Bolivian President Evo Morales Holds a Tin Ingot During a Ceremony in Vinto Tin Smelter in Oruro, Some 210 Km (130 Miles) South of La Paz, February 16, 2007

REUTERS/David Mercado (BOLIVIA) Bolivian President Evo Morales holds a tin ingot during a ceremony in Vinto tin smelter in Oruro, some 210 km (130 miles) south of La Paz, February 16, 2007. The president nationalized the Vinto tin smelter this year in the latest step in his drive to increase state control over natural resources.

60 • New Labor Forum D. La Botz By Dan La Botz

LATIN AMERICA LEANS LEFT Labor and the Politics of Anti-Imperialism

AFTER ALMOST TWENTY YEARS OF LIVING WITH THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS OF FREE trade policies, a broad opposition to the political economy of neoliberal globalization developed throughout Latin America in the late 1990s. As the Inter- American Regional Organization of Workers (of the ICFTU) meeting in

Cochabamba, Bolivia, in December noted, present dynamic situation to advance workers’ “The victories of Evo Morales [in Bolivia], interests. Lula [in Brazil], Chávez [in Venezuela] and The change in Latin America has been Rafael Correa in Ecuador, create an opportu- driven by massive protests involving general nity for the establishment of an integration strikes, sometimes violent uprisings, and a left- process different from the neoliberal model wing military coup. By 2006, these protest … and an opportunity to confront the free trade movements brought to power new left-of-cen- agreements that are being negotiated in the ter governments in several countries. The presi- region.” Some workers see an opportunity to dents elected in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ec- build a more humane capitalist system, while uador, Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Uruguay in others see a chance to construct socialism in this period came to power by opposing, at least Latin America. Whatever their long-term nominally, the free market policies pushed political agenda, all see opportunities in the upon them by the United States and the world

New Labor Forum 16(2): 61–70, Spring 2007 CopyrightLatin © Joseph America S. Murphy Leans Institute, Left CUNY New Labor Forum • 61 ISSN: 1095-7960/07 print DOI:10.1080/10957960701279215 financial institutions—the IMF, World Bank, can and often do play a central role. and WTO. While the visions, programs, and actions of these governments vary significantly, FROM POPULISM THROUGH taken together this development represents an MILITARY DICTATORSHIP important shift in the politics of Latin America TO NEOLIBERALISM vis-à-vis the United States and its free trade N THE PERIOD BETWEEN 1930 AND 1970, LATIN agenda. More important, this block of nations IAmerica underwent a profound transforma- and peoples represents a search for an alternation from a mostly rural to a mostly urban re- tive to the destructive and dehumanizing region. Power shifted from the old elite, the iron gime of savage capitalism masked by the term triangle of landowners, military leaders, and the globalization. church, to new social forces: industrialists, the Working people, organized in many fash- urban middle classes, and the working class. ions, have been pushing from below to create Under the pressure of the worker’s movement governments that will stand up for them against populist leaders such as Getulio Vargaz in Bra- Washington and the international financial in- zil, Lázaro Cárdenas in Mexico, and Juan Perón stitutions. The shift leftward has been anything in Argentina carried out reforms that brought but simple, and the labor movement is far from a higher standard of living to workers and peas- being the only factor. Unions as we know them ants. Governments like these nationalized are not the only, nor even necessarily the most important national resources such as oil, and important, organizations of working people. In created a nationalist economic model based on Latin America, labor unions exist in complex a mixed economy with a strong state sector and relations with many other social movements significant social programs such as workers’ and political parties, and sometimes with health insurance. armed guerrilla movements and left-wing mili- After the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the tary officers. Relations between unions, peas- United States, with its Cold War ideology, ant organizations, indigenous movements, and clamped down in Latin America. Between 1965 left political parties are complex and dynamic and 1985, the United States supported right- and each nation’s experience is unique. Only in wing military coups in the countries of the Brazil has the labor movement been central to southern cone: Brazil (1965), Chile (1973), the political shift, while in other countries mili- Uruguay (1973), Argentina (1976), as well as tary leaders with broad popular followings, in- authoritarian or military governments in Gua- digenous people, or even students have been temala and in countries in the Caribbean, as a more important. Labor and social movements bulwark against communists and radical na- have used tactics and strategies ranging from tionalists. Under the military dictatorship, protest demonstrations and strikes to national unions were repressed, and many union lead- uprisings that verged on becoming revolution- ers and social movement activists were jailed, ary upheavals. So far, these efforts have only tortured, and killed. been partially successful in modifying the The U.S. push for an elite-led democrati- neoliberal model. Yet, the situation in these zation and for the neoliberal market model be- countries remains dynamic and labor unions gan simultaneously around 1985. This was not

