4628 the Legacy of Iraq.Indd

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

4628 the Legacy of Iraq.Indd The Legacy of Iraq From the 2003 War to the ‘Islamic State’ Edited by Benjamin Isakhan 44628_The628_The LegacyLegacy ofof Iraq.inddIraq.indd i 225/02/155/02/15 111:491:49 AAMM © editorial matter and organisation Benjamin Isakhan, 2015 © the chapters their several authors, 2015 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road 12 (2f) Jackson’s Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ www.euppublishing.com Typeset in 11/13 Adobe Sabon by IDSUK (DataConnection) Ltd, and printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon CR0 4YY A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7486 9616 1 (hardback) ISBN 978 0 7486 9617 8 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 0500 3 (epub) The right of the contributors to be identifi ed as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). 44628_The628_The LegacyLegacy ofof Iraq.inddIraq.indd iiii 225/02/155/02/15 111:491:49 AAMM Contents Acknowledgements v Notes on Contributors vii Introduction: The Iraq Legacies – Intervention, Occupation, Withdrawal and Beyond 1 Benjamin Isakhan Part I: The Aftermath of War: Strategic Decisions and Catastrophic Mistakes 1. The De-Baathifi cation of post-2003 Iraq: Purging the Past for Political Power 21 Benjamin Isakhan 2. The Contested Politics of Iraq’s Oil Wealth 36 Philippe Le Billon 3. Torture at Abu Ghraib: Non-disclosure and Impunity 50 Aloysia Brooks Part II: Iraqi Politics since Saddam 4. Shattering the Shia: A Maliki Political Strategy in Post-Saddam Iraq 67 Benjamin Isakhan 5. The Dangerous Legacy of a Flawed Constitution: Resolving Iraq’s Kurdish ‘Problem’ 82 Liam Anderson 6. Between Aqalliya and Mukawin: Understanding Sunni Political Attitudes in Post-Saddam Iraq 97 Ronen Zeidel 7. Post-withdrawal Prospects for Iraq’s ‘Ultra-minorities’ 110 Nicholas Al-Jeloo 44628_The628_The LegacyLegacy ofof Iraq.inddIraq.indd iiiiii 225/02/155/02/15 111:491:49 AAMM iv contents Part III: The Plight of Iraqi Culture and Civil Society 8. Doing Democracy in Diffi cult Times: Oil Unions and the Maliki Government 125 Benjamin Isakhan 9. ‘If You’re a Female, You Risk Being Attacked’: Digital Selves, Warblogs and Women’s Rights in Post-invasion Iraq 138 Perri Campbell and Luke Howie 10. The Impact of Coalition Military Operations on Archaeological Sites in Iraq 152 Diane C. Siebrandt Part IV: Regional and International Consequences of the Iraq War 11. Ethnic Cleansing in Iraq: Internal and External Displacement 167 Howard Adelman 12. Shia Ascendency in Iraq and the Sectarian Polarisation of the Middle East 181 Ranj Alaaldin 13. Humanitarian Intervention after Iraq: The Politics of Protection and Rescue 195 Binoy Kampmark 14. Iraq, the Illusion of Security and the Limits to Power 208 Joseph A. Camilleri Conclusion: The Iraq Legacies and the Roots of the ‘Islamic State’ 223 Benjamin Isakhan References 236 Index 271 44628_The628_The LegacyLegacy ofof Iraq.inddIraq.indd iviv 225/02/155/02/15 111:491:49 AAMM Acknowledgements In mid-2014, as the fi nal edits were being made to each of the chapters included in this volume, the situation in Iraq changed dramatically. Within a matter of weeks, the Sunni fundamentalist terrorist network, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), had taken several important cities across northern and western Iraq and declared an independent caliphate. They quickly imposed their deadly and austere vision on local populations and a sequence of dramatic humanitarian disasters unfolded, to the horror of the international community. With a mixture of surprise and fury, militias claiming to represent the Shia majority of southern Iraq surged north and the nation spiralled, once again, into a period of horrifi c sectarian vio- lence. The Kurds of northern Iraq capitalised on the ISIS advance to seize new territory, including the important city of Kirkuk, and once again threatened to secede from the rest of the country. Meanwhile, the Iraqi government in Baghdad fl oundered under international scrutiny before a rapid sequence of political negotiations saw Prime Minister Maliki ousted and a new Iraqi government emerge. While the chapters collected here did not predict this rapid turn of events, they do point to several of its root causes. There is simply no way to fully comprehend the ‘Islamic State’ advance, the spike in sectar- ianism, the most recent Kurdish push for independence and the political rotation in Baghdad without coming to terms with the complex legacies of the 2003 Iraq War. This book therefore not only documents several of the more troubling legacies, but also argues that key mistakes made by the US-led occupation and the fl edgling Iraqi government since 2003 set in train a sequence of events that have served as the collective cata- lyst for the crisis that began in mid-2014. To ignore the legacies of the Iraq War and to deny their connection to contemporary events means that vital lessons will be ignored and the same mistakes will be made in the future. Each of the contributors to this volume was therefore asked to refl ect on a key legacy of the Iraq War of 2003 and to document the trajectory of a given issue from the time of the intervention through more than a decade of failed projects and broken promises, through trauma, displacement, violence and disorder. I would like to thank each of them for the timely delivery of quality chapters. The professionalism and calibre of the authors involved and their detailed knowledge of the subject matter made the job of editing this volume a pleasure. 