Made in Indonesia: Indonesian Workers Since Suharto by Dan La Botz, Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 2001, 395 Pp., ISBN 0-89608-642-9

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Relations industrielles Industrial Relations

Made in Indonesia: Indonesian Workers Since Suharto by Dan La Botz, Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 2001, 395 pp., ISBN 0-89608-642-9. Kim Scipes

Volume 58, numéro 4, automne 2003

URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/007831ar DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/007831ar

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Éditeur(s) Département des relations industrielles de l'Université Laval

ISSN 0034-379X (imprimé) 1703-8138 (numérique)

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Citer ce compte rendu Scipes, K. (2003). Compte rendu de [Made in Indonesia: Indonesian Workers Since Suharto by Dan La Botz, Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 2001, 395 pp., ISBN 0-89608-642-9.] Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations, 58(4), 722–724. https://doi.org/10.7202/007831ar

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Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ 722 RELATIONS INDUSTRIELLES / INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, 2003, VOL. 58, No 4

Made in Indonesia: Indonesian Workers Since Suharto by Dan LA BOTZ, Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 2001, 395 pp., ISBN 0-89608-642-9. Dan La Botz has written an impor- three different efforts to build an inde- tant and timely book on efforts to build pendent labour movement: the conserva- labour organizations in Indonesia. Based tive “refommasi” wing of the state- on an extensive range of interviews con- sponsored unions that seceded through ducted in 1999 and 2000, along with encouragement of the U.S. State Depart- additional research, he provides readers ment and the AFL-CIO; the independ- with an in-depth understanding of work- ent, but relatively moderate efforts of ers’ struggles and current political de- Muchtar Pakpahan and the SBSI labour velopments in that country. centre; and then the independent but La Botz begins by looking at three radical efforts of Dita Sari and the generations of student activists who FNPBI labour centre. This section high- joined the workers in struggling to build lights the extreme diversity of the Indo- a genuine labour movement, and who nesian labour movement today and the were involved in forcing the hated dic- strengths and weaknesses of these tator Suharto to resign in 1998. This various projects. approach does three things: it personi- The third section, “Alternatives to fies the struggles by giving a sense of Global Capitalism,” concentrates on the some of the actors; it allows the reader People’s Democratic Party, with whom to understand that the organizing neces- the FNPBI is affiliated, and its efforts sary to depose a dictator did not happen to change the established social order. overnight, and it gives a sense of the is- La Botz ends with a chapter on Indo- sues and difficulties that activists have nesia and international labour solidarity, faced in trying to build genuine labour and an epilogue on “socialism from be- organizations. low.” The first major section of the book The reader is thus presented with a provides an overview of the political- wealth of information on the “develop- economic system within a larger global ment” (or really, misdevelopment) of context. It examines Indonesia’s eco- Indonesia and efforts by dedicated ac- nomic development during Suharto’s tivists to change conditions for Indone- rule (1965-1997), with a particular fo- sian workers. La Botz and South End cus on the “Asian” economic crisis of Press deserve our thanks for producing 1997 and political developments since this material and distributing it so that time. . It also recounts the terrible quickly. However, despite appreciating effects of Dutch colonialism on the La Botz’ descriptive material, three people, their efforts to organize and aspects of his analysis trouble me. achieve national independence, and First, despite the title, this is a book developments in the period between in- about labour activists, not workers. We dependence in 1949 and the coup of learn a lot about Indonesian production 1965 that led to Suharto and the mili- (as part of a global production network), tary seizing power. and more about Indonesian activists who The second section focuses on efforts are trying to build labour unions and la- to develop popular responses to the cri- bour centres, but there is actually quite sis of Suharto’s “New Order.” The au- little about Indonesian workers. While thor begins by looking at the role of this is understandable in a project where NGOs (non-governmental organiza- one visits a country for a short time and tions) in the struggle—and some of the then tries to share the wealth of infor- contradictions within—and then looks at mation obtained, we end up knowing

