Opening the Russian– Georgian Railway Link Through Abkhazia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Opening the Russian– Georgian Railway Link Through Abkhazia CORE POLICY BRIEF 05 2013 Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace Opening the Russian– Georgian railway link - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 through Abkhazia A challenging Georgian governance initiative [email protected] www.projectcore.eu (CORE) India and Europe in Resolution Conflict and Governance of Cultures Soon after the parliamentary elec- Key Questions tion in 2012 Georgia’s new gov- ernment declared its willingness to How important is the restoration of the railway link for Georgia and Abkha- reconstruct and reopen the former zia, and particularly for the purpose of railway communication link with conflict resolution between the two? Russia through Abkhazia, which What are the political risks involved in the railway project? ISBN: ISBN: www.prio.no was interrupted as a result of the Does the new initiative meet the in- 978 978 Georgian–Abkhaz war in 1993. terests of all countries in the Caucasus - - 82 82 - - With its confidence-building charac- 7288 7288 region? - - 515 516 ter, the initiative is part of a broader - - 0 7 (print) Georgian foreign policy strategy aimed at re-establishing political and (online) economic relations with Russia, a development that would represent a significant geopolitical challenge for the countries of the South Cauca- sus. The initiative will test Tbilisi’s ability to prevent any changes to Abkhazia’s current political status and to keep the project purely eco- nomic in nature. Nona Mikhelidze Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) Opening the railway: A confidence- building measure The victory of Bidzina Ivanishvili’s coalition in the 2012 parliamentary elections in Georgia has brought about a fundamental change to the Georgian–Abkhaz peace process. Unlike its predecessor, Georgia’s new government has recognized Abkhazia as an existing reality, one that has its own voice regarding its future, with which Georgia will have to find a way of engaging. Thus, Abkhazia has been recog- nized as a party to the Georgian–Abkhaz conflict, at least unofficially, although Geor- gia’s Minister for Reintegration Paata Zakareishvili has declared that the Georgian government will continue to maintain its policy of non-recognition of the separatist entities that are currently seeking to secede from the Georgian state.1 This is the context within which Tbilisi launched a new initiative for the restoration of the Georgian–Abkhaz railway. The aim is to develop economic rela- tions between the conflict parties and through such an approach to increase the mutual trust between them.2 However, before such highly Passenger train in Psyrtskha, Abkhazia. Photo: Sergei Rubliov desirable aspirations can be realized, the project will have to deal with a number of key ‘We need to promote the restoration of traffic been willing to sacrifice Abkhaz national geopolitical and geo-economic challenges. through Abkhazia [in order to] give Abkhazia interests. The Abkhaz also question whether The opening of the railway is not a new idea. an alternative so that its economic and trans- Georgia is prepared to reopen the rail link Indeed, several attempts were made in 2004– portation systems would not be tied only to with no preconditions attached (e.g.in the 2005 to restore communications between Russia,’ Zakareishvili declared.4 In addition, absence of an agreement on the return of Georgia and Abkhazia through the railway he emphasized that ‘restoration of the railway refugees, for example). However, Abkhazia’s link. In 2005, the parties agreed that a re- would help refugees return home and solve de facto president, Alexander Ankvab, has search group consisting of Georgian, Abkhaz many problems [in the long run]. Especially expressed an interest in examining the issue and Russian experts would visit Zugdidi, Gali since the development of transport ties will more closely. According to him, at the time of and Ochamchireto study the state of the rail- contribute to the economic development of the Soviet Union, there were 24 freight and 12 way line there. The negotiations foundered in Abkhazia.’5 Generally, the Georgian minister passenger trains using the railway (carrying 2005, however. And, if the project failed in hopes that economic cooperation will increase 13–15% of all goods crossing the Caucasus), 2005, why should it succeed today? There are the chances of a solution to the Georgian– but the current benefits that Abkhazia might two main reasons why the new initiative Abkhazian conflict. However, if it is to be reap from a reopened rail link would need to might be more successful. First, because in successful, any initiative will need to be free of be properly assessed. In 2005, when the pro- 2004 Tbilisi was hoping to negotiate the issue explicit political connotations and to be ject was being negotiated with the Saakashvili only with Russia, without engaging Abkhazia couched solely