62 • New Labor Forum D. La Botz a return to the Latin American democracy of subsidies cut, labor unions attacked, old: the conservative political parties who came industrywide pattern agreements dismantled, to power would represent the domestic capi- contractual working conditions were made talists who would profit by the neoliberal flexible, and subcontracting increased. As model. The new democratization relied heavily unions lost power, the collective bargaining on the mass media, marketing, and American consultants, and debilitated the nationalist-populist parties and their By 1997, 45 percent of all powerful labor organizations. The weakening of labor unions paved the way for Latin Americans lived in the grasp of global capital. poverty … [and] millions Introducing the neoliberal model, nevertheless, still involved massive eco- of workers began to nomic and political pressure. The Inter- national Monetary Fund imposed struc- migrate, first to the cities tural adjustment programs: cutting bud- of their own nation, then gets, ending state subsidies and demand- ing privatization. International trade [abroad] … agreements and treaties such as the Car- ibbean Basin Initiative (1983), Mercosur system was transformed; the governments and (1991), the North American Free Trade Agree- employers “changed the rules of the game.”2 At ment (NAFTA, 1994), the Caribbean Basin the same time, old machines were scrapped and Trade Partnership Act (CBTPA, 2000), and the new technologies introduced together with new proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas, forms of organization of production, eliminat- opened up free trade between various Ameri- ing or disrupting preexisting informal work- can nations. The result of these developments place relations and union structures on the shop was the reassertion of the power of capital over floor. The worker who did not lose his job of- labor within the framework of the neoliberal ten lost his workmate and found his routine model. broken and his life altered. All this had profound consequences: non- THE IMPACT OF THE competitive firms closed, and in some places NEOLIBERAL MODEL ON entire industries perished, new export process- SOCIETY AND LABOR ing zones (maquiladoras) were established, though still the number of industrial jobs de- LOBALIZATION BROUGHT DRASTIC CHANGES TO GLatin American economies and societies clined, and unemployment rose. As male in- and particularly to industry-labor relations.1 dustrial workers were losing jobs, 33 million Markets were opened, even to foreign inves- women entered the Latin American labor mar- tors with up to 100 percent ownership, state- ket between 1990 and 2004, coming to make owned firms were privatized, industries were up 40 percent of the economically active popu- 3 deregulated, social budgets and government lation in Latin America. Wage differentials

Latin America Leans Left New Labor Forum • 63 grew between the better educated skilled work- THE TRANSFORMATION ers and the uneducated and unskilled.4 Millions OF LABOR AND THE LEFT of workers, men and women, found employ- N MUCH OF LATIN AMERICA SINCE THE 1930S OR ment only in the informal sector, an illegal and I1940s a corporativist polical-labor system, underground economy without labor unions that is, a system where political parties con- or any form of social insurance (health and trolled the labor unions, had existed. Powerful pensions). In much of Latin America the in- nationalist-populist political parties—the formal economy came to make up between 25 Peronists (Justicalistas) in Argentina, Demo- and 40 percent of all employment. cratic Action (AD) in Venezuela, the Institu- By 1997, 45 percent of all Latin Americans tional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico— lived in poverty, and, in some countries, ex- had dominated the official labor federations: treme poverty, characterized by malnutrition respectively, the CGT, the CTV, and the CTM. and the deterioration of health, affected 20 During those years, loyal union bureaucracies percent of the population.5 Faced with such had privileged positions, and unionized work- conditions, millions of workers began to mi- ers enjoyed job security and relatively higher grate, first to the cities of their own nation, wages as well as access to subsidized food and then from one Latin American nation to an- housing. Workers in heavy industry or public other—in South America to Argentina or employment often had lifetime job security Venezuela and in Central America to Mexico— even if in their bureaucratic and corrupt unions or, leaving Latin America, to the United States they did not enjoy democratic rights. In- dependent, democratic, leftist, and mili- … within ten years of the tant unions and workers, however, were punished for their impudence by being introduction of marginalized in this system. neoliberalism, the power Yet, within ten years of the introduction of neoliberalism, the power of the of the old Latin American old Latin American labor federations had been devastated. During the period from labor federations had 1985 to 2000, in most countries of Latin been devastated. America, the old nationalist-populist parties turned to the right, and as they did so they lost control of the labor move- or Europe. By 2000, more than 35 million Latin ment. The official confederations then broke Americans—two-thirds Mexican—had up into rival federations, with politics left, right, reached the United States where they made up and center. The working people at the bottom 13 per cent of the population.6 Ten percent of of these societies struggled against the all Mexicans left their country—about 10 mil- neoliberal policies adopted by virtually all par- lion people went to live in the United States ties and governments. But they did not always between 1965 and 2005, the greatest emigra- do so through the old labor unions; in fact, of- tion in the nation’s history. ten they created or adhered to other vehicles of

