The Idea of Zhi in the Zhuangzi
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1 the 4 Discourses of the Dao: Zhuangzi Meets Lacan Shunyamurti
The 4 Discourses of the Dao: Zhuangzi Meets Lacan Shunyamurti speaks: So tonight, let’s explore more deeply: how does a Taoist sage deal with the end of the world? And how does one relate to those who are either in denial or wanting to resist or trying to prematurely bring about a new age before the end of this one? The Taoist understands the order of things and what must be eliminated and cleansed before a new creation can take place, but that must happen microcosmically within the sage’s mind and heart. So in Song 5, that was sung very beautifully by the Daughters of Nothingness, Lao Tzu says: “For the Tao to function fully, both heaven and earth must separate from duality.” This is a very subtle point: heaven and earth seem to be two, but they’re not, they’re only one. So we have to understand the difference between a distinction and a duality. In the same way we can see two sides of a coin as actually being one: nirvana, samsara—heaven and earth—must be realized as a single whole. The sage doesn’t simply leave the world and enter into the transcendent Nothingness and have nothing to do with the samsara, but acts in the samsara, seeing it as nirvana, realizing its perfection, and not being fooled by the apparent events that are occurring in the simulation, but understanding their true significance. So heaven and earth are indifferent to each other because each is nondifferent from the One. The transcendent One is also the immanent One, but that One from which the world and the transcendent derive is present in each. -
A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
Zhuangzi, Mysticism, and the Rejection of Distinctions
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 100 February, 2000 Zhuangzi, Mysticism, and the Rejection of Distinctions by Wayne Alt Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS FOUNDED 1986 Editor-in-Chief VICTOR H. MAIR Associate Editors PAULA ROBERTS MARK SWOFFORD ISSN 2157-9679 (print) 2157-9687 (online) SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series dedicated to making available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor-in-chief actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including romanized modern standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino- Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. Submissions are regularly sent out to be refereed, and extensive editorial suggestions for revision may be offered. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. We do, however, strongly recommend that prospective authors consult our style guidelines at www.sino-platonic.org/stylesheet.doc. -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing. -
Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and Its Implications for Virtue Ethics
JOURNAL OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008) 423–453 www.brill.nl/jmp Han Feizi’s Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics * Eric L. Hutton Department of Philosophy, University of Utah, 215 S. Central Campus Drive, CTIHB, 4th fl oor, Salt Lake City, UT 84112, USA [email protected] Abstract Several scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. Th is view off ers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. Th is paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. Th e essay off ers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi’s criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff , namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention. Keywords Bernard Williams, Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Han Feizi, Rosalind Hursthouse, virtue ethics Although Confucianism is now almost synonymous with Chinese culture, over the course of history it has also attracted many critics from among the Chinese themselves. Of these critics, one of the most interesting is Han Feizi (ca. -
Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge in And
Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès To cite this version: Vincent Durand-Dastès. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China. Michael Lackner. Coping with the future: theories and practices of divination in East Asia, Brill, 2017, Sinica Leidensia, 9789004346536. hal-01695407 HAL Id: hal-01695407 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01695407 Submitted on 29 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around “The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl”, a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès The story of the wedding of Peach blossom girl is a rather peculiar comic and magic narrative of late imperial China, first appearing at the end of the Yuan dynasty and afterwards continually retold and restaged. Its protagonist is a divine fortuneteller named Zhougong 周 公 (literally, “the Duke of Zhou”) who goes down into the world to open a soothsayer shop. -
Zhuangzi, Perspectives, and Greater Knowledge*