in economic terms.6 The rail- government, the Abkhaz hoped that they as a party to the conflict. Second, the former way initiative has found a positive echo in would be able to collect customs and transit Georgian government made its offer condi- Georgia. According to a poll conducted by the duties for cargo travelling between Russia and tional: in exchange for the opening of the National Democratic Institute (NDI), 68% of Georgia. According to their calculations, Ab- railway, Tbilisi demanded the right of return respondents said they would welcome the re- khazia would have received somewhere in the for Georgian internally displaced persons and establishment of the rail link.7 region of US$500,000–800,000 per month.8 refugees who left Abkhazia after the war in As for Abkhaz attitudes towards the Georgian 1993. The current Georgian government’s Political risks proposal, initially scepticism prevailed, insofar approach is different: Tbilisi has declared its as the project touches upon Abkhaz–Russian The rail-link initiative can be viewed as a willingness to negotiate the issue with Abkha- relations. The Abkhaz recall that in the 1990s, compromise from the Georgian side. In order zia directly, as well as with other actors, with- in order to reopen the railway and thus a to promote economic relations with Abkhazia out imposing any preconditions.3 possible connection with Armenia, Russia had and build confidence, Tbilisi is prepared to CORE POLICY BRIEF 05 2013 www.projectcore.eu man mobility, trade and tourism in the re- gion. Thus, the railway could help to end Armenia’s current isolation. Such a situation, however, explains Azerbai- jan’s negative reaction to the initiative, as it fears that it would enable Russia to deliver weapons to Armenia and to use the military base in Gyumri through Abkhazia. In addi- tion, Baku fears that reopening the railway link via Abkhazia would undercut the im- portance of the existing Baku–Akhalkalaki– Kars rail link largely promoted and imple- mented by Azerbaijan.13 Such fears were heightened by the somewhat imprudent statement by Georgian Prime Minister Ivan- ishvili regarding the disadvantages of the Baku–Akhalkalaki–Kars rail link.14 Ivanish- vili’s remarks were later clarified, but still Photo: Nona Mikhelidze reveal the challenge posed by the Abkhaz rail link to Azerbaijan’s interests. run the risk that the project might in some take years to see implementation through. In Conclusions and recommendations way contribute to an upgrading of Abkhazia’s terms of conflict resolution, for Zakareishvili political status, facilitating its quest for inde- the first results will only be discernible in two Opening the Abkhaz railway would assist in pendence. From Georgia’s perspective, it will years, and at least seven years would have to the development of the economies of Georgia be difficult to keep economics separate from pass for reconciliation to become an irreversi- and Abkhazia and lead to an improvement in politics, and a particularly thorny issue will be ble reality. Hence, although conflict resolution Georgian–Russian relations. Furthermore, it the legal dimension of the current initiative. would occur only in the long run, ‘the more may contribute to confidence-building be- In 2005, Abkhazia’s then Deputy Prime Min- economic projects with Georgia’s participa- tween Georgians and Abkhazians by encour- ister Leonid Lakerbaia stated that ‘the ques- tion are being carried out in Abkhazia, the aging joint economic activity between them. tion of restoring railway communications is a greater is the chance to resolve the conflict’.12 More broadly, the railway would have a posi- purely economic problem and it ought not to tive influence on the economies of the coun- be accompanied by political demands. If Geopolitical challenges tries of the South Caucasus. It would end Georgians want to build trust between our Armenia’s isolation, no doubt causing Azer- The railway initiative is part of a broader peoples then it should happen through the baijan irritation. However, Azerbaijan needs Georgian foreign policy aimed at re- economy and without any additional political to acknowledge that the isolation imposed by establishing political and economic relations demands.’9 It remains to be seen whether Baku and Ankara upon Armenia has born no with Russia. Georgia seems ready to take Abkhazia will maintain such an approach – fruit to date in terms of conflict resolution in Russia’s interests in the region into account. that is, considering the project as purely eco- Nagorno-Karabakh. Furthermore, the Abkaz Indeed, reopening the railway link is in the nomic, without demanding some kind of railway could also benefit Azerbaijan: via interests of both Moscow and Yerevan. Cur- political recognition. Abkhazian officials have Abkhazia, Azerbaijan would be able to reach rently, Russia’s communications with Arme- already declared that ‘Abkhazia should be the Ukraine, thus diversifying its access to the nia take place through the Georgian Military legal owner of its section of the railway’.10 West.