64 • New Labor Forum D. La Botz struggle. The cases of Brazil, Venezuela, Argen- profited, while labor union strength has not in- tina, and Bolivia show some of the different creased and workers lives have not improved.7 ways that unions and the new left governments Yet, in the end, confident that Lula was interact. making necessary concessions to international capital, the CUT, the MST, and the PT all sup- BRAZIL ported Lula’s second campaign, giving him a

HE PIONEERS OF THE NEW LEFT POLITICAL MOVE- solid victory. Most Brazilians agreed with Tment in Latin America have been the Bra- Leonardo Boff, the activist and proponent of zilians. Lula and the Workers Party (PT) came liberation theology, who stated in an interview to power in Brazil out of a decades-long recently that Lula in Brazil “had obeyed the struggle against military dictatorship. Lula him- principles of neoliberalism.” “But in terms of self was a metal worker, the leader of the Metal social questions there have been changes, a Workers Union and of the new Brazilian labor break with the past. Never in the history of Bra- federation, the CUT, founded in 1983. To many zil has so much been done for the poor, social Lula appeared as a kind of tropical Eugene V. polices developed, hope has been created Debs, a workingman with a worker’s vision of among brothers who used to eat once a day and democracy and social justice. During his first now can eat well.”8 term, his government gave more than 500 million dollars to the poorest Brazilians through ARGENTINA his family basket plan (Bolsa Familia). Under N ARGENTINA, SAÚL MENEM, PRESIDENT FROM Lula, Brazil raised workers’ wages significantly. I1989 to 1999, faced with an economic crisis The PT government in Porto Alegre created a of hyperinflation and recession, carried out a “participatory budget,” a process by which com- shock program of liberalization. Menem munity representatives worked with the city council to develop the budget. In other areas, the PT has promoted People’s While Lula’s government Assemblies as a form of participatory de- was supposed to benefit mocracy, a people’s government. At the same time, however, Lula has disap- workers and the poor, pointed another arm of the labor move- ironically, it was the ment, the Movement of the Landless (MST), which wanted him to support a Brazilian banks which did more radical agrarian reform. While Lula’s government was supposed to ben- best during his first efit workers and the poor, ironically, it government … was the Brazilian banks which did best during his first government and became his biggest supporters during his second cam- pegged the peso to the U.S. dollar, privatized paign. Critics argue that it has been the banks, state companies including oil, gas, electricity, contractors, and mining companies that have water, and the post office. When the Mexican

Latin America Leans Left New Labor Forum • 65 economic crisis of 1994 spread to Argentina it portant victories. The telephone workers union, led to the collapse of the country’s economy, a FOETRA Buenos Aires, forced Telecom and long, drawn out and agonizing experience last- Telefónica to incorporate hundreds of tempo- ing from 1997 to 2002. Menem’s successor, rary and part-time workers into the regular Fernando de la Rua, presided over the final di- workforce. Workers in the Buenos Aires saster until he was driven from office in De- Metrovías subway system won a shorter work- day, higher wages, and the incorporation into the union of maintenance workers. In the 2003 election [in Others—railroad workers, teachers, Argentina] … Néstor commercial workers and government employees—created new forms of discus- Kirchner … won the sion and coordination.10 A report from the Labor Education Workshop (TEL) in election without the Buenos Aires notes, “Most of these union backing of the unions. struggles have been led by the workers themselves organized in stewards councils with little participation from the of- cember 2001 by massive popular protests. An ficial union structure.” In Argentina, an inde- interim president, Eduardo Duhalde, took over pendent labor movement appears to be in the in what some saw as a kind of coup, and held process of rebuilding from the ground up. power until the elections of 2003. Whether it will become strong enough to chal- In the 2003 election unions broke with lenge the neocorporativist structures and be- their history and instead of voting as a block come a force independent of the government for the Peronists (Justicilistas) as they usually remains to be seen. did, divided their votes among the presidential candidates of the different factions of the VENEZUELA

