Ideals of Marriage in Suetonius' Caesares
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Women in Criminal Trials in the Julio-Claudian Era
Women in Criminal Trials in the Julio-Claudian Era by Tracy Lynn Deline B.A., University of Saskatchewan, 1994 M.A., University of Saskatchewan, 2001 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Classics) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) September 2009 © Tracy Lynn Deline, 2009 Abstract This study focuses on the intersection of three general areas: elite Roman women, criminal law, and Julio-Claudian politics. Chapter one provides background material on the literary and legal source material used in this study and considers the cases of Augustus’ daughter and granddaughter as a backdrop to the legal and political thinking that follows. The remainder of the dissertation is divided according to women’s roles in criminal trials. Chapter two, encompassing the largest body of evidence, addresses the role of women as defendants, and this chapter is split into three thematic parts that concentrate on charges of adultery, treason, and other crimes. A recurring question is whether the defendants were indicted for reasons specific to them or the indictments were meant to injure their male family members politically. Analysis of these cases reveals that most of the accused women suffered harm without the damage being shared by their male family members. Chapter three considers that a handful of powerful women also filled the role of prosecutor, a role technically denied to them under the law. Resourceful and powerful imperial women like Messalina and Agrippina found ways to use criminal accusations to remove political enemies. Chapter four investigates women in the role of witnesses in criminal trials. -
The Supernatural in Tacitus When Compared with His Predecessor Livy, Tacitus Has Been Said to Be Less Interested in the “Super
The Supernatural in Tacitus When compared with his predecessor Livy, Tacitus has been said to be less interested in the “supernatural,” a rubric under which we include the prodigies and omens of traditional Roman religion; characters’ participation in forms of religious expression, both traditional and non-normative; and nebulous superhuman forces such as fate and fortune. In this panel, we seek to modify this perception by investigating aspects of the superhuman, religious, and/or inexplicable in Tacitus’ works that contribute in important ways to his historiographical project and to our view of Tacitus as an historian. As the most recent contribution on this topic shows (K. Shannon-Henderson, Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals. Oxford, 2019), religion and its related fields are extremely important to Tacitus’ narrative technique, and ‘irrational’ elements such as fatum and fortuna are constantly at play in Tacitus’ works, particularly, but not exclusively, in his historical narratives. Each of the five papers that we have gathered for this panel addresses these topics from different angles, whether focusing more on the literary, historical, or linguistic elements of the Tacitean narrative under examination. Two papers focus on omens and other ways of predicting the future; two examine religious experiences of Tacitus’ characters; and one considers the role of fortuna in the world of the Dialogus. In the first paper, Contributor #1 examines the value of observing supernatural signs for decision-making in the Histories. In particular, s/he looks at the practical value of observing and interpreting supernatural signs as predictors of the future success or failure of military leaders. -
THE MENTALITY and PERSONALITY of the JULIO-CLAUDIAN EMPERORS by GERALD C