44628_The628_The LegacyLegacy ofof Iraq.inddIraq.indd v 225/02/155/02/15 111:491:49 AAMM vi the legacy of iraq This book would not have come to fruition without the generous sup- port of four signifi cant institutions and their staff. Firstly, the Australian Research Council and their Discovery Early Career Researcher Award (DE120100315), a fellowship which has enabled me to complete this volume. Secondly, the Middle East Studies Forum within the Centre for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University, with special men- tion going to Fethi Mansouri. Thirdly, the Middle East Institute at the National University of Singapore and the kind support of Michael C. Hudson and Peter Sluglett. Finally, thanks also go to Gareth Stansfi eld at the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies at the University of Exeter where I undertook a brief visiting research fellowship while putting the fi nishing touches on this volume. Among many other colleagues, I am also indebted to Amin Saikal and Liam Anderson for their enthusiasm and support for the project from its inception. In addition, I owe thanks to the administrative talents of Cayla Edwards, the research assistance of Kelsie Nabben and Verena Woeppel, the expertise and organisational skills of Wael Elhabrouk and the editorial acumen of Jennifer Kloester. I am also grateful to the anonymous referees who read earlier versions of the chapters as well as the staff of Edinburgh University Press who have contributed to the production of this book, particularly Nicola Ramsey and John Watson for their initial interest and confi dence in the work. On a more personal note, I would like to thank my family and friends for their much-needed words of encouragement and love. Special mention must go to the ever-supportive and always patient Lyndal Isakhan and little Thomas Isakhan, who makes all the hard work so worthwhile. 44628_The628_The LegacyLegacy ofof Iraq.inddIraq.indd vivi 225/02/155/02/15 111:491:49 AAMM Notes on Contributors Howard Adelman was most recently a research professor at the Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance at Griffi th University, Australia. He has authored and co-authored hundreds of publications, most rele- vantly No Return, No Refuge: Rites and Rights in Minority Repatriation (Columbia University Press, 2011) and Protracted Displacement in Asia: No Place to Call Home (Ashgate, 2008). In addition to his numerous writ- ings on refugees, he has written articles, chapters and books on the Middle East, multiculturalism, humanitarian intervention, membership rights, eth- ics, early warning and confl ict management. Ranj Alaaldin is a doctoral candidate at the Department for Interna- tional History at the London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom. He is also a visiting scholar at Columbia University, United States. His research focuses on Iraq, looking in particular at Shia mobilisation, sectarianism and the Kurds. The author has conducted extensive fi eldwork throughout Iraq and has published widely on Iraq and the Middle East region. Nicholas Al-Jeloo has recently graduated with a PhD in Syriac stud- ies from the University of Sydney, Australia. Among his publications are Modern Aramaic (Assyrian/Syriac) Phrasebook and Dictionary (Hippocrene, 2007), as well as a number of articles in peer-reviewed journals documenting his empirical research on the history and cul- ture of Assyrians in Iraq and other countries. His research interests concern Eastern Christianity, minorities and Semitic languages, and he conducted numerous fi eld trips to Iraq and among Iraqi refugee com- munities in Syria, Jordan and Lebanon between 2002 and 2010. Liam Anderson is Professor of Political Science at Wright State Univer- sity, United States. His research interests focus on issues of constitutional design, particularly with reference to ethnically divided states, such as Iraq. His publications include The Future of Iraq: Dictatorship, Democracy, or Division? (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005 – with Gareth Stansfi eld), Crisis in Kirkuk: The Ethnopolitics of Confl ict and Compromise (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009 – with Gareth Stansfi eld) and An Atlas of Middle Eastern Affairs (Routledge, 2011). His most recent book, Federal Solu- tions to Ethnic Problems: Accommodating Diversity (Routledge, 2013), examines the effi cacy of different models of federal design to alleviate ethnic confl ict.
