What Is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Why It Matters Now More Than Ever
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Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Scholvin, Sören Working Paper Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization GIGA Working Papers, No. 128 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Scholvin, Sören (2010) : Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization, GIGA Working Papers, No. 128, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. -
SCO “Peace Mission” 2012 Promotes Security Myths
SCO “Peace Mission” 2012 Promotes Security Myths Roger N. McDermott The security dimension of the Shanghai Cooperation plaining that heavy equipment, strategic bombers and Organization (SCO), which consists of Russia, China, submarines contradicted the official claims of the exer- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, cises having an anti-terrorist scenario. Uzbekistan has focuses on combatting the three “evils” of terrorism, only participated in one Peace Mission in 2007, limiting extremism and separatism. The organization has become its involvement to sending a small number of officers to closely associated with the joint biannual “Peace Mission” the command-staff element of the exercise. Although no military exercises, which has prompted some observers to official explanation was offered by Tashkent to explain its overestimate the organization’s emerging military dimen- stance on Peace Mission 2012, it may have been influ- sion. The ninth Peace Mission exercise, aimed at showcas- enced by tense bilateral relations with Tajikistan, which ing advances in military cooperation and the anti-terrorist include mining the border and enforcing a visa regime capabilities of the SCO, was staged on 8-14 June 2012 in between both countries. Tashkent also denied an official Tajikistan. request to allow Kazakhstan to send troops and military Moscow is seeking to boost its security apparatus hardware to transit through Uzbek territory to Tajikistan beyond SCO’s information sharing Regional Antiterror- rendering the whole display of SCO unity entirely open ist Centre (RATS) in Tashkent. It also promotes a joint to question. military anti-terrorist dimension modelling Peace Mis- Peace Mission 2012 was the smallest in the series of sion exercises around the bilateral prototype with the Peo- exercises involving only 2,000 personnel, including 369 ple’s Liberation Army (PLA) conducted under the SCO from the PLA and 350 Russian servicemen (Peace Mission banner in 2003. -
Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)
Implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in Kazakhstan A Parallel NGO Submission by Human Rights in China June 3, 2011 ATTACHMENT A: Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Counter-Terrorism Fact Sheet Established: June 2001 Member states: China, the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan Combined land area and population: 30,189,000 square kilometers; 1.5 billion people Purpose: “Cooperation in the maintenance and strengthening of peace, security and stability”; jointly counteracting “terrorism, separatism and extremism in all their manifestations”; and fighting against “illicit narcotics, arms trafficking and other types of criminal activity.” Affiliated states: Observer status states: India, Iran, Mongolia, and Pakistan; Dialogue partners: Belarus and Sri Lanka; Other affiliates: Afghanistan (SCO-Afghanistan Contact Group). INTERNATIONAL COUNTER-TERRORISM FRAMEWORK CRITERIA FOR TERRORISM There is not yet an internationally-agreed upon definition of terrorism. However, Security Council Resolution 1566 stipulates three criteria as a baseline for establishing terrorism: the offence is within the scope of and as defined in the international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism; the intention is to cause death or serious bodily injury, or the taking of hostages; and the purpose is to provoke a state of terror in the public, intimidate a population or compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act. The UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism stated: “Crimes not having the quality of terrorism, regardless of how serious, should not be the subject of counter-terrorist legislation. Nor should conduct that does not bear the quality of terrorism be the subject of counter-terrorism measures.” RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND RULE OF LAW The UN, particularly over the past decade, has emphasized the importance of respect for human rights in counter-terrorism efforts. -
Is China Prepared for Global Terrorism? Xinjiang and Beyond