Recommended publications
  • Russia, Georgia and the Eu in Abkhazia and South Ossetia
    PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION: RUSSIA, GEORGIA AND THE EU IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA Iskra Kirova August 2012 Figueroa Press Los Angeles The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and cannot be interpreted to reflect the positions of organizations that the author is affiliated with. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION: RUSSIA, GEORGIA AND THE EU IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA Iskra Kirova Published by FIGUEROA PRESS 840 Childs Way, 3rd Floor Los Angeles, CA 90089 Phone: (213) 743-4800 Fax: (213) 743-4804 www.figueroapress.com Figueroa Press is a division of the USC Bookstore Copyright © 2012 all rights reserved Notice of Rights All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmit- ted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without prior written permission from the author, care of Figueroa Press. Notice of Liability The information in this book is distributed on an “As is” basis, without warranty. While every precaution has been taken in the preparation of this book, neither the author nor Figueroa nor the USC Bookstore shall have any liability to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused or alleged to be caused directly or indirectly by any text contained in this book. Figueroa Press and the USC Bookstore are trademarks of the University of Southern California ISBN 13: 978-0-18-214016-9 ISBN 10: 0-18-214016-4 For general inquiries or to request additional copies of this paper please contact: USC Center on Public Diplomacy at the Annenberg School University of Southern California 3502 Watt Way, G4 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0281 Tel: (213) 821-2078; Fax: (213) 821-0774 [email protected] www.uscpublicdiplomacy.org CPD Perspectives on Public Diplomacy CPD Perspectives is a periodic publication by the USC Center on Public Diplomacy, and highlights scholarship intended to stimulate critical thinking about the study and practice of public diplomacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Abkhazia: Deepening Dependence
    ABKHAZIA: DEEPENING DEPENDENCE Europe Report N°202 – 26 February 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. RECOGNITION’S TANGIBLE EFFECTS ................................................................... 2 A. RUSSIA’S POST-2008 WAR MILITARY BUILD-UP IN ABKHAZIA ...................................................3 B. ECONOMIC ASPECTS ....................................................................................................................5 1. Dependence on Russian financial aid and investment .................................................................5 2. Tourism potential.........................................................................................................................6 3. The 2014 Sochi Olympics............................................................................................................7 III. LIFE IN ABKHAZIA........................................................................................................ 8 A. POPULATION AND CITIZENS .........................................................................................................8 B. THE 2009 PRESIDENTIAL POLL ..................................................................................................10 C. EXTERNAL RELATIONS ..............................................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • An Ambivalent 'Independence'
    OswcOMMentary issue 34 | 20.01.2010 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies An ambivalent ‘independence’ Abkhazia, an unrecognised democracy under Russian protection NTARy Wojciech Górecki Me ces cOM Abkhazia – a state unrecognised by the international community and depen- dent on Russia – has features of a democracy, including political pluralism. This is manifested through regularly held elections, which are a time of ge- tudies nuine competition between candidates, and through a wide range of media, s including the pro-opposition private TV station Abaza. astern e The competing political forces have different visions for the republic’s deve- lopment. President Sergei Bagapsh’s team would like to build up multilateral foreign relations (although the highest priority would be given to relations 1 Despite the lack of with Russia), while the group led by Raul Khajimba, a former vice-president international recognition, entre for it seems unreasonable c and present leader of the opposition, would rather adopt a clear pro-Moscow to use the form ‘self- orientation. It is worth noting that neither of the significant political forces appointed’ or ‘so-called’ president, or to append wants Abkhazia to become part of Russia (while such proposals have been inverted commas to the term (which also con- made in South Ossetia), and a majority of the Abkhazian elite sees Russia’s NTARy cerns other Abkhazian recognition of the country’s independence as a Pyrrhic victory because Me officials and institutions) it has limited their country’s room for manoeuvre. However, all parties are because Bagapsh in fact performs this agreed in ruling out any future dependence on Georgia.