Zhuangzi, perspectives, and greater knowledge* Donald Sturgeon PhD candidate, University of Hong Kong Although the text of the Zhuangzi1 seems to present many prima facie skeptical arguments, there has been much debate as to the nature of its skeptical stance, and even whether or not its stance is substantively skeptical at all.2 Chad Hansen and Chris Fraser have argued that the Zhuangzi does take a substantively skeptical position, but that this position is more nuanced than simply holding skepticism about the possibility of all knowledge.3 This paper will attempt to build upon Chris Fraser’s proposal that the Zhuangzi is skeptical about our ability to know a privileged class of ultimately correct ways of drawing distinctions (果是 guo shi and 果非 guo fei), but does not question our ability to know how to distinguish things in an ordinary, provisional and commonsense sense. I will attempt to engage with both sides of the debate, by firstly accepting that the Zhuangzi takes a substantive skeptical stance, but also arguing that in doing so the text also provides a positive account of how to improve our epistemic position – an account which * Forthcoming in Philosophy East and West 65:3. 1 This paper will focus on knowledge and skepticism in the anthology known as the Zhuangzi, beginning with ideas presented most clearly in the Qiwulun chapter, but will also consider how these ideas cohere with those presented elsewhere in the anthology – including in passages that may be later additions to the text by one or more distinct authors or editors. Even where this is so, it still seems useful to ask how – if at all – these ideas fit together, and why they might have been collected together in such an anthology. -
Selections from the Zhuangzi: Chapter 3, "The Secret of Caring for Life"
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) S E L E C T I O N F R O M T H E Z H U A N G Z I : C H A P T E R 3 , “ T H E S E C R E T O F C A R I N G F O R L I F E ” Introduction Zhuangzi (also called Zhuang Zhou) was an historically verifiable man who lived somewhere around 360-280 BCE. The long book that bears his name is a combination of material that represents his own thinking and of other writings incorporated by various compilers and editors. Like Confucius, Mencius, Han Fei and others, Zhuangzi lived during the time when the kings of the Zhou dynasty had little real power and the kingdom had disintegrated into feudal states that were constantly at war with each other in shifting patterns of alliances and enmities. During the Warring States period (480-221 BCE), Zhuangzi and Laozi were not considered to be part of a single school of thought. Zhuangzi is more concerned with escaping from the world; Laozi, with cunning ways of ruling it. During the Han dynasty, both works’ concern with the Dao (the “Way” of Heaven) and their mystical understanding of that term inspired historians to lump them together under the single category of “Daoism.” The name stuck. Zhuangzi and Laozi are now forever linked as the two great progenitors of Daoist philosophy and religion. Selected Document Excerpt with Questions From Sources of Chinese Tradition, compiled by Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom, 2nd ed., vol. -
Wittgenstein, Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu: the Art of Circumlocution
Asian Philosophy Vol. 17, No. 1, March 2007, pp. 97–108 Wittgenstein, Lao Tzu and Chuang Tzu: The Art of Circumlocution Robert Elliott Allinson Where Western philosophy ends, with the limits of language, marks the beginning of Eastern philosophy. The Tao de jing of Laozi begins with the limitations of language and then proceeds from that as a starting point. On the other hand, the limitation of language marks the end of Wittgenstein’s cogitations. In contrast to Wittgenstein, who thought that one should remain silent about that which cannot be put into words, the message of the Zhuangzi is that one can speak about that which cannot put into words but the speech will be strange and indirect. Through the focus on the monstrous character, No-Lips in the Zhuangzi, this paper argues that a key message of the Zhuangzi is that the art of transcending language in the Zhuangzi is through the use of crippled speech. The metaphor of crippled speech, speech which is actually unheard, illustrates that philosophical truths cannot be put into words but can be indirectly signified through the art of stretching language beyond its normal contours. This allows Eastern philosophy, through the philosophy of the Zhuangzi to transcend the limits of language. The ending of Wittgenstein’s Tractatus is well known. Wovon mann kann nicht sprechen, darauf er muss schweigen. That of which man cannot speak, of that he should be silent. This marks the end of 20th century Western philosophy. Western philosophy can only go as far as the limits of language, not beyond. -
Wu-Wei and Wu-Zhi in Daodejing: an Ancient Chinese Epistemological View on Learning