IS CHINA PREPARED FOR GLOBAL TERRORISM? XINJIANG AND BEYOND DANIEL L. BYMAN AND ISRAA SABER SEPTEMBER 2019 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY While China has never been a particularly strong counterterrorism partner for the United States, recent China has long faced low-level violence from the East tensions in trade and rhetoric make cooperation Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), which seeks an especially unlikely in the near to medium term. independent Xinjiang. To counter the ETIM and other Differences in approaches to technology usage separatist Uighurs, the Chinese Communist Party and oversight and criticisms of China’s human (CCP) has passed laws regulating, and in some cases rights violations have added to the tension. restricting, expressions of Islamic and Turkic identity. Though, superficially, the United States and other Such levels of control have been used elsewhere in liberal democracies are still setting the global China where the CCP has felt threatened by separatist counterterrorism agenda, China has found opportunity movements. Since the 2014 “Strike Hard” campaign, to independently strengthen ties with states facing China’s crackdown in Xinjiang has escalated to terrorism threats. If China moves towards taking a include internment camps, forced labor, and daily leadership role in countering terrorism and its policies indoctrination programs. The CCP has also made great become the future standard, counterterrorism could use of technological advancements to surveil Xinjiang become an additional area of contention between residents. Besides surveillance cameras equipped Beijing and Washington. with facial recognition, the government also collects information such as biometric data, data usage, and location. This sweeping approach is used to combat INTRODUCTION what China considers to be a serious terrorism threat. -
A Structural Analysis of Counter-Terrorism Legal Architecture in China, 33 Emory Int'l L
Emory International Law Review Volume 33 Issue 3 2019 Fighting the "Three Evils": A Structural Analysis of Counter- Terrorism Legal Architecture in China Enshen Li Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Enshen Li, Fighting the "Three Evils": A Structural Analysis of Counter-Terrorism Legal Architecture in China, 33 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 311 (2019). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol33/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LIPROOFS_5.23.19 5/23/2019 10:00 AM FIGHTING THE “THREE EVILS”: A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF COUNTER-TERRORISM LEGAL ARCHITECTURE IN CHINA Enshen Li* ABSTRACT In the aftermath of September 11 attacks, China has not been immune to the global trend of destructive terrorism. However, China’s perceptions of terrorism and legal responses to it greatly diverge from those of other countries. This Article first seeks to understand the cause, source, and impact of terrorist threats in China, known as “Three Evils”—terrorism, extremism, and separatism, through a critical inquiry of the country’s ethnic and religious policies. It then proceeds to delineate China’s legal framework for combating the “Three Evils” to explore the cultural characteristics of the government’s approach against these rising threats. Tracing the evolution of the country’s counter-terrorism laws and policies, this Article argues that China has developed an operational infrastructure composed of four strands to fight terrorism: crackdown, criminalization, control, and cooperation. -
Geography, Power, Strategy & Defence Policy
GEOGRAPHY, POWER, STRATEGY & DEFENCE POLICY ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF PAUL DIBB GEOGRAPHY, POWER, STRATEGY & DEFENCE POLICY ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF PAUL DIBB Edited by Desmond Ball and Sheryn Lee Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Geography, power, strategy and defence policy : essays in honour of Paul Dibb / editors: Desmond Ball, Sheryn Lee. ISBN: 9781760460136 (paperback) 9781760460143 (ebook) Subjects: Dibb, Paul, 1939---Criticism and interpretation. Defensive (Military science) Military planning--Australia. Festschriften. Australia--Military policy. Australia--Defenses. Other Creators/Contributors: Ball, Desmond, 1947- editor. Lee, Sheryn, editor. Dewey Number: 355.033594 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: SDSC Photograph Collection. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Acronyms ..............................................vii Contributors ............................................ xi Photographs and Maps ..................................xvii Introduction .............................................1 Desmond Ball and Sheryn Lee 1. Introducing Paul Dibb (1): Britain’s Loss, Australia’s Gain ......15 Allan Hawke 2. Introducing Paul Dibb (2): An Enriching Experience ...........21 Chris Barrie 3. Getting to Know Paul Dibb: An Overview of an Extraordinary Career ..................................25 Desmond Ball 4. Scholar, Spy, Passionate Realist .........................33 Geoffrey Barker 5. The Power of Geography ..............................45 Peter J. Rimmer and R. Gerard Ward 6. The Importance of Geography ..........................71 Robert Ayson 7. -