Peronists. Néstor Kirchner, a little-known pro- N VENEZUELA, THE CHANGE IN SOCIETY CAME vincial governor, won the election without the Ifrom radicals in the military. In 1989, popu- backing of the unions. Nevertheless, once in list president Carlos Andrés Perez of AD an- power, he began to recreate the former nounced the “Great Turnaround,” a shock lib- corporativist relationship between the Peronist eralization program. The AD’s own CTV fed- party and the CGT. In particular, he gave strong eration called the country’s first general strike support to Hugo Moyano, who in July 2005 and won some concessions.11 Nevertheless, eco- became the leader of the federation.9 nomic nationalism had been superseded by Kirchner and Moyano worked together neoliberalism and things began to unravel. The from above to reconstruct the corporativist elite’s economic program exacerbated condi- structure, a process aided by the bureaucratic tions and eventually led to food riots and popu- and corrupt practices of many unions. Never- lar protests in every city in the country in the theless, union stewards’ councils and activists country in 1989. A labor-based radical move- organized and carried out strikes and won im- ment, Causa R, and a socialist party, the Move-

66 • New Labor Forum D. La Botz ment to Socialism (MAS), both put forward so- but not controlled by Chávez. At the same time, cialist programs in this period. However, it was several other important unions remained in- a military coup led by Col. Hugo Chávez in dependent of both federations. In its second na- 1992 that, though it failed, captured the imagi- tional congress held in September 2006, the nation of the country’s working classes and poor UNT split into a majority faction that wanted people. Chávez became a hero. Freed from to remain relatively independent of Chávez, and prison by president Caldera in 1994, Chávez other factions that wanted to be chavista.12 organized the Bolivarian Revolutionary Move- “The strategy of the Venezuelan workers ment (MBR), and in December 1998 was today is to consolidate their principal gain so elected president, and subsequently reelected far in this process: the National Union of Work- in 2000 and 2006. ers,” says Pérez Burgos. “In order to consoli- Hugo Chávez became the leader and in- date the UNT there must be democratic elec- spirer of a working-class socialist movement in tions by the rank and file. These elections Venezuela. Yet, Venezuela’s labor unions have should have been carried out two years ago, but not been central to Hugo Chavez’s populist gov- bureaucratic groups within the UNT and lead- ernment. “The Chávez government has given ers who want to mortgage the new federation’s greater freedom for union organization and it independence have refused to hold the elec- has conceded some political, social and eco- tions. The class conscious and autonomous nomic gains,” says UNT leader Stalin Pérez groups within the union demands free and di- Burgos. “Nevertheless, the base of the govern- rect elections. If the UNT can be consolidated ment is made up of the poorest groups as an independent organization, it will become and it has made the greatest concessions to them.” Hugo Chávez became the The Federation of Venezuelan Labor (CTV), to which most unions were af- … inspirer of a working- filiated, remained aligned with the AD, class socialist movement supported the AD-COPEI (Social Demo- cratic-Christian Democrat alternation in in Venezuela. Yet … labor power) partnership, and opposed Chávez. The CTV’s participation in April unions have not been 2002 in the coup led by the Venezuelan central to [his] Chamber of Commerce and backed by the United States that briefly overthrew government. Chávez, and then the CTV’s role in the December 2002 “economic coup,” the general the great social movement that pushes forward lockout and strike against the Chávez govern- the struggles for the rights of workers, and the ment, discredited the old labor federation in beacon leading the Venezuela revolution to real the eyes of many union leaders and workers. socialism, a socialism which today does not Several unions left the CTV to form the Na- exist outside of the speeches that Chávez gives tional Union of Workers (UNT), supportive of in its favor.”

