is specified (Rehfeld, substitute for traditional representative democracies (e.g., Blum 2006,5–6). The function at issue in this article is collective decision- and Zuber, 2016; Landemore, 2020; Valsangiacomo, 2020). making: Proxies are selected to legislate and their powers thus include The aim of this
Recommended publications
  • A Liquid Democracy System for Human-Computer Societies

    A Liquid Democracy System for Human-Computer Societies

    A Liquid Democracy System for Human-Computer Societies Anton Kolonin, Ben Goertzel, Cassio Pennachin, Deborah Duong, Marco Argentieri, Matt Iklé, Nejc Znidar SingularityNET Foundation, Amsterdam, Netherlands {anton, ben, cassio}@singularitynet.io Abstract replicated in latest developments of distributed computing system based on Proof-of-Stake (PoS) in blockchain. In the Problem of reliable democratic governance is blockchain systems, including some that are now used to critical for survival of any community, and it will design ecosystems for Artificial Intelligence (AI) be critical for communities powered with Artificial applications, the mostly suggested solution called Delegated Intelligence (AI) systems upon developments of Proof-of-Stake (DPoS), which effectively means that rule on the latter. Apparently, it will be getting more and basis of financial capabilities while it is implemented more critical because of increasing speeds and indirectly, by means of manually controlled voting process scales of electronic communications and to select delegates to conduct the governance of the system. decreasing latencies in system responses. In order The latter be only limited improvement and can nor be to address this need, we present design and implemented in AI communities operating at high speeds implementation of a reputation system supporting not controllable by means of limited human capabilities. “liquid democracy” principle. The system is based on “weighted liquid rank” algorithm employing The described situation leads to the danger that consensus in different sorts of explicit and implicit ratings being any emergent AI community may be quickly took over by exchanged by members of the society as well as AI system hostile to either majority of community of AI implicit assessments of of the members based on systems or humans that are supposed to be served by given measures of their activity in the society.
  • Il Sorteggio Come Metodo Di Decisione

    Il Sorteggio Come Metodo Di Decisione

    IL SORTEGGIO COME METODO DI DECISIONE. PRINCIPI E FATTISPECIE* di Marco Mandato** SOMMARIO: 1. Premessa – 2. Il sorteggio come regola ordinaria di decisione per tutelare l’eguaglianza in 'entrata' – 3. Il sorteggio come regola decisoria residuale o eccezionale per tutelare l’eguaglianza 'sopravvenuta' – 4. Il sorteggio come regola di formazione degli organi collegiali di valutazione e controllo – 4.1. Il sorteggio come regola di formazione degli organi collegiali con funzioni giurisdizionali – 5. Conclusioni 1. Premessa l sorteggio rappresenta un metodo per assumere le decisioni nell’ambito della I giuridicità1. Il caso è considerato il metodo più democratico2 perché, in fondo, la * Contributo sottoposto a double blind peer review. ** Dottore di ricerca in Diritto pubblico, comparato e internazionale – Teoria dello Stato e Istituzioni politiche comparate, Sapienza, Università di Roma. 1 Per un inquadramento preliminare e generale sul tema, sebbene relativamente al solo Diritto pubblico, cfr. ZEI, A., L’arbitrato del caso: applicazioni del metodo del sorteggio nel Diritto pubblico, in Nomos-Le attualità nel diritto, n. 1/2017. 2 Il carattere democratico del sorteggio è stato alla base del funzionamento della democrazia ateniese nel V e nel IV secolo a. C., nella Firenze del a Venezia dal 1268 e a Firenze dal 1328. Ad Atene, l’estrazione a sorte costituiva il metodo tipico per formare la Bulé e le cariche interne alla stessa. il Presidente, competente a gestire e organizzare i lavori. Il Presidente era uno dei pritani, ossia un consigliere della tribù dirigente che veniva estratto a sorte. Terminato il turno‘, al tramonto, si procedeva nuovamente all‘estrazione di un nuovo Presidente tra i pritani delle tribù in modo che ciascuna di esse avrebbe diretto gli affari‘ secondo il turno stabilito dal caso.
  • On the Distortion of Voting with Multiple Representative Candidates∗