IOSR Journal of Research & Method in Education (IOSR-JRME) e-ISSN: 2320–7388,p-ISSN: 2320–737X Volume 7, Issue 1 Ver. V (Jan. - Feb. 2017), PP 55-58 www.iosrjournals.org Wu-wei and Wu-zhi in Daodejing: An Ancient Chinese Epistemological View on Learning Lei Xie Texas A&M University Abstract: Daodejing, one of the most influential books in China was written by one of the greatest philosophers in ancient China, an elder contemporary of Confucius, Laozi. Daodejing was mainly the records of the observation from nature and the interactions between humans. Laozi, with his appreciation of nature, introduced the concepts of wu-wei, non-action and wu-zhi, not-knowing. His work has been spread all over the world, especially in Southeast Asia, serving as the canon of Daoism. This paper explores the notion of wu-wei and wu-zhi. A special epistemological view on knowledge acquiring will be introduced. Dewey’s body learning and Laozi’s wu-wei will be connected. The application of Daodejing and Laozi’s philosophical idea in the modern age will be discussed. Keywords: Dao and Wu, wu-wei, wu-zhi, knowledge boundary I. Laozi and Daodejing Laozi, who lived around 450 BC in China, was an ancient Chinese philosopher and poet. He was an elder contemporary of Confucius (Lau, 1989). His worldview and philosophical view has influenced China and Southeast Asia widely. However, according to the Shi Ji (Records of the Historian), there were only two claimed facts in his entire biography. The first fact was the meeting between Laozi and Confucius, and the second fact was Laozi’s journey to the west and the writing of Daodejing as a request from the Keeper of the Pass (Sima, 1979). -
The “Masters” in the Shiji
T’OUNG PAO T’oungThe “Masters” Pao 101-4-5 in (2015) the Shiji 335-362 www.brill.com/tpao 335 The “Masters” in the Shiji Martin Kern (Princeton University) Abstract The intellectual history of the ancient philosophical “Masters” depends to a large extent on accounts in early historiography, most importantly Sima Qian’s Shiji which provides a range of longer and shorter biographies of Warring States thinkers. Yet the ways in which personal life experiences, ideas, and the creation of texts are interwoven in these accounts are diverse and uneven and do not add up to a reliable guide to early Chinese thought and its protagonists. In its selective approach to different thinkers, the Shiji under-represents significant parts of the textual heritage while developing several distinctive models of authorship, from anonymous compilations of textual repertoires to the experience of personal hardship and political frustration as the precondition for turning into a writer. Résumé L’histoire intellectuelle des “maîtres” de la philosophie chinoise ancienne dépend pour une large part de ce qui est dit d’eux dans l’historiographie ancienne, tout particulièrement le Shiji de Sima Qian, qui offre une série de biographies plus ou moins étendues de penseurs de l’époque des Royaumes Combattants. Cependant leur vie, leurs idées et les conditions de création de leurs textes se combinent dans ces biographies de façon très inégale, si bien que l’ensemble ne saurait être considéré comme l’équivalent d’un guide de la pensée chinoise ancienne et de ses auteurs sur lequel on pourrait s’appuyer en toute confiance. -
Baked Licorice Formula Zhi Gan Cao Tang CE) and First Published in Qian Ji Yi, a Supplement to Zhang’S Jin Gui Yao Lue
ORIGINS: Zhang Zhongjing (150-219 BAKED LICORICE FORMULA ZHI GAN CAO TANG CE) and first published in Qian Ji Yi, a supplement to Zhang’s Jin Gui Yao Lue. Baked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang), also known as “Restore the Pulse Decoction" (Fu Mai Tang), is from the Eastern Han dynasty, attributed to Zhang Zhongjing and first published in theQian Ji Yi, a supplement to Zhang’s Jin Gui Yao Lue (Essential Prescriptions from the Golden Cabinet). GENERAL SIGNS/SYMPTOMS The classical pattern addressed byBaked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang) is “qi and yin deficiency taxing the heart.” This can arise from exhaustion due to overwork, or long-term stress that depletes the reserves of the central nervous system. Qi and yin deficiency taxing the heart manifests as a “knotted pulse”(jié mài), a slow pulse that misses beats at irregular intervals; or an “intermittent pulse” (dài mài), a moderate pulse that misses beats at regular intervals. Zhang Zhongjing considered sweating, palpitations, and chest oppression common symptoms of this pattern. Currently, Baked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang) is commonly used for treating cardiovascular diseases such as: angina pectoris, arrhythmia, atrial flutter, atrial fibrillation, cardiac insufficiency, cardiomyopathy, coronary heart disease, hypertensive heart disease, myocarditis, pulmonary heart disease, rheumatic heart disease, etcetera. Primary symptoms include an irregular pulse along with palpitations and often anxiety. Other key signs and symptoms for Baked Licorice Formula (Zhi Gan Cao Tang) include: shortness of breath, irritability, weakness, and insomnia. Sec- ondary signs and symptoms include: spontaneous sweating or night sweating, constipation, dry mouth, dry throat, and dry skin.