Latin America Leans Left New Labor Forum • 67 For Pérez Burgos and many union activ- rial one-party state found in the former Soviet ists in Venezuela, the key issue is workers’ con- Union and in Cuba. trol, by which they mean workers actually run- ning firms and factories. Chávez has rejected a BOLIVIA joint government-union management of the RESIDENT EVO MORALES OF BOLIVIA CAME TO state oil company which remains under state Ppower on the shoulders of movements of control. In the aluminum industry, Chávez has indigenous people, coca farmers, and new radi- permitted a German Social Democracy-style cal unions, though they are not labor unions in company-union co-management. Some 1,200 the traditional sense. The historic Bolivian la- business have been abandoned by their owners bor unions, particularly the Bolivian Mine in recent years, but only a small fraction have Workers (FSTMB) and the Bolivian Workers been occupied by workers, only twenty have Central (COB) played an important role in the been nationalized, and only a handful are un- revolution of 1952, and thereafter in every der workers’ administration or co-administra- struggle for democracy and social justice in tion.13 The situation remains dynamic, however, Bolivia. Beginning in the 1980s, however, the as workers pressure the government to take tin industry began to decline and together with control of the plants. “Workers demand work- it the power of the mine workers. In 1985, presi- ers’ control of both state and private en- terprises,” says Pérez Burgos. Venezuela has entered into a process … Evo Morales of Bolivia that may go further than social liberal- came to power on the ism, though at present it remains unclear whether Hugo Chávez will lead the na- shoulders of … indigenous tion to socialism, as he says. Chávez recently nationalized the energy industry people, coca farmers, and as part of his plan. Such experiments in new radical unions, the past, such as the nationalizing of the same telephone company in the 1950s by though they are not labor the dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez, and unions in the traditional the nationalization of the oil company in the 1970s by the populist Carlos Andrés, sense. did not lead in a socialist direction. Chávez has also began to give more power and dent Victor Paz Estenssoro introduced the New funding to local communal councils, saying this Economic Policy, a shock therapy application will lead to socialist cities. At the same time, of liberalization. A series of strikes against Chávez has called for all of his supporters to privatizations between 1989 and 1993 were vio- unite in a single leftist party, a move criticized lently suppressed, weakening the power of the by some other leftists and labor unionists who old union movement. say they fear that such a conception of a march As the old union movement based in the to socialism could lead to the kind of dictato- mining district of Oruro and the capital city of

68 • New Labor Forum D. La Botz La Paz declined, other areas became more im- again in June 2005 to force from power his suc- portant. El Alto, originally a shantytown sub- cessor Carlos Mesa. In the elections held in De- urb of La Paz, grew to a population of 800,000, cember 2005, Evo Morales, leader of a party about 80 percent of them Aymara Indians. In called Movement to Socialism (MAS), was El Alto, the Regional Workers Center (COR-El elected president. Since his election Morales Alto), and the Federation of Neighborhood carried out a kind of quasi-nationalization of Councils of Al Alto (FEJUVE), gave leadership Bolivia’s gas and oil industry on May 1, 2006, to a broad popular and radical movement of and pushed through parliament an agrarian working people and communities. These are reform program in November 2006 that will not, however, traditional workers; 70 percent lead to the distribution of 77,000 square miles of working people in Al Alto are self-employed. of land to impoverished peasants. While union At the same time, the coca producing areas support played some role in his election, Mo- around Chapare grew in importance and the rales does not give expression to the union coca farmers created a union, the Sindicato de movement, nor do the unions give him uncriti- Cocaleros, which elected as its president Evo cal support. A populist leader with a vague pro- Morales. gram of indigenous socialism, he is sometimes Power in the labor movement was shifting supported and sometimes challenged by the old from industrial and service workers unions to and new unions that helped to bring him to public employees, sweatshop workers in light power.14 Morales’s government has, for ex- industry, workers of the informal sector, small ample, sometimes supported small workers’ co- farmers, and above all Bolivia’s Aymara Indi- operatives that are allied with multinational in- ans. The Federation of Agricultural Workers vestors against the Bolivian Miners Union Unions of Bolivia (CSUTCB), a union “of the which demands that all minerals be national- 12,000 communities,” is both an indigenous ized by the government mining company. people’s movement and an agricultural work- The Indians base their political positions ers union. The union’s members claim descent on a kind of Indian communitarianism or so- from the Inca and other indigenous peoples, cialism, and claim sixty years of labor union and blame Spanish conquest and colonization organization. For Indians, the struggle for au- and the Creole republics for their long history tonomy goes hand in hand with the struggle of exploitation and oppression. for control of the country’s national resources. The new movements that developed in the The indigenous movement and its labor unions 1980s and 1990s came into direct conflict with have been among the forces that pushed Evo their government and with multinational cor- Morales to a quasi-nationalization of gas and oil. porations. The privatization of water, turned At the moment, Latin America represents over to a consortium of companies led by a test of the ability of workers, through tradi- Bechtel, led to a series of massive demonstra- tional labor movements, indigenous organizations in 1999-2000 known as “the water wars.” tions, and organizations of the urban poor In October 2003, El Alto’s plebeian masses de- to build a mass social movement and a politi- scended on La Paz to drive out President cal party that will carry out a program that Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, and did the same speaks to their interests. So far, the move-