    On the Distortion of Voting with Multiple Representative Candidates∗

    The Thirty-Second AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence (AAAI-18) On the Distortion of Voting with Multiple Representative Candidates∗ Yu Cheng Shaddin Dughmi David Kempe Duke University University of Southern California University of Southern California Abstract voters and the chosen candidate in a suitable metric space (Anshelevich 2016; Anshelevich, Bhardwaj, and Postl 2015; We study positional voting rules when candidates and voters Anshelevich and Postl 2016; Goel, Krishnaswamy, and Mu- are embedded in a common metric space, and cardinal pref- erences are naturally given by distances in the metric space. nagala 2017). The underlying assumption is that the closer In a positional voting rule, each candidate receives a score a candidate is to a voter, the more similar their positions on from each ballot based on the ballot’s rank order; the candi- key questions are. Because proximity implies that the voter date with the highest total score wins the election. The cost would benefit from the candidate’s election, voters will rank of a candidate is his sum of distances to all voters, and the candidates by increasing distance, a model known as single- distortion of an election is the ratio between the cost of the peaked preferences (Black 1948; Downs 1957; Black 1958; elected candidate and the cost of the optimum candidate. We Moulin 1980; Merrill and Grofman 1999; Barbera,` Gul, consider the case when candidates are representative of the and Stacchetti 1993; Richards, Richards, and McKay 1998; population, in the sense that they are drawn i.i.d. from the Barbera` 2001). population of the voters, and analyze the expected distortion Even in the absence of strategic voting, voting systems of positional voting rules.
  • Interactive Democracy Blue Sky Ideas Track

    Interactive Democracy Blue Sky Ideas Track

    Session 29: Blue Sky AAMAS 2018, July 10-15, 2018, Stockholm, Sweden Interactive Democracy Blue Sky Ideas Track Markus Brill TU Berlin Berlin, Germany [email protected] ABSTRACT approached this question by developing an app, DemocracyOS [48], Interactive Democracy is an umbrella term that encompasses a va- that allows users to propose, debate, and vote on issues. Democ- riety of approaches to make collective decision making processes racyOS is only one example of a quickly growing number of ap- more engaging and responsive. A common goal of these approaches proaches that aim to reconcile established democratic processes is to utilize modern information technology—in particular, the with the desire of citizens to participate in political decision mak- 1 Internet—in order to enable more interactive decision making pro- ing. Another example is the software LiquidFeedback [6], which is 2 cesses. An integral part of many interactive democracy proposals developed by the Association for Interactive Democracy. Currently, are online decision platforms that provide much more flexibility these tools are mainly used for decision making within progressive and interaction possibilities than traditional democratic systems. political parties [9, p. 162] or in the context of community engage- This is achieved by embracing the novel paradigm of delegative ment platforms such as WeGovNow [10]. A common goal of these voting, often referred to as liquid democracy, which aims to recon- approaches, often summarized under the umbrella term Interac- 3 cile the idealistic appeal of direct democracy with the practicality tive Democracy (henceforth ID), is to utilize modern information of representative democracy. The successful design of interactive technology—in particular, the Internet—in order to enable more democracy systems presents a multidisciplinary research challenge; interactive decision making processes.
  • Democracy on the Precipice Council of Europe Democracy 2011-12 Council of Europe Publishing Debates

    Democracy on the Precipice Council of Europe Democracy 2011-12 Council of Europe Publishing Debates

    Democracy on the Precipice Democracy Democracy is well-established and soundly practiced in most European countries. But despite unprecedented progress, there is growing dissatisfaction with the state of democracy and deepening mistrust of democratic institutions; a situation exacer- Democracy on the Precipice bated by the economic crisis. Are Europe’s democracies really under threat? Has the traditional model of European democracy exhausted its potential? A broad consensus is forming as to the urgent need to examine the origins of the crisis and to explore Council of Europe visions and strategies which could contribute to rebuilding confidence in democracy. Democracy Debates 2011-12 As Europe’s guardian of democracy, human rights and the rule of law, the Council of Europe is committed to exploring the state and practice of European democracy, as Debates of Europe Publishing 2011-12 Council Council of Europe Democracy well as identifying new challenges and anticipating future trends. In order to facilitate Preface by Thorbjørn Jagland this reflection, the Council of Europe held a series of Democracy Debates with the participation of renowned specialists working in a variety of backgrounds and disciplines. This publication presents the eight Democracy Debate lectures. Each presentation Zygmunt Bauman analyses a specific aspect of democracy today, placing the issues not only in their political context but also addressing the historical, technological and communication Ulrich Beck dimensions. The authors make proposals on ways to improve democratic governance Ayşe Kadıoğlu and offer their predictions on how democracy in Europe may evolve. Together, the presentations contribute to improving our understanding of democracy today and to John Keane recognising the ways it could be protected and strengthened.
  • The Fluid Mechanics of Liquid Democracy