    [Show full text]
  • Opening the Russian–Georgian Railway Link Through Abkhazia
    CORE POLICY BRIEF 05 2013 Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace Opening the Russian– Georgian railway link - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 through Abkhazia A challenging Georgian governance initiative [email protected] www.projectcore.eu (CORE) India and Europe in Resolution Conflict and Governance of Cultures Soon after the parliamentary elec- Key Questions tion in 2012 Georgia’s new gov- ernment declared its willingness to How important is the restoration of the railway link for Georgia and Abkha- reconstruct and reopen the former zia, and particularly for the purpose of railway communication link with conflict resolution between the two? Russia through Abkhazia, which What are the political risks involved in the railway project? ISBN: ISBN: www.prio.no was interrupted as a result of the Does the new initiative meet the in- 978 978 Georgian–Abkhaz war in 1993. terests of all countries in the Caucasus - - 82 82 - - With its confidence-building charac- 7288 7288 region? - - 515 516 ter, the initiative is part of a broader - - 0 7 (print) Georgian foreign policy strategy aimed at re-establishing political and (online) economic relations with Russia, a development that would represent a significant geopolitical challenge for the countries of the South Cauca- sus. The initiative will test Tbilisi’s ability to prevent any changes to Abkhazia’s current political status and to keep the project purely eco- nomic in nature. Nona Mikhelidze Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) Opening the railway: A confidence- building measure The victory of Bidzina Ivanishvili’s coalition in the 2012 parliamentary elections in Georgia has brought about a fundamental change to the Georgian–Abkhaz peace process.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf | 267.83 Kb
    Georgia | No 3 | June to July 2007 GEORGIA | Trends in Conflict and Cooperation The period under review was mostly dominated by the up and down of Russian-Georgian relations. After a bilateral meeting between President Putin and President Saakshvili in St. Petersburg on 9 June, a slight stabilization appeared in bilateral relations. Russia – still Georgia’s second largest trading partner – seemed to be easing the pressure on Russian-Georgian relations not only because of the WTO accession plan, but also because of the Olympic Winter Games to be held in Sochi in 2014. But this improvement in Russian-Georgian relations did not suit everyone, especially not separatist parties, which may be one of the reasons why in June “unknown persons” fired several times Country Stability and Conflictive Events in South Ossetia on Georgian and South Ossetian villages. As can be seen on the graph, additional tensions grew in summer paralleling the water shortage problem in the Tskhinvali region, which happens every summer since 2004. As usual, political figures in Russia and in the unrecognized republics immediately expressed concern that the escalation of tensions in the conflict zone signalizes a new Georgian attempt to restore its hegemony over South Ossetia by force of arms. Relations between Georgia and Russia worsened further after the publication of the last UNOMIG report issued on 12 July. The report suggested, but did not explicitly claim, that Russian army helicopters could have been involved in an attack on Tbilisi- controlled upper Kodori Gorge on 11 March 2007. Soon after, the Russian Foreign Source: FAST event data Ministry stated that “it is clear which side has been interested in the incident.
    [Show full text]
  • The Caucasus: a Changing Security Landscape Thursday, September 13, 2012
    The Caucasus: A Changing Security Landscape Thursday, September 13, 2012 Panel II: Frozen Conflicts Mikhail Alexseev, San Diego State University; Crossing Borders, Validating Sovereignty: Russia, Georgia and the WTO Sergey Minasyan, Caucasus Institute (Yerevan); Coercion in Action: Compellence in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Sufian Zhemukhov, Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum; Recognition without Independence: Abkhazia’s International Context Chair: Corey Welt, George Washington University Mikhail Alexseev began his presentation by examining how a state may use international institutions and norms to assert its sovereignty and create legitimacy when sovereignty is disputed. In the case of Russia and Georgia, both used the issue of WTO accession to do so: Russia and Georgia signed the intergovernmental agreement “On the Basic Principles of the Mechanism of Customs Administration and Monitoring of Trade in Goods” in Geneva on November 9, 2011. Georgia, which has been a WTO member since 2000 and possessed the right to veto Russia’s WTO entry, seemingly had the upper-hand in these negotiations. Essentially, this agreement entailed Georgia acquiescing to Russia’s WTO accession. Russia sees WTO entry as an opportunity to improve the transparency of its data. With its accession, Russia will provide data on its trade through the appropriate international exchange system of the WTO. Russia and Georgia authorized a “Private Neutral Company” to obtain WTO Electronic Data Exchange System (EDES) data, establish a presence at trade terminals, “manage risks,” and audit reports on trade through these terminals. The two governments also agreed to invite representatives from the designated neutral company to visit the terminals and discuss experiences and best practices to improve operations.