THE MENTALITY AND PERSONALITY OF THE JULIO-CLAUDIAN EMPERORS by GERALD C. MOSS xal ecJuv dxLcpaav Yacog Ta Iu) p.vO&3 aOT&v drs-&xaTeQov gpavet?a& 6oos di flovaovras r&v T8 yevopC)vw -6 acAc; axoxEv xai TVIvUA cov nroTI aftO xaId T6 dVOe&MVOV ToMotOn xai xae=Az1crtwv &eas, &T&.ua xelvev a&d d0uo&coK 1ia. (7Wuydi&ds I, 22). THE absence of romance in my history will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future, which in the course of human things must resemble if it does not reflect it, I shall be content. (Crawley's translation.) A HISTORIAN has remarked that the confused data from antiquity and the limitations of the psycho-medical sciences make it difficult to draw a picture of Claudius at once satisfying to the historian, the physician and the psycho- logist.' This could be said of all the Julio-Claudian emperors. Controversy has raged mostly over Tiberius and Claudius. Suetonius saw in Tiberius the archetype of the cruel despot, in Gaius (Caligula) the savage monster, in Claudius the fool and weakling, and in Nero the scoundrel. Tacitus, whose books on Gaius' reign are lost, and Cassius Dio painted them in more or less the same colours. To Tacitus, Tiberius was a hypocrite and criminal; Claudius had a weak mind,2 Gaius mental disorder.3 But Dio granted that Claudius, though sick in body so that his head and hands shook slightly, was by no means inferior in mental ability;4 and Pliny the Elder, a contemporary, had a high opinion of his learning and cited him four times as an authority.5 Despite the generally unfavourable picture oftheprinceps drawn bythe ancient writers the admiTnistrative machinery functioned for the most part efficiently and the empire ofAugustus was consolidated; most ofits citizens were content; opposition came from a restricted circle. -
The Complexity of Roman Suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 1974 The complexity of Roman suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Ruff, Carmine Anthony, "The ompc lexity of Roman suicide" (1974). Master's Theses. Paper 937. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COMPLEXITY OF ROMAN SUICIDE BY CARMINE ANTHONY RUFFA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES MAY 1974 APPROVAL SHEET ii TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE • . • • . .iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . • . • • • • . • • • • • . • 1 II. ANCIENT SUICIDE: A PROBLEM OF SEMANTICS. • • • • • • • • • • • • 5 Latin Citations to Suicide The Absence of A Standard Word Or Phrase III. PHILOSOPHIC SUICIDE . • .11 The Attitude of the Latin Philosophers Toward Suicide The Divergent Views of the Stoic Philosophers The Effect of Cato's Suicide on Stoicism IV. THE TREATMENT OF LUCRETIA'S SUICIDE BY LIVY AND AUGUSTINE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 4 Section I: Livy's Lucretia Section II: Augustine's Denunciation of Lucretia v. SUICIDE IN THE AENEID • • • • • • . .61 Vergii's Development of Dido's Suicidal Personality The Condemnation of Suicides in the Underworld Amata's Suicide CONCLUSION. .80 APPENDIX I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 83 APPENDIX II • . .86 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .91 VITA . .99 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to acknowledge two people who have influenced and inspired his academic and professional life. -
Let's Review Text Structure!
Grade 6 Day 18 ELA q I Grade 6 Day 18 ELA Grade 6 Day 18 ELA W o Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math pl Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math P2 Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math 173 Grade 6 Bearcat Day 18 Math 104 Grade 6 Day 18 Science pl Grade 6 Day 18 Science P2 Grade 6 Day 18 Science 123 Question for you to turn in. Describe how processes were used to form a landform. Use vocabulary and evidence from the passage to support your answer. RACE. Grade 6 Day 18 Social Studies Grade 6 Day 18 Social Studies to . I ] l n n t t e o o r n n m i i i t r r t t a a p t t h e e a a . r r m h h 1 o o m m t t E r r 0 p p O O e o o n s f f m m r n a i i i l n n o i i r m e e o m p i R t / l m ? ? d d e l l a l l E e e h a a , ci s s T f f s e u u n n n a a m o sp w w o i C C r o o s/ f t t ct t n D D a a e n a s h h s s e i i t m e W W h h n o h r t / co s o t e d r i n n s s p o a i e e e e t i i m s v v n e p r r m m / e i l t e e e e g t c r s s n n a e e o o l E E R R e s. -
Vespasia Polla Vespasiani Family*
