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The Production and Distribution of Evangelical Gospel Literature and the Construction of Social Boundaries

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The Production and Distribution of Evangelical Gospel Literature and the Construction of Social Boundaries UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Only a Tract: The Production and Distribution of Evangelical Gospel Literature and the Construction of Social Boundaries A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Religious Studies by Sean Geoffrey Sagan June 2017 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Michael Alexander, Co-Chairperson Dr. Paul Chang, Co-Chairperson Dr. Amanda Lucia Copyright by Sean Geoffrey Sagan 2017 The Dissertation of Sean Geoffrey Sagan is approved: Committee Co-Chairperson Committee Co-Chairperson University of California, Riverside ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Only a Tract: the Production and Distribution of Evangelical Gospel Literature and the Construction of Social Boundaries by Sean Geoffrey Sagan Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Program in Religious Studies University of California, Riverside, June 2017 Dr. Michael Alexander, Co-Chairperson Dr. Paul Chang, Co-Chairperson Gospel tracts are religious pamphlets passed out by missionaries in the fulfillment of the Great Commission, a scripturally based duty to evangelize the teachings of Christ. This dissertation examines the use of Gospel tracts in the construction of evangelical identity. Often overlooked as mere ephemera, tracts can be used as windows into the lived religious behavior of ordinary Evangelicals. While nominally tools of outreach, the efficacy of tract distribution is often called into question. However as artifacts of religious and cultural behavior, gospel tracts also shed light on the ways in which certain evangelical communities construct borders of identity between themselves, secular society and rival religious groups. Archival research was employed in the gathering of historical documents from tract literature databases. Contemporary material was obtained through excavation of online literature and found ephemera. The project begins with an iv exploration of the interwoven, historical roots of American print culture in the use of images and polemics as a means of social demarcation between Protestants and other Christian traditions. It explores the continuity of anti-Catholic narratives in Chick Publications, the role of purity language in tract culture and also its relationship to American business culture, money and brand identity. Finally, the dissertation situates these various aspects of tract production and distribution within the context of the cultural hegemony of American evangelical Christianity, nativism and conspiracy. v For my wife; Jenna, my mom; Denise, and my in-laws; Lance and Laura. Your love, support and infinite patience made this possible. And for my father, Keith Sagan. Zichrono livracha. vi Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………..1 Chapter 1 A Picture’s Progress: Images and Textual Communities in Nineteenth Century Gospel Tracts………………………………………………………………….………….…33 Chapter 2 Jack Chick, Jesuits and Jews: anti-Jesuitism and anti-Semitism in Chick Publication Literature………………………………………..…………………………..………67 Chapter 3 It’s Only a Tract: The Agency of Sacred Matter in a Secular World………………………………………………………………….….….….….105 Chapter 4 Employed by God: Labor, Capital and Brand Representation in Living Waters Gospel Tracts……………………………………….….….….….….….….….….….….…149 Chapter 5 Conclusion: The Paranoid Style of Gospel Tracts in the Construction of Hegemonic Identities………………………….….….….….….….….….….….….….….….…181 Epilogue…………………………………………………………………………...209 vii Introduction It’s still early in the season this afternoon, but Angel Stadium in Anaheim is crowded. At near sold-out capacity, fans stream through the parking lot and into the stadium both by car and on foot, through slow-moving traffic being directed by bored- looking parking attendants. Here and there, families gather in the parking lot to tailgate; barbecuing and quietly sipping beer, which is technically not allowed outside the park itself. The parking lot is rapidly filling up, which for an early season game means that an exciting rival is in town, usually the Red Sox or the Yankees. The crowd, usually wearing red and white, mingles with a sea of blue jerseys. The Dodgers have come to Anaheim to kick off an interleague freeway series. For baseball fans in the Los Angeles metro area, chances are they're here for this game. Of course, not everyone is wearing team colors, and not everyone is here for the game. In addition to the “Big A,” which can still be seen from the freeway, the entrance to Angel Stadium of Anaheim boasts two giant red canopies in the shape of baseball caps and branded with the team's signature logo. During most games, fans utilize these “hats” to stand in the shade while waiting for party members and taking out tickets. On this day there are more people under and around the giant caps than usual, and the reason isn’t only the draw of the L.A. Dodgers. Standing under each cap, on either side of the park’s entrance, are