Recommended publications
  • The Resurgence of Asa'ib Ahl Al-Haq
    December 2012 Sam Wyer MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 7 THE RESURGENCE OF ASA’IB AHL AL-HAQ Photo Credit: Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq protest in Kadhimiya, Baghdad, September 2012. Photo posted on Twitter by Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2012 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2012 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 Washington, DC 20036. http://www.understandingwar.org Sam Wyer MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 7 THE RESURGENCE OF ASA’IB AHL AL-HAQ ABOUT THE AUTHOR Sam Wyer is a Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War, where he focuses on Iraqi security and political matters. Prior to joining ISW, he worked as a Research Intern at AEI’s Critical Threats Project where he researched Iraqi Shi’a militia groups and Iranian proxy strategy. He holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Political Science from Middlebury College in Vermont and studied Arabic at Middlebury’s school in Alexandria, Egypt. ABOUT THE INSTITUTE The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education. ISW is committed to improving the nation’s ability to execute military operations and respond to emerging threats in order to achieve U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks
    Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs March 29, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Iraq: Politics, Elections, and Benchmarks Summary Iraq’s political system, the result of a U.S.-supported election process, has been increasingly characterized by peaceful competition, as well as by attempts to form cross-sectarian alliances. However, ethnic and factional infighting continues, sometimes using key levers of power and undemocratic means. This was in evidence in the successful efforts by Shiite Arab political leaders to disqualify some prominent Sunni Arab candidates in the March 7, 2010, national elections for the next Council of Representatives (COR, parliament), which will form the next government. Election-related violence occurred before and during the election, although not at levels of earlier years or at a level to significantly affect voting, except perhaps for Baghdad city. With all votes counted, although not certified, the cross-sectarian “Iraqiyya” slate of former Prime Minister Iyad al-Allawi unexpectedly has gained a plurality of 91 of the 325 COR seats up for election. Nuri Kamal al-Maliki’s slate came in a close second, with two fewer seats, and a rival Shiite coalition was a distant third with 70. The main Kurdish parties, again allied, won 43. Allawi’s slate had been expected to get the first opportunity to put together a majority coalition to form a government. However, Maliki and other Shiite parties—opposing what they claim is the mostly Sunni Arab base of the Allawi slate—are in extensive discussions to put together a coalition that would be able to determine the next government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Coming Turkish- Iranian Competition in Iraq
    UNITeD StateS INSTITUTe of Peace www.usip.org SPeCIAL RePoRT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPO R T Sean Kane This report reviews the growing competition between Turkey and Iran for influence in Iraq as the U.S. troop withdrawal proceeds. In doing so, it finds an alignment of interests between Baghdad, Ankara, and Washington, D.C., in a strong and stable Iraq fueled by increased hydrocarbon production. Where possible, the United States should therefore encourage The Coming Turkish- Turkish and Iraqi cooperation and economic integration as a key part of its post-2011 strategy for Iraq and the region. This analysis is based on the author’s experiences in Iraq and Iranian Competition reviews of Turkish and Iranian press and foreign policy writing. ABOUT THE AUTHO R in Iraq Sean Kane is the senior program officer for Iraq at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP). He assists in managing the Institute’s Iraq program and field mission in Iraq and serves as the Institute’s primary expert on Iraq and U.S. policy in Iraq. Summary He previously worked for the United Nations Assistance Mission • The two rising powers in the Middle East—Turkey and Iran—are neighbors to Iraq, its for Iraq from 2006 to 2009. He has published on the subjects leading trading partners, and rapidly becoming the most influential external actors inside of Iraqi politics and natural resource negotiations. The author the country as the U.S. troop withdrawal proceeds. would like to thank all of those who commented on and provided feedback on the manuscript and is especially grateful • Although there is concern in Washington about bilateral cooperation between Turkey and to Elliot Hen-Tov for generously sharing his expertise on the Iran, their differing visions for the broader Middle East region are particularly evident in topics addressed in the report.