Vespasia Polla Vespasiani Family* Titus Flavius Petronius Sabinus c45 BCE Centurion Reserve Army Vespasius Pollo of Pompeii, Tax Collector Reate Sabinia Italy-15 Rome [+] Tertulia Military Tribune ?-45 Tertuilius di Roma 32 BCE Lazio Italy -9AD Rome Nursia + ? = Titus Flavius I Sabinus Tax Collector + = Vespasia & Banker c20 BCE Rieti Lazio Italy-? Polla 19 BCE-? = Flavius = Titus Flavius Caesar Vespasianus Augustus 9 Falacrinae-79 Rieti, Italy Proconsul = Titus Flavius II Sabinus Consul of Rome c8-69 Vespasia c10 of Africa 53-69, Emperor of Rome 69-79 + 1. 38 AD Domitilla the Elder 2 Sabratha + 1. 63 AD Arrechina Clementina Arrechinus 1 BCE-c10BCE North Africa (present Libya)-66 Rome; +[2.] Antonia Caenis ?-74 = 3 children Tertulla c12-65; +2. Marcia Furnilla Petillius Rufus, Prefect of Rome c 18 AD + ? Caesia = 1. Titus Flavius Caesar = 1. Titus Flavius Caesar Domitianus Augustus = 1. Flavia = Quintus Petillius Cerialis Vespasianus Augustus 39 51-96 Rome Emperor of Rome 81-96 + 1. 70 Domitilla the Caesius Rufus Caesii Senator Rome-81 Rieti Emperor of Domitia Longina; [+] 2. Julia Flavia 64-91 Rome Younger 45- of Rome, Governor of Britain Rome 79-81 +1. Marcia 66 Rome +60 30 Ombrie Italy-83 Furnilla+ 2. Arrecina Tertulla Cassius Labienus Posthumus = 1. Titus Flavius [PII265-270] + ? = + =Flavia Saint + = Titus Flavius III Caesar 73-82 Rome = 1. Julia Flavia 64-91 Domitilla ?-95< Clemens Sabinus 50-95 Rome = Marcus Postumia Festus de Afranius Hannibalianus Rome, Consul Suffect de Rome ?- Afranii Prince of Syria c200- = Titus Flavius IV -
Women in Livy and Tacitus
Xavier University Exhibit Honors Bachelor of Arts Undergraduate 2021-5 Women in Livy and Tacitus STEPHEN ALEXANDER PREVOZNIK Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH Follow this and additional works at: https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation PREVOZNIK, STEPHEN ALEXANDER, "Women in Livy and Tacitus" (2021). Honors Bachelor of Arts. 46. https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab/46 This Capstone/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Bachelor of Arts by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women in Livy and Tacitus By Stephen Prevoznik Prevoznik 1 Introduction Livy and Tacitus are both influential and important Roman authors. They have written two of the most influential histories of Rome. Livy covers from the founding of Rome until the Reign of Augustus. Tacitus focuses on the early empire, writing from the end of Augustus’ reign through Nero. This sets up a nice symmetry, as Tacitus picks up where Livy stops. Much has been written about the men they include, but the women also play an important role. This essay plans to outline how the women in each work are used by the authors to attain their goals. In doing so, each author’s aim is exposed. Livy: Women as Exempla Livy’s most famous work, Ab Urbe Condita, is meant to be read as a guide. -
Press Release "Claudio Imperatore"
PRESS RELEASE At the Ara Pacis Museum in Rome : “Claudio Imperatore . Messalina, Agrippina e le ombre di una dinastia” (The Emperor Claudius: Messalina, Agrippina and the shadows of a dynasty) A major exhibition, showing from April 6 to October 27 2019, with works of extraordinary historical and archaeological interest that will allow visitors to explore the life and reign of one of Rome’s most controversial emperors Rome, 5 April 2019 – From 6 April to 27 October 2019, the Ara Pacis Museum will be hosting its latest, major exhibition, “Claudio Imperatore. Messalina, Agrippina e le ombre di una dinastia” promo ted by Roma Capitale , the Department for Cultural Growth & the Capitoline Department for Cultural Heritage and Lyon Town Council , curated by Claudio Parisi Presicce and Lucia Spagnuolo , in collaboration with Orietta Rossini , as conceived by the Musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon , which hosted the same exhibition – that ended on 4 March – and where it was curated by Geneviève Galliano and Francois Chausson . Organi zation by Zètema Progetto Cultura . The exhibition will take visitors on a journey of discovery about the life and re ign of the controversial Roman E mperor, from his birth in Lyon in 1 0 BC u ntil his death in Rome in 54 AD. A journey that spotlights his personality, his pol itical and administrative work, his ties to the figure of the man that was Augustus and that of his famous brother Germanicus, as well as his tragic relationship with his wives Messalina and Agrippina - all set against the backdrop of the Roman Imperial court and the controversial events of the Julio -Claudian dynasty. -
Can One Believe the Ancient Sources That Describe Messalina?