    The Fluid Mechanics of Liquid Democracy

    The Fluid Mechanics of Liquid Democracy Paul Gölz Anson Kahng Simon Mackenzie Ariel D. Procaccia Abstract Liquid democracy is the principle of making collective decisions by letting agents transitively delegate their votes. Despite its significant appeal, it has become apparent that a weakness of liquid democracy is that a small subset of agents may gain massive influence. To address this, we propose to change the current practice by allowing agents to specify multiple delegation options instead of just one. Much like in nature, where — fluid mechanics teaches us — liquid maintains an equal level in connected vessels, so do we seek to control the flow of votes in a way that balances influence as much as possible. Specifically, we analyze the problem of choosing delegations to approximately minimize the maximum number of votes entrusted to any agent, by drawing connections to the literature on confluent flow. We also introduce a random graph model for liquid democracy, and use it to demonstrate the benefits of our approach both theoretically and empirically. 1 Introduction Liquid democracy is a potentially disruptive approach to democratic decision making. As in direct democracy, agents can vote on every issue by themselves. Alternatively, however, agents may delegate their vote, i.e., entrust it to any other agent who then votes on their behalf. Delegations are transitive; for example, if agents 2 and 3 delegate their votes to 1, and agent 4 delegates her vote to 3, then agent 1 would vote with the weight of all four agents, including herself. Just like representative democracy, this system allows for separation of labor, but provides for stronger accountability: Each delegator is connected to her transitive delegate by a path of personal trust relationships, and each delegator on this path can withdraw her delegation at any time if she disagrees with her delegate’s choices.
  • A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A

    A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A

    Proportional-first-past-the-post: A Canadian model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Memorial University St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador May 2014 ii Abstract For more than a decade a majority of Canadians have consistently supported the idea of proportional representation when asked, yet all attempts at electoral reform thus far have failed. Even though a majority of Canadians support proportional representation, a majority also report they are satisfied with the current electoral system (even indicating support for both in the same survey). The author seeks to reconcile these potentially conflicting desires by designing a uniquely Canadian electoral system that keeps the positive and familiar features of first-past-the- post while creating a proportional election result. The author touches on the theory of representative democracy and its relationship with proportional representation before delving into the mechanics of electoral systems. He surveys some of the major electoral system proposals and options for Canada before finally presenting his made-in-Canada solution that he believes stands a better chance at gaining approval from Canadians than past proposals. iii Acknowledgements First of foremost, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my brilliant supervisor, Dr. Amanda Bittner, whose continuous guidance, support, and advice over the past few years has been invaluable. I am especially grateful to you for encouraging me to pursue my Master’s and write about my electoral system idea.
  • Governance in Decentralized Networks

    Governance in Decentralized Networks

    Governance in decentralized networks Risto Karjalainen* May 21, 2020 Abstract. Effective, legitimate and transparent governance is paramount for the long-term viability of decentralized networks. If the aim is to design such a governance model, it is useful to be aware of the history of decision making paradigms and the relevant previous research. Towards such ends, this paper is a survey of different governance models, the thinking behind such models, and new tools and structures which are made possible by decentralized blockchain technology. Governance mechanisms in the wider civil society are reviewed, including structures and processes in private and non-profit governance, open-source development, and self-managed organisations. The alternative ways to aggregate preferences, resolve conflicts, and manage resources in the decentralized space are explored, including the possibility of encoding governance rules as automatically executed computer programs where humans or other entities interact via a protocol. Keywords: Blockchain technology, decentralization, decentralized autonomous organizations, distributed ledger technology, governance, peer-to-peer networks, smart contracts. 1. Introduction This paper is a survey of governance models in decentralized networks, and specifically in networks which make use of blockchain technology. There are good reasons why governance in decentralized networks is a topic of considerable interest at present. Some of these reasons are ideological. We live in an era where detailed information about private individuals is being collected and traded, in many cases without the knowledge or consent of the individuals involved. Decentralized technology is seen as a tool which can help protect people against invasions of privacy. Decentralization can also be viewed as a reaction against the overreach by state and industry.
  • Legislature by Lot: Envisioning Sortition Within a Bicameral System

    Legislature by Lot: Envisioning Sortition Within a Bicameral System

    PASXXX10.1177/0032329218789886Politics & SocietyGastil and Wright 789886research-article2018 Special Issue Article Politics & Society 2018, Vol. 46(3) 303 –330 Legislature by Lot: Envisioning © The Author(s) 2018 Article reuse guidelines: Sortition within a Bicameral sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329218789886DOI: 10.1177/0032329218789886 System* journals.sagepub.com/home/pas John Gastil Pennsylvania State University Erik Olin Wright University of Wisconsin–Madison Abstract In this article, we review the intrinsic democratic flaws in electoral representation, lay out a set of principles that should guide the construction of a sortition chamber, and argue for the virtue of a bicameral system that combines sortition and elections. We show how sortition could prove inclusive, give citizens greater control of the political agenda, and make their participation more deliberative and influential. We consider various design challenges, such as the sampling method, legislative training, and deliberative procedures. We explain why pairing sortition with an elected chamber could enhance its virtues while dampening its potential vices. In our conclusion, we identify ideal settings for experimenting with sortition. Keywords bicameral legislatures, deliberation, democratic theory, elections, minipublics, participation, political equality, sortition Corresponding Author: John Gastil, Department of Communication Arts & Sciences, Pennsylvania State University, 232 Sparks Bldg., University Park, PA 16802, USA. Email: [email protected] *This special issue of Politics & Society titled “Legislature by Lot: Transformative Designs for Deliberative Governance” features a preface, an introductory anchor essay and postscript, and six articles that were presented as part of a workshop held at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, September 2017, organized by John Gastil and Erik Olin Wright.
  • W5: Manipulability & Weighted Voting Systems