    [Show full text]
  • Obituary Bagapsh
    SERGEJ BAGAPSH Sergej Bagapsh, the second president of the Republic of Abkhazia, died in office on 29 May in a Moscow hospital of complications following lung-surgery the previous week. He was 62. Bagapsh was born in Abkhazia’s capital, Sukhum, on 4 March 1949. He trained as an agronomist at the local Institute of Subtropical Agriculture. After military service, however, he made his career in the structure of the Soviet Communist Party, serving in various capacities during most of the 1970s in the youth-organisation known as the Komsomol. But his first prominent position was as First Secretary of the Ochamchira District, home to his family’s native village of Dzhgerda in the south-east of Abkhazia. He occupied this post from 1982 to 1989, which year saw critical developments in Abkhaz-Georgian relations, leading to Abkhazia’s long-desired secession from Georgia in the wake of their bitter war (14 August 1992 – 30 September 1993). Reacting to the threat emanating from Georgian nationalism as the Kremlin’s grip on the Soviet republics slackened under perestrojka, the Abkhazians took steps to protect their interests and opposed the establishment in Sukhum of a branch of Tbilisi State University. The Abkhazians saw this as an attempt to undermine the viability of the Abkhazian State University, only the second institution of higher education in what was then Soviet Georgia. On the night of Saturday 15 July, fatalities occurred in Sukhum as the communities came to blows. Large numbers of armed men rallied to the cause in the neighbouring Georgian province of Mingrelia.
    [Show full text]
  • Security Council Distr.: General 25 April 2005
    United Nations S/2005/269 Security Council Distr.: General 25 April 2005 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Abkhazia, Georgia I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1582 (2005) of 28 January 2005, by which the Council decided to extend the mandate of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) until 31 July 2005. It provides an update of the situation in Abkhazia, Georgia, since my report of 17 January 2005 (S/2005/32). 2. My Special Representative for Georgia, Heidi Tagliavini, continued to head UNOMIG. She was assisted in this task by the Chief Military Observer, Major General Hussein Ahmed Eissa Ghobashi (Egypt). The strength of UNOMIG on 1 April 2005 stood at 121 military observers and 11 civilian police officers (see annex). II. Political process 3. During the period under review, UNOMIG, led by my Special Representative, continued to carry out its mandated tasks and to promote dialogue between the Georgian and Abkhaz sides on political and security issues, the return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and economic cooperation. The Group of Friends actively supported those efforts, the ultimate aim of which is to create the necessary trust for meaningful negotiations between the parties on a comprehensive political settlement of the conflict based on the paper entitled “Basic Principles for the Distribution of Competences between Tbilisi and Sukhumi” and its transmittal letter (see S/2002/88, para. 3). 4. During the reporting period, a new leadership emerged in Sukhumi, and the inauguration of Sergey Bagapsh as de facto President on 12 February paved the way for renewed discussions between the parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Enges to Georgia’S Sovereign Interests
    ÓÀØÀÒÈÅÄËÏÓ ÓÔÒÀÔÄÂÉÉÓÀ ÃÀ ÓÀÄÒÈÀÛÏÒÉÓÏ ÖÒÈÉÄÒÈÏÁÀÈÀ ÊÅËÄÅÉÓ ×ÏÍÃÉ GEORGIAN FOUNDATION FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES EXPERT OPINION JOHANNA POPJANEVSKI TOWARD A CRIMEA SCENARIO? RUSSIA’S ANNEXATION POLICIES IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS 40 2015 The publication is made possible with the support of the US Embassy in Georgia. Editor: Jeffrey Morski Technical Editor: Artem Melik-Nubarov All rights reserved and belong to Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form, including electronic and mechanical, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Copyright © 2015 Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies ISSN 1512-4835 ISBN 978-9941-0-7724-1 Introduction Since independence, the conflicts over the secessionist regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia have constituted troublesome challenges to Georgia’s sovereign interests. Tbilisi’s lack of control of 20 percent of its territory has not only compromised Georgia’s national identity, it has also delayed im- portant state-building processes. Moreover, Russia’s invasion of Georgia in 2008 and its subsequent recognition of the two regions as independent states led to the belated realization that the secessionist conflicts are not merely domestic issues but belong to a larger conflict between Russia and Georgia. Over the last year, a series of events have again put Georgia’s relations with Russia and its breakaway regions at stake. Following the coming to power of Moscow-loyal Raul Khajimba in Abkhazia in August 2014, Mos- cow has initiated strategic alliance agreements with Sukhumi and Tskhin- vali, making the regions further dependent on Russia’s military support and increasing Russia’s political influence over the secessionist authorities.