two to three men, holding up signs and passing out literature. The signs, which can be seen from well back in the parking lot, alert the fans to the reason for the men’s presence. “Jesus bore our sins” reads one. “The blood of Jesus 1 cleanses sin” says another. The third man’s sign reads, “God destroys all who forsake him.” The signs are boldly colored, black block letters against a yellow backdrop, coupled with chapter and verse references to the Bible passages from which each sentiment is taken. The men holding the signs, all white, appear to be in their early to mid-forties. While not wearing fan regalia, they could otherwise be mistaken for the countless other game attendees, were it not for the signs, and the tract literature being handed out. The signs and tracts give clues to the fact that these men are “street preachers,” individuals who feel it is their biblical duty to enter in to the secular world to deliver the message of the gospel. Street preachers are not necessarily from one specific denomination or church organization, although there are some loose networks of organizations with which different preachers choose to affiliate.1 Often, these preachers have assistants film or photograph their public encounters which are then posted to individual websites, often linked to one another as well as to larger evangelical organizations. These videos provide educational assistance to other evangelists and also serve as a record or archive of the activities of the preacher or ministry in question. The demeanors with which these preachers engage with the public tend to vary depending on the personality characteristics of the individual. By and large, the videos of most street-preaching activities tend to exhibit a confrontational attitude. Many signs and 1 Joshua Edelman. “The Intolerable Intimate Public of Contemporary American Street Preaching.” Performing Religion in Public. (Palgrave MacMillan, 2013), 119. While many street preachers are individuals whose activities constitute their own ministries, they frequently organize loosely under the umbrella organization Street and Open Air Preachers of America, or SOAPA. 2 rhetoric appear intended to provoke an intense, often angry reaction among those being preached to, particularly a secular public holding liberal values. Like their Puritan forbearers to whom they are quick to draw a lineage, the street preacher’s purpose is to evoke the specter of fire and brimstone so as to shock the ordinary sinner out of their depraved and God-bereft existence.2 The preachers at the stadium were uncharacteristically stoic and subdued; however, this may have had more to do with the heavy presence of stadium security and Anaheim city police than with a conscious change of preaching strategy. Yet heated or otherwise, the interaction between the street preacher and the public should be viewed as a confrontation, or at the very least an encounter between two distinct classes of people. A disquieting and unnerving encounter with a street preacher is not meant to merely alert passersby to the fact that they sin; it’s supposed to disturb their complacency which allows them to remain in the secular social world, asleep to their inequities. These are some of the mannerisms and social strategies evangelical street preachers use in their approach to the Great Commission, a doctrinal duty prevalent throughout much of the Christian religion itself. The Great Commission refers to Matthew 28:16-20 where Jesus gives his disciples the task of delivering his message throughout the world: Then the eleven disciples went to Galilee, to the mountain where Jesus had told them to go. When they saw him, they worshiped him; but some doubted. Then Jesus came to them and said, 'All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me. Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey 2 Ibid., 123. 3 everything I have commanded you. And surely I am with you always, to the very end of the age.' The Great Commission is a primary justification for the practice and activity of evangelism in many forms. Not just biblical but directly ordained by Jesus himself, the Commission carries considerable weight among evangelical Christians seeking to engage in a more active practice of their faith.3 In addition to the vocal and physical performance demanded of the street preacher in their fulfillment of the Great Commission, most such missionaries also utilize small pamphlets and pieces of literature almost universally referred to as Gospel tracts. These tracts vary in size and design. Some exhibit a high degree of production value and some appear to be homemade. While not all street preachers make a point of handing tracts out—though many do—almost all carry with them some form of literature available for distribution. Many of these missionaries carry specific titles that they themselves find most helpful and effective.4 While Gospel tracts are not essential to the fulfillment of the Commission, they are popular methods of mediation and offer outreach opportunities which are both spontaneous and planned—performed by both the experienced missionary, as well as the novice.5 The distribution of tracts need not even require a raucous public sermon.
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