Shanghai Cooperation Organization Origins of SCO: Shanghai Five 1996
Shanghai Cooperation Organization Origins of SCO: Shanghai Five 1996 • Demarcation of borders • Demilitarization of borders • Unified front against transnational separatist movements • Forum for economic cooperation • Aug. 1999: Declaration of “three evils” – Terrorism, Separatism, Religious Extremism Founding SCO Founding SCO • June 2001 (before 9/11 and before US military presence in Central Asia) • Addition of Uzbekistan • 2002 Official Charter signed in St. Petersburg • “Three Evils” incorporated into founding documents • Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS) established in Tashkent Motivations and Reservations Cons Pros • Inhibits repairing Russian- • Balancing cooperation and American relations competition with China • Business in SCO region • Failure of CIS and CSTO to conducted bilaterally prevent advancement of western groups • Russia has CIS and CSTO to • Preventing free trade area conduct security relations • Freeing up security forces multilaterally • 5 million ethnic Russians in • Fear of Chinese takeover in SCO region Central Asia • Blocking NATO infiltration Competition with NATO “NATO of the East” Competition with NATO and USA • US Military presence in Central Asia – Since 2001 Afghan operation – Long-term stake in maintaining presence • Russian impatience for US withdrawal – February 2003, asks UN to set timeline – Astana summit 2005, prevails on SCO members to mandate US military withdrawal – Uzbekistan terminates US basing rights Andijan— Turning Point Andijan Andijan • May 13, 2005 Uzbek forces clash with protesters/insurgents, -
Russia–Pakistan Strategic Relations an Emerging Entente Cordiale
FEATURE Russia–Pakistan Strategic Relations An Emerging Entente Cordiale FEROZ HASSAN KHAN ince the famous American raid in 2011 that killed Osama bin Laden and given the US exceptional favor to India’s nuclear ambitions, Islamabad has gradually moved away from the United States, deepened Pakistan’s relations Swith China, and sought rapprochement with Russia. While Pakistan’s strategic relations with China have been developing for more than five decades, Islamabad’s relations with Moscow are new, evolving for less than a decade. Russia has always preferred India to Pakistan and shied away from any proactive role in conflict reso- lution between India and Pakistan. Additionally, Russia has been unsure of Paki- stan’s future and its strategic direction. In South Asia, Moscow seems to balance Russia’s interests proportionate to the strategic importance and economic advan- tage that each nation offers. Pakistan is a relatively small power undergoing internal and economic perils. It cannot match India’s power potential and offer the same scope of political, strategic, and economic influence that India wields in its rela- tions with major powers. Yet, Pakistan is a very important piece in the emerging geopolitical chessboard in Eurasia. Notwithstanding the handicap of perpetual asymmetry vis- à- vis India, Pakistan leverages its geophysical location, strong mili- tary with advancing nuclear capability, and considerable influence in the Islamic world in its conduct of international relations. In the past, Pakistan and Russia could not develop close ties because neither country fully trusted the other. However, given the mutual benefits to building relations, as discussed in this article, both countries are trying to move forward past lingering mistrust. -
Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy : from Indifference to Engagement
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Faculty Scholarship 2013 Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American foreign policy : from indifference to engagement. Charles E. Ziegler University of Louisville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/faculty Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Original Publication Information Published as Ziegler, Charles E. May/June 2013. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy: From Indifference to Engagement." Asian Survey 53(3): 484-505. © 2012 by the Regents of the University of California. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by the Regents of the University of California for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified eef via Rightslink® or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHARLES E. ZIEGLER Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy From Indifference to Engagement ABSTRACT This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. -