    W5: Manipulability & Weighted Voting Systems

    MATH 181 D2: A MATHEMATICAL WORLD W5: Manipulability & Weighted Voting Systems Objectives: SWBAT Manipulate a given election to produce the desired winner under any manipulable voting system. r Recognize which voting systems are manipulable. r Describe a weighted voting system using the quota and the voting weights r Determine which players are dictators or dummy voters r Recall Arrow's Impossibility Theorem: With three or more candidates and any number of voters, there does not exist{and there never will exist{a voting system that always produces a winner, satisfies the Pareto condition and IIA, and is not a dictatorship. So how badly do the suggested voting systems do? We are going to start by looking more closely at the manipulability of the system. Group Activity: Worksheet W5.1 Def: A voting system is said to be manipulable if there exist two sequences of preference list ballot and a voter (call the voter Jane) such that 1. Neither election results in a tie. 2. The only ballot change is by Jane. 3. Jane prefers{assuming that her ballot in the first election represents her true preferences{the outcome of the second election to that of the first election. We see this illustrated in the example from the worksheet. Note: Neither majority rule, in the case of two candidates, nor Condorcet's method, in the case of three or more candidates are manipulable. What about the Borda Count? We saw earlier that with four candidates and 2 voters it was manipulable, what about with 3 candidates? Group Activity: Worksheet W5.2 1 Example: Suppose the candidates are A; B, and C, and that you prefer A to B, but B is the election winner using the Borda count.
  • Forms of Government (World General Knowledge)

    Forms of Government (World General Knowledge)

    Forms of Government (World General Knowledge) Anarchism A system that advocates self-governed societies based on voluntary institutions. These are often described as stateless societies, although several authors have defined them more specifically as institutions based on non-hierarchical or free associations. Anarchism holds the state to be undesirable, unnecessary, and/or harmful. Anarchy A society without a publicly enforced government or political authority. Sometimes said to be non-governance; it is a structure which strives for non-hierarchical, voluntary associations among agents. Anarchy is a situation where there is no state. Autocracy Autocracy is a system of government in which supreme power (social and political) is concentrated in the hands of one person or polity, whose decisions are subject to neither external legal restraints nor regularized mechanisms of popular control Aristocracy Rule by the nobility; a system of governance where political power is in the hands of a small class of privileged individuals who claim a higher birth than the rest of society. Anocracy A regime type where power is not vested in public institutions (as in a normal democracy) but spread amongst elite groups who are constantly competing with each other for power. Adhocracy Rule by a government based on relatively disorganised principles and institutions as compared to a bureaucracy, its exact opposite. Absolute monarchy A traditional and historical system where the monarch exercises ultimate governing Downloaded from www.csstimes.pk | 1 Forms of Government (World General Knowledge) authority as head of state and head of government. Many nations of Europe during the Middle Ages were absolute monarchies.
  • Dipartimento Di Scienze Politiche Curriculum in Teoria Dello Stato Ed

    Dipartimento Di Scienze Politiche Curriculum in Teoria Dello Stato Ed

    Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Dottorato di Ricerca in Diritto pubblico, comparato ed internazionale Curriculum in Teoria dello Stato ed istituzioni politiche comparate Tesi di Dottorato LA DEMOCRAZIA DEL SORTEGGIO Tutor ___Dottorando Chiar.mo Prof. Fulco Lanchester Dott. Marco Mandato Ciclo XXX del Dottorato di Ricerca A.A. 2016/2017 Indice Oggetto, metodo e scopi della ricerca .......................................................................... 4 Premessa ....................................................................................................................... 6 CAPITOLO I DECISIONI, VOTAZIONI, SORTEGGIO 1. I criteri per assumere una decisione ................................................................. 9 2. Decisioni e votazioni ..................................................................................... 10 2.1. Collegi, votazioni elettive e deliberative ................................................ 13 2.2. Il principio di maggioranza nelle votazioni pubblicistiche ..................... 19 2.3. Il voto elettivo come diritto politico ........................................................ 23 3. L‘elezione come metodo, procedimento e controllo ...................................... 25 3.1. Elezioni e partecipazione democratica ................................................... 29 3.2. La partecipazione alla votazione elettiva attraverso i partiti politici ....... 33 4. Rappresentanza, rappresentanza giuridica, rappresentanza politica, rappresentanza sociologica-statistica .............................................................