    [Show full text]
  • Sectarianism in the MENA Region
    DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT WORKSHOP Sectarianism in the Middle East ABSTRACT Sectarian conflict and polarisation has become a key feature of Middle East politics in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings of 2011. This workshop looked at some of the key drivers of this, such as the troubled legacy of foreign intervention, state failure, regional rivalries between Saudi Arabia, Iran and others, ruling strategies of authoritarian regimes as well as the spread of identity and sect-based political movements. With in-depth analysis of the two key arenas of sectarian conflict in the contemporary Middle East, Syria and Iraq, and a paper on the consequences of state collapse, this paper also makes recommendations on how the EU could help reduce sectarian tensions. EP/EXPO/B/AFET/2016/01 EN July 2017 - PE 603.843 © European Union, 2017 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. English-language manuscript was completed on 14/07/2017. Printed in Belgium. Authors: Dr Toby MATTHIESEN, Senior Research Fellow in the International Relations of the Middle East, St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford, UK Dr Simon MABON, Lecturer in International Relations, Director of the Richardson Institute, University of Lancaster, UK. Dr Raphaël LEFÈVRE, Rank-Manning Research Fellow in Social Sciences, University of Oxford, UK. Dr Renad MANSOUR, Academy Fellow, Chatham House, London, UK. Official Responsible: Kirsten JONGBERG Editorial Assistant: Györgyi MÁCSAI Feedback of all kind is welcome. Please write to: [email protected]. To obtain copies, please send a request to: [email protected] This paper will be published on the European Parliament's online database, 'Think tank'.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey-Kurdish Regional Government Relations After the US Withdrawal
    FOR THIS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS, VISIT US AT http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ UNITED STATES ARMY WAR COLLEGE Visit our website for other free publication downloads PRESS http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ Carlisle Barracks, PA and To rate this publication click here. TURKEY-KURDISH REGIONAL GOVERNMENT RELATIONS AFTER THE U.S. WITHDRAWAL FROM IRAQ: PUTTING THE KURDS ON THE MAP? U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Bill Park This Publication SSI Website USAWC Website The United States Army War College The United States Army War College educates and develops leaders for service at the strategic level while advancing knowledge in the global application of Landpower. The purpose of the United States Army War College is to produce graduates who are skilled critical thinkers and complex problem solvers. Concurrently, it is our duty to the U.S. Army to also act as a “think factory” for commanders and civilian leaders at the strategic level worldwide and routinely engage in discourse and debate concerning the role of ground forces in achieving national security objectives. The Strategic Studies Institute publishes national security and strategic research and analysis to influence policy debate and bridge the gap between military and academia. The Center for Strategic Leadership and Development CENTER for contributes to the education of world class senior STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP and DEVELOPMENT leaders, develops expert knowledge, and provides U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE solutions to strategic Army issues affecting the national security community. The Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute provides subject matter expertise, technical review, and writing expertise to agencies that develop stability operations concepts and doctrines.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: the Case of Iraq
    Journal of Political Marketing ISSN: 1537-7857 (Print) 1537-7865 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wplm20 Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq Adam Harmes To cite this article: Adam Harmes (2016): Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq, Journal of Political Marketing, DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834 Accepted author version posted online: 03 Jun 2016. Published online: 03 Jun 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 13 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wplm20 Download by: [University of Western Ontario] Date: 24 June 2016, At: 07:21 Political Marketing in Post-conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq Adam Harmes Address correspondence to Adam Harmes, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Western Ontario, 4155 Social Sciences Building, London, ON N6A 5C2, Canada. 416-346-4770. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article examines political marketing in post-conflict elections through an illustrative case study of post-Saddam Iraq. It does so through articles and media reports as well as interviews and participant-observation research conducted in Iraq during the 2014 national and provincial elections. The article argues that, despite having a number of the comparative and ethnic conflict country characteristics that work against a market oriented approach, Iraqi political parties have become increasingly professionalized and, to a lesser extent, willing to change their product in response to market research.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Politics and Governance
    Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ba'th Party in Iraq: from Its Beginning Through Today