Constructing the Past Volume 12 Issue 1 Article 7 June 2011 Can One Believe the Ancient Sources That Describe Messalina? Kristen A. Hosack Illinois Wesleyan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing Recommended Citation Hosack, Kristen A. (2011) "Can One Believe the Ancient Sources That Describe Messalina?," Constructing the Past: Vol. 12 : Iss. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol12/iss1/7 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by editorial board of the Undergraduate Economic Review and the Economics Department at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Can One Believe the Ancient Sources That Describe Messalina? Abstract This paper discusses the various ancient writings that discussed the empress Messalina. It ultimately concludes that the ancient authors wrote with profound biases, which discredits the accuracy of their negative accounts of her. This article is available in Constructing the Past: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol12/iss1/7 Can One Believe the Ancient Sources That Describe Messalina? Kristen Hosack If readers were to believe everything the ancient sources wrote about the Empress Valeria Messalina, they might conclude that she was a conniving, sex-crazed megalomaniac who worked as a prostitute in her spare time. -
Flavian Visual Propaganda : Building a Dynasty
Constructing the Past Volume 8 Issue 1 Article 10 Spring 2007 Flavian Visual Propaganda : Building a Dynasty Michael Vasta Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing Recommended Citation Vasta, Michael (2007) "Flavian Visual Propaganda : Building a Dynasty," Constructing the Past: Vol. 8 : Iss. 1 , Article 10. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/constructing/vol8/iss1/10 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by editorial board of the Undergraduate Economic Review and the Economics Department at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Flavian Visual Propaganda : Building a Dynasty Abstract The Flavian triumph itself was a complex and elaborate pageant that must be examined in each of its parts. It, as Beard persuasively argues, was designed to be the “Flavian coronation, the official launch party and press night of the Flavian dynasty.” The usurpers are transformed into an “established imperial dynasty” and Titus changes from “conqueror of Jerusalem to Flavian Caesar.” The triumph is the beginning of the propaganda program designed to give legitimacy to Vespasian and his sons. -
Here an Attempt Was Made to Analyse the Nexus of Familial, Amical and Patronal Ties Wherein Domitius Corbulo Flourished
DOMITIUS CORBULO AND THE SENATORIAL OPPOSITION TO THE REIGN OF NERO* I. INTRODUCTION Domitius Corbulo enjoyed trust and considerable favour with Gaius and Claudius. In AD 39, he became consul suffectus, no doubt as a conse- quence of his well-attested connections to the domus Augusta and prob- ably as a token of imperial gratitude for the financial profits Gaius made out of the prosecutions of the highway commissioners that Corbulo’s ran- corous (and homonymous) father had pursued ever since the rule of Tiberius. Although in 43, Claudius forced Corbulo Maior to repay a part of the fines to his victims, the star of Corbulo the Younger continued to rise. In 47, he achieved military repute as legatus Augusti pro praetore exercitus Germaniae inferioris, receiving the ornamenta triumphalia for his ruthless campaign against several Germanic tribes. Around AD 52, Corbulo got the prestigious proconsulate of Asia. That Nero also had complete confidence in Corbulo up to and including the eventful year of AD 65, is irrefutable1. In 63, the emperor commanded all legati Augusti pro praetore serving in the Eastern imperial provinces to obey the military orders of Corbulo, whose imperium pro praetore was * This paper may be construed as the complement of A Note on Syme’s Chronology of Vistilia’s Children, AncSoc 30 (2000), p. 95-113, where an attempt was made to analyse the nexus of familial, amical and patronal ties wherein Domitius Corbulo flourished. The results of this analysis may help to explain Corbulo’s unusually successful political and military career. I sincerely wish to thank Prof. -
FLAVIA DOMITILLA AS DELICATA: a NEW INTERPRETATION of SUETONIUS, VESP. 3* in This Way Suetonius Informs Us About Flavia Domitill
FLAVIA DOMITILLA AS DELICATA: A NEW INTERPRETATION OF SUETONIUS, VESP. 3* Abstract: This paper proposes a new interpretation of the passage in Suetonius’ Life of Vespasian (Suet., Vesp. 3). The ancient historian, talking about Flavia Domitilla, the wife of Vespasian and the mother of Titus and Domitian, defines her as delicata of Statilius Capella, the Roman knight from Sabratha. Until now, scholars have thought that the relationship between Flavia Domitilla and Statilius Capella was sexual in nature, on the basis of the literary sources concerning the adjective delicatus/a and its meaning. Thanks to the epigraphic evidence about the delicati, not yet analyzed in reference to this pas- sage, it is possible to reach to new conclusions about Flavia Domitil- la’s status. The paper reviews her relationship with Statilius Capella, the sentence of the recuperatores who declared her ingenua and consequently Roman citizen (and not vice versa), and the role played in this trial by Flavius Liberalis. Inter haec Flaviam Domitillam duxit uxorem, Statili Capellae equitis R(omani) Sabratensis ex Africa delicatam olim Latinaeque condi- cionis, sed mox ingenuam et civem Rom(anam) reciperatorio iudicio pronuntiatam, patre asserente Flavio Liberale Ferenti genito nec quic- quam amplius quam quaestorio scriba. Ex hac liberos tulit Titum et Domitianum et Domitillam. Uxori ac filiae superstes fuit atque utramque adhuc privatus1. In this way Suetonius informs us about Flavia Domitilla2, the wife of Vespasian and the mother of Titus and Domitian. This evidence of Suetonius is of particular importance because it constitutes the only information about her. In fact, apart from the Epitome de Caesaribus, where we find a brief reference to Flavia Domitilla, Suetonius represents the only known source about her life.