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization SIPRI Policy Paper No. 17 Alyson J. K. Bailes, Pál Dunay, Pan Guang and Mikhail Troitskiy Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Abbreviations and acronyms v Map of member and observer states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization vi Table A.1. Basic data for the member and observer states of the Shanghai vi Cooperation Organization, 2005 1. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a regional security 1 institution Alyson J. K. Bailes and Pál Dunay The background and purpose of this assessment 1 Origins and basic features 3 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization members and their interests 8 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its members’ security 20 Evaluation and conclusions 27 2. A Russian perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 30 Mikhail Troitskiy Introduction 30 Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 31 Russia and the substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work 35 Looking ahead 40 In conclusion: Russia’s general vision 44 3. A Chinese perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 45 Pan Guang Introduction 45 The strategic significance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for China 45 The demonstrative role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Chinese 46 diplomacy China’s driving role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 48 The substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work: achievements 50 and challenges Looking ahead: big tasks and a long journey 55 In conclusion: key points 58 About the authors 59 Preface There is a clear trend in the 21st century for regional organizations to multiply, to become more multifunctional and to devote themselves in whole or part to security goals. -
Hard Power in Cyberspace: CNA As a Political Means
2016 8th International Conference on Cyber Conflict Permission to make digital or hard copies of this publication for internal use within NATO and for personal or educational use when for non-profit or non-commercial Cyber Power purposes is granted providing that copies bear this notice and a full citation on the N.Pissanidis, H.Rõigas, M.Veenendaal (Eds.) first page. Any other reproduction or transmission requires prior written permission by NATO CCD COE. 2016 © NATO CCD COE Publications, Tallinn Hard Power in Cyberspace: CNA as a Political Means Ragnhild Endresen Siedler Analysis Division Norwegian Defence Research Establishment Kjeller, Norway Abstract: This analysis is a contribution to the scholarly debate on how cyber power influences international relations. It answers the following question: In what ways can an actor apply CNA to dominate an opponent, and what may restrict him in this effort? It uses Schelling’s (2008) argument for dividing power into coercion and brute force, and thus the paper distinguishes between actions that inflict harm and those that impose limitations. Through this approach, it describes the difference between CNA as a means of pure destruction and CNA as a means of forcible accomplishment in order to elucidate different ways of using CNA. This analytical approach aims at generating insight into the nature of CNA threats, which in turn, facilitates development of appropriate responses. The paper argues that defensive cyber strategies and doctrines primarily should focus on CNA as a means of forcible accomplishment. However, it also discusses CNA in the form of coercive threats. It explores this type of power by assessing how the technological and organizational preconditions of CNA apply to severity of consequences and credibility. -
Asia's China Strategy
7th Berlin Conference on Asian Security (BCAS) Territorial Issues in Asia Drivers, Instruments, Ways Forward Berlin, July 1-2, 2013 A conference jointly organised by Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin and Konrad-Adenauer -Stiftung (KAS), Berlin Discussion Paper (Rev.) Do Not Cite or Quote without Author’s Permission; the views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the EEAS. Session IV: Great Power Competition Dr. Michael Reiterer European External Action Service, Brussels Adjunct Professor for International Politics, University of Innsbruck Great Power Competition in Asia I. The security situation in Asia While the security situation in Europe has become stable, the traditional security situation in Asia has become volatile according to various accounts: first and foremost, the balance of power is shifting creating a source of instability. Asia's re- emergence and that of China in particular need a re-definition of relationships within Asia as well as with the out-of-the region power balancer and provider of the public goods security and stability. This is primarily the US but also the European Union and – to some extend - Russia. Secondly, the intra-regional relationships have to adapt: for the first time China and Japan are strong states at the same time. South Korea has become an independent middle power. India is catching up economically and engages also politically more actively in the whole region. ASEAN in its pitch to maintain its centrality pursues a policy of leveraged equidistance. It also attempts to enhance its cohesion in implementing its ambitious projects of three ASEAN communities by 2015 which will be difficult to achieve.