    [Show full text]
  • News Digest on Georgia
    NEWS DIGEST ON GEORGIA August 13-16 Compiled by: Aleksandre Davitashvili Date: August 17, 2020 Occupied Regions Abkhazia Region 1. Abkhazia Reports 26 Cases, Record for Highest Daily Case Count Moscow-backed authorities in Abkhazia have reported 26 COVID-19 cases, the highest number of daily cases since the pandemic outbreak. This brings the region‟s tally of total confirmed cases to 182. In the meantime, eight patients have recovered, taking the number of recoveries to 66. The number of Abkhazia‟s active COVID-19 cases stands at 113 (Civil.ge, August 14, 2020). 2. 7 New Cases, 3 Recoveries Reported in Abkhazia Moscow-backed authorities in Abkhazia have reported that seven more patients have tested positive for coronavirus, bringing the tally of total confirmed cases in the region to 189. In the meantime, three more patients were discharged from the hospital, which increases the number of recoveries to 69. The number of active cases in the region to date stands at 117. Occupied region‟s health ministry also reported that one of the patients, Abkhaz citizen, was “transferred abroad” for treatment (Civil.ge, August 16, 2020). 3. Georgia Bids Farewell to 13 Abkhazia War Victims Dozens gathered at the Holy Trinity Cathedral in Tbilisi on August 15 to honor the remains of 13 persons, who have been missing since the 1992-93 war in Abkhazia and whose bodies were recently transferred from the region. Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia paid tribute to the victims together with other cabinet ministers, voiced his condolences to the families and expressed gratitude to the International Committee of the Red Cross.
    [Show full text]
  • News Digest on Georgia
    NEWS DIGEST ON GEORGIA August 4-12 Compiled by: Aleksandre Davitashvili Date: August 13, 2020 Occupied Regions Abkhazia Region 1. Abkhaz Leaders at Odds over Restoring Travel to Russia On August 3, Alexander Ankvab, prime minister of Kremlin-backed Abkhazia, called on several Abkhaz health executives, concerned by the region‟s instant and unconditional reopening to the Russian Federation, to “resign immediately.” In a starkly worded message, Ankvab slammed the health ministry and ad hoc coronavirus task force representatives, including deputy ministers Alkhas Konjaria and Alisa Ardzinba for disseminating “provocative” and “panicky” statements. Ankvab‟s anger followed the August 2 emergency meeting of Abkhaz medics and health ministry representatives over the abrupt resumption of travel between Sokhumi and Moscow a day earlier (Civil.ge, August 4, 2020). 2. Sokhumi Opens Humanitarian Corridor with Tbilisi Moscow-backed authorities in Abkhazia have allowed passage to resume through Enguri crossing point, connecting Sokhumi and Tbilisi administered territories from 5 to 9 August, local media reported. Sokhumi now permits holders of Abkhaz „passports‟ and residence permits to return to the region after checking their medical conditions at the crossing point. Fearing the coronavirus outbreak, Sokhumi first imposed travel restrictions with Georgia proper on February 27. On March 14, Sokhumi said the crossing point would remain closed until further notice in a bid to stem the spread of the virus. Since then, Kremlin-backed Abkhaz authorities
    [Show full text]
  • Discordant Neighbours Ii CONTENTS Eurasian Studies Library
    CONTENTS i Discordant Neighbours ii CONTENTS Eurasian Studies Library Editors-in-Chief Sergei Bogatyrev School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London Dittmar Schorkowitz Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale, Germany Board Members ildikó bellér-hann – paul bushkovitch – peter finke geoffrey hosking – mikhail khodarkovsky marlène laruelle – virginia martin david schimmelpenninck van der oye – willard sunderland VOLUME 3 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/esl CONTENTS iii Discordant Neighbours A Reassessment of the Georgian-Abkhazian and Georgian-South Ossetian Conflicts By George Hewitt LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013 Coveriv illustration: Whilst the map on the front-coverCONTENTS delineates the frontiers of the former Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic, the areas in green represent the republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as recognised by Russia (26 August 2008) and five other UN member-states; red indicates the territory subject to the writ of the Georgian government and thus the reduced frontiers of today’s Republic of Georgia. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hewitt, B. G. Discordant neighbours : a reassessment of the Georgian-Abkhazian and Georgian-South- Ossetian conflicts / by George Hewitt. pages cm. -- (Eurasian studies library, ISSN 1877-9484 ; volume 3) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-24892-2 (hardback : acid-free paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-24893-9 (e-book) 1. Georgia (Republic)--Relations--Georgia--Abkhazia. 2. Georgia (Republic)--Relations--Georgia-- South Ossetia. 3. Abkhazia (Georgia)--Relations--Georgia (Republic) 4. South Ossetia (Georgia)-- Relations--Georgia (Republic) 5. Ethnic conflict--Georgia. 6. Georgia (Republic)--Ethnic relations. 7. Georgia (Republic)--History--1991- 8.
    [Show full text]