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what activists and organizers are think- the Philippines or Central or South ing—many, if not most, of whom are America, there is a need to examine this college-educated—but we do not really type of involvement from the larger per- know how “ordinary” workers are spective of Indonesia’s geo-strategic seeing things. importance for the U.S. empire in East Asia. Second and more critical, La Botz takes a Marxist approach to understand- My third concern about the book is ing societies and, at least in the final the political analysis. La Botz is clear analysis, prioritizes economics. This re- that the oppression and exploitation of duction of political economy to simple Indonesian workers will continue as economics leads to analytical problems. long as the current social order remains Indonesia becomes little more than an in place, a point with which I agree. In economic production zone, important the last section of the book, he basically because of its cheap labour. Granted, it projects some activists’ understanding of is that in many ways, but other countries a need for a revolution. However, La can provide cheap labour as well, often Botz trips off on a Marxist approach to cheaper than that of Indonesia. And if revolution, without really questioning the labour organizations that La Botz why Marxist-led revolutions have not champions are successful, the gap be- done so terribly well—a point he recog- tween the cost of Indonesian labour and, nizes but, projecting a Trotskyist sensi- for example, Bangladeshi and/or Viet- tivity, does not let this deter him—and namese labour will only widen to the even contends that the situation in In- Indonesians’ detriment. However, Indo- donesia is similar to that of Russia in nesia also has a huge geo-strategic im- 1905! Surprisingly, he ignores the ex- portance: it sits astride the major oil periences and analyses of the KMU shipping routes from the Middle East to Labor Center of the Philippines, one of East Asia and, most importantly to the most dynamic and developed labour Japan, is itself an oil producer. The ne- movements in the world, whose experi- cessity for it to be controlled so as to ences in many ways parallel and would prevent any “unfriendlies” from threat- seem immediately relevant to Indone- ening the oil “life line” seems over- sian activists and workers. I guess the whelming, and far more important than KMU does not fit his political analysis, the cheap labour it provides to multina- but to suggest that 1905 Russia and its tional corporations. This underestima- political organizations are more relevant tion of geo-political factors means that currently than a contemporary militant La Botz is actually quite limited in his labour movement in a nearby country criticisms of the activities of the U.S. that has faced similar problems (West- Government and U.S. organizations in ern colonialization, detrimental develop- Indonesia. For example he appears to be ment, dictatorship) while sharing similar remarkably sanguine about the activities histories, economies and cultures seems of the AFL-CIO’s American Center for a bit over the top. International Labor Solidarity (ACILS) This suggests my frustration with La in the efforts to build independent Botz’ book. Excited to see it and want- unions. Even if it is clear that ACILS has ing to be enthusiastic about it, I found worked to have some activists released myself increasingly less satisfied. The from prison and made other positive strengths of the book are his descriptions contributions, and to my knowledge and interviews with key activists, which there is not any evidence to suggest that make it required reading for anyone its activities in Indonesia are similar to interested in the effects of colonialism previous AFL-CIO foreign operations in on an oppressed country and in the

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development of workers’ organizations would provide before he decided to turn in Indonesia. But it is only an introduc- to Russia in 1905. tion, and I hope that others will provide KIM SCIPES the focus that La Botz suggested he University of Illinois at Chicago

Working for McDonald’s in Europe: The Unequal Struggle? par Tony ROYLE, London : Routledge, 2000, 248 p., ISBN 0-415-20787-8. Eu égard aux structures de régulation statistiques officielles, des périodes nationale ou supranationale des régions d’observation participante et des entre- où elles exercent leurs activités, les mul- vues réalisées avec la haute direction de tinationales adaptent-elles ou imposent- la firme, les gérants de restaurants, les elles leurs politiques de gestion en représentants syndicaux et les tra- matière de relations du travail ? Les vailleurs. droits des travailleurs sont-ils ou non Outre les parties d’introduction et de protégés par ces mesures de régulation ? conclusion, l’ouvrage de Royle se divise Voilà les questions majeures qui guident en sept chapitres principaux desquels cet ouvrage de Tony Royle dont la ré- émanent cinq thématiques : les grandes flexion s’inspire des politiques de ges- lignes de l’historique de McDonald’s, tion en matière d’emploi qu’applique en son expansion au-delà des frontières Europe la multinationale McDonald’s. À ainsi que sa structure et son organisation partir de ces interrogations, l’auteur en sur le marché européen (chap. 2) ; une arrive au constat suivant : le type de con- description de son système de fran- flit émanant des divers systèmes natio- chisés, de son organisation du travail et naux de régulation entre le mouvement de sa culture d’entreprise (chap. 3 et 4) ; syndical et l’entreprise constitue le ré- un examen des problèmes liés à la sultat inéluctable d’une lutte entre deux syndicalisation et à l’application de con- groupes d’acteurs d’inégales forces, ventions collectives dans ses restaurants compte tenu de la faveur dont bénéficie européens (chap. 5) ; une description des actuellement l’idéologie néolibérale divers modèles législatifs nationaux dans le contexte de mondialisation éco- européens concernant les droits de repré- nomique. En ce sens, une société aussi sentation et de participation des tra- puissante que McDonald’s parvient bien vailleurs sur leurs lieux de travail ainsi souvent à escamoter ces droits des tra- qu’une analyse des impacts de ces mé- vailleurs et à garder intact ses principes canismes légaux sur les conditions de de gestion étroitement liés au libéralisme travail des employés chez McDonald’s économique (comme son anti-syndica- (chap. 6 et 7) ; une analyse d’une por- lisme), et ce, même sur le continent tion de la législation supranationale de européen souvent perçu comme le der- l’Union européenne touchant les multi- nier bastion occidental de la protection nationales, soit celle portant sur les co- collective des droits démocratiques des mités d’entreprise européens (chap. 8). travailleurs. De ces thématiques se dégagent trois D’une durée totale d’environ six ans, idées centrales. D’abord, l’analyse por- le travail de recherche de Royle débuta tant sur le système de franchisés, l’or- par un examen des pratiques en matière ganisation du travail et la culture d’emploi de McDonald’s en Allemagne d’entreprise de McDonald’s apprend au et au Royaume-Uni pour ensuite s’éten- lecteur que les franchises constituent des dre à onze autres pays européens. Le tra- entités indépendantes de la maison-mère vail empirique de cette étude s’inspira légalement mais dépendantes économi- de diverses techniques de cueillettes de quement. Cette double réalité confère à données telles que le dépouillement de la firme des possibilités accrues de

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