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1993-12 The Ba'th Party in Iraq: from its beginning through today Cabana, Joel L. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/39665 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA AD-A276 153 ~TC T'-7'CTE S•,AR 0 11994 S"'•THESIS THE BA'TH PARTY IN IRAQ: FROM ITS BEGINNING THROUGH TODAY by Joel L. Cabana December 1993 Thesis Advisor: Ralph H. Magnus Second Reader: Kanil T. Said Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited 94-06643 - 2• R 068 REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE form Approved ,~or~aI OMB NO 0704-0ie8 PNX ow i~ngDW,•aeA for this colloc'uoo of ml/oenatiort ,s "i,ritlgdlq 1o ever&"l~ i hour per respo)nse. inc4ludin t"• tirrf/ ltO reviewing instructios, searching eqwvfing dat|al 10.rc Silow:;• and mai4ntaiin the data needed. and coring tin and reviewing the ci'linoft of *focqlOna- Send commients re~rtdig th~tslovitat"q estionte or &nv olne, #%we(t Of lZi ,~ont~o of nfm4( , *•llh! v•t~n ~ N ,Wc this for~e o oh•O , ur*.trs rtv Clit, 0'rectOrate vof infoitnotO O,rotno era , tiona I l Dnd ,. ii is iteltrTion 04..S "h.y. Suite 14. 47lo n. 9Vr•i , PO214 the OUf O ie f Management and Budgt I'iaPrwoki d01 .on Project (004-014) Washington. OC 20503 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 12. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED 11993 December Masters Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE S. FUNDING NUMBERS The Ba'th Party in Iraq: From Its Beginning Through Today 16.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gulf and Sectarianism
    ANALYSIS GULF THE GULF AND SECTARIANISM Introduction by Fatima Ayub ABOUT By virtue of their confined political environments, the countries of the Arabian Peninsula and their most important neighbours often remain impenetrable to domestic and Has the Arab Awakening degenerated into a nightmare? foreign observers. And yet, the evolving politics After its first experiment with credible elections, Egypt has of Peninsula countries, their relationship to reverted to the strongman politics of the deep state. A free one another and to the wider region, pose Libya looks to be in free fall. Yemen’s managed political some of the most significant and unanswered transition is stagnating. Bahrain’s national reconciliation questions for the changing geopolitics of the is less a dialogue than a monologue by its self-assured Middle East. Gulf politics are entering the monarchs. Syria is unravelling into an ever more divisive most unpredictable and volatile era since their and brutal internecine conflict, jeopardising the political establishment. and economic health of already anaemic Lebanon and Jordan. The war in Iraq, metastasizing anew as the Arab Understanding these new trends as they Awakening triggers new power struggles around it, claims unfold will be critical if Europeans and other hundreds of dead each month as it fuses with the war on its international actors intend to rely on the Gulf western border. Perhaps the most worrying trend is that of states as financial and political partners in the sectarianism and in particular the re-emergence of identity region. In the coming decade, the Gulf states politics along the Shia-Sunni divide.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fractured Shia of Iraq Understanding the Tensions Within Iraq’S Majority
    WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG January 2009 Matthew Duss and Peter Juul DussMatthew and Peter Understanding the tensions within Iraq’s majority within Iraq’s Understanding the tensions The Fractured Shia of Iraq Fractured The AP PHOTO/ALAA Al-MARJANI The Fractured Shia of Iraq Understanding the tensions within Iraq’s majority Matthew Duss and Peter Juul January 2009 Introduction On January 31, 2009, Iraqis will vote in the country’s first provincial elections in four years. These elections will deliver a preliminary verdict on the vigorous and often violent competi- tion between Iraq’s contending political factions, and help shape the contours of Iraq’s future politics as the Obama administration begins to redeploy U.S. military forces from the country. The elections and their aftermath promise to be contentious and potentially bloody as Iraq’s three main ethnic and religious groups—the minority Kurds and Sunni Arabs and the majority Shia Arabs—vie for power. More troubling still, factions within each of these ethnic and sectar- ian groups will contend for power in the regions they dominate—using local patronage and control of Iraq’s resources, revenues, and guns, as well as appeals based on longstanding religious traditions in Iraq. The outcome will affect the timing of U.S. troop redeployments from Iraq, as the new Obama administration seeks to reshape Middle East politics in the coming year. U.S. policymakers and the American people today boast a more nuanced understanding of the Iraqi political landscape than they did prior to the 2003
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Iraq: Dictatorship, Democracy
    THE FUTURE OF IRAQ DICTATORSHIP, DEMOCRACY, OR DIVISION? Liam Anderson and Gareth Stansfield 01 anderson fm 12/15/03 11:57 AM Page i THE FUTURE OF IRAQ This page intentionally left blank 01 anderson fm 12/15/03 11:57 AM Page iii THE FUTURE OF IRAQ DICTATORSHIP, DEMOCRACY, OR DIVISION? Liam Anderson and Gareth Stansfield 01 anderson fm 12/15/03 11:57 AM Page iv THE FUTURE OF IRAQ Copyright © Liam Anderson and Gareth Stansfield, 2004. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. First published 2004 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN™ 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 and Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England RG21 6XS. Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 1–4039–6354–1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Anderson, Liam D. The future of Iraq : dictatorship, democracy, or division? / by Liam Anderson and Gareth Stansfield. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1–4039–6354–1 hardcover 1. Iraq—Politics and government—1958- 2. Iraq War, 2003. 3. Democracy—Iraq. 4. Iraq—Ethnic relations. I. Stansfield, Gareth R. V. II. Title. DS79.65.A687 2004 956.7044’3—dc22 2003058846 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
    [Show full text]