Latin America Leans Left New Labor Forum • 69 ments have succeeded in driving out conser- chances of bringing about meaningful social vative presidents and governments and bring- change, which to many of them means putting ing others to power. Still, the various govern- working people and the oppressed in power. ments continue to operate within the neoliberal Since the 1950s, attempts by Latin Americans rules that govern the global economy. Some, to democratically change their governments like Evo Morales in Bolivia and Hugo Chávez have inevitably led to U.S. intervention. Their in Venezuela struggle to gain time and politi- ability to build a better future, then, will ulti- cal space, others like Kirchner and Lula appear mately depend not only upon themselves, but to be following the path of least resistance. also upon solidarity from abroad, most impor- Workers in Latin America, especially in Bolivia tant, from workers and unions in the United and Venezuela, feel optimistic about their States.

Notes 1. M. Victoria Murillo, “From Populism to 12” (Page 12) is the name of a newspaper in Neoliberalism: Labor Unions and Market Re- Buenos Aires. forms in Latin America,” World Politics 52 (Janu- 9. Anita Joseph, “Argentina’s Labor Unions: ary 2000), 135–74. Moyano’s Heavy Mantle,” Council on Hemispheric 2. Lesley D. O’Connell, “Collective Bargain- Affairs, August 4, 2005. At: http://www.coha.org/ ing Systems in 6 Latin American Countries: De- NEW_PRESS_RELEASES/New_Press_Releases_ grees of Autonomy and Decentralization. Argen- 2005/05.86_Argentina’s_Labor_Unions_ tina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay. (Wash- Moyano’s_Heavy_Mantle.htm. ington, D.C.: Inter-American Development Bank, 10. Taller de Educación Laboral (Argentina), May 1999). “Informe sobre situación sindical Argentina,” 3. Laís Abramo and María Elena Valenzuela, typescript. “Women’s Labour Force Participation in Latin 11. Murrillo, “From Populism to Liberalism,” America,” International Labour Review 144, no. 4, 140. 2005, pp. 369–399. For a discussion of women’s 12. Steve Mather, “The Real Fracture in employment issues in Latin America see: Sylvia Venezuela’s Labor Movement is Ideological,” Chant, Gender in Latin America (New Brunswick: at: http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/articles. Rutgers University Press, 2003), especially Chap- php?artno=1775. ter 8, “Gender and Employment.” 13. Steve Mather, “Conference of Co-man- 4. Jere R. Behrman et al, “Economic Reform aged and Occupied Factories’ Workers’ Rev- and Wage Differentials in Latin America,” (Wash- olutionary Front,” at: http://www.venez ington, D.C.: Inter-American Development Bank, uelanalys.com/articles.php? artno=1861; Marie Oct. 2000). Trigona, “Workers in Control: Venezuela’s Occu- 5. Fernando Solana, ed., América Latina XXI: pied Factories,” at: http://www.venezuelanalysis ¿Avanzará o retrocederá la pobreza? (Mexico: .com/articles.php? artno=1872 Fondo de la Cultura Económica, 2002) 14. Rober Burbach, “Evo Morales and the 6. Brea, “Population Dynamics,” 23. Roots of Revolution,” at: http://www.im 7. Raúl Zibechi, “El Segundo govierno de diversity.com/villages/native/world_ interna- Lula,” La Jornada (Mexico), January 12, 2007. tional/pns_morales_0106.asp ; Jeffery R. Webber, 8. “En América Latina podemos resucitar el “Bolivia’s Nationalization of Gas!” Counterpunch, proyecto socialista,” Darío Aranda, Página 12, May 3, 2006, at: http://www.counterpunch.org/ Buenos Aires, Dec. 12, 2006. My trans. DL “Página webber05032006.html.

70 • New Labor Forum D. La Botz Latin America Leans Left New Labor Forum • 71