Okpo Ekak Paradox of Passion and Individuality Among the Eﬁ K

Okpo Ekak Paradox of Passion and Individuality among the Eﬁ k

Onyile Bassey Onyile all photos by the author, except where otherwise noted

asks have long been used in religious and trading period. Th ese roles caused the obong or king to impose communal ceremonies concerned with and collect a trading tax called comey for trading privileges on spiritual transformation, disguise, fertil- the river. Aft er the abolition of the slave trade in the late 1880s, it ity rites, or amusement. Th ey are usually quickly made the transition from the slave to the palm oil mar- worn over the face, but in some societ- ket. In 1849, Calabar became the fi rst headquarters of the Brit- ies masks are worn on other parts of the ish consul on the Bights of Benin and Biafra; by 1891 it became body.M For example, Gelede and Egungun masks of the Yoruba the fi rst capitol of Oil Rivers Protectorate. In 1846 Reverend people cover the entire bodies of their wearers (Lawal 1996, Dre- Hope Masterton Waddell of the United Presbyterian Church of wal and Drewal 1990, Adepegba 1984). Inuit women wear fi nger Scotland established a Christian mission there with the help of masks during storytelling and dance performances (Feinup- Jamaican catechists. Th ereaft er, Calabar became the fi rst center Riordan 1996). Similarly, among Efi ks, Okpo masks allegori- of missionary expansion on the Bight of Biafra, and many Efi ks cally shape the complexities of sexual maturity with full body professed Christianity. masks (Figs. 1a–b). To Efi ks, masks are cultural objects intri- Th is is a sociocultural study that examines the meaning, aes- cately woven with other aspects of their communal life.1 Th ey thetics, and functionality of Okpo in Efi k society and how cul- view their world as a continuum, composed of the living and the tural forms of knowledge and expression shape and are shaped dead, with the ancestor(s) ever-present in the lives of individ- by Okpo performances. It investigates the character and social uals, families, and the wider society. Efi ks believe that religion values of Okpo in Efi k society, while analyzing various symbol- and life are embodied in the art of masquerading—masquerades isms of traditional and foreign materials used in making Okpo’s are dynamic. Th us, the power of Efi k masks and masquerades attire. It also examines the eff ects of evangelical Christianity on reside in their ability to synthesize several sociocultural ele- Efi k visual culture and practices. In these contexts, it integrates ments to achieve a variety of purposes. the conceptual nature of the Okpo mask within the rich mosaic Efi k people are inhabitants of Calabar—formerly Old Cala- of Efi k culture to inform our understanding of Okpo’s complex, bar—which lies along the Calabar River that fl ows south for enigmatic meaning. Okpo as an Efi k word has two meanings. about fi ve miles into the Cross River estuary. Th e people speak On one hand, it means “the uninitiated,” and on the other, “a the Efi k language—a Cross River language of the Benue-Congo billy-goat” or Okpoebot. family. Th ey settled in their present locale sometime about the While this study acknowledges Okpo’s sexual allusions, it will end of the sixteenth century (Latham 1973:3). From the mid-sev- also attempt to explore sexuality among Efi ks as informed by the enteenth through the nineteenth centuries, Calabar developed Okpo mask through the symbolism, aesthetics, and functionality into a major trading center because of its strategic location at of the mask and its costume. Approaching Okpo from this angle the intersection of Calabar and Cross Rivers. It fi rst became a paints a larger picture of its genre. Th e histories of Okpo are not major slave-trading depot, with Efi ks as middlemen in all trade recorded in any text, but rather as oral accounts and thoughts between Europeans and local inhabitants throughout the slave- expressed in its performances. Accordingly, much of this analysis

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 48 4/30/16 8:16 AM 1a Okpo Ekak Masquerade, 2012

1b Okpo Ntaga Ekpat, 1978

is shaped by oral accounts from informants, fi eld notes recorded ety. In an attempt to understand, confront, and solve problems at various times between 2002–2012, and the author’s own experi- that beset Efi k sexual life, Okpo discourse provides a means of ences behind Okpo masks in Calabar. addressing issues of sexuality and morality, paradoxically setting One purpose of Okpo’s existence is to celebrate the sexual up moral boundaries among Efi k people. However, overbear- maturity of boys and girls from pubescence into adolescence. ing evangelical Christian preaching forefronts issues of sexual- (Th roughout this study, “Okpo” is used interchangeably as a ity, morality, and other Efi k cultural objects as ungodly and evil. person, a spirit, or a mask.) Th erefore, Okpo irtsfl petulantly, In Efi k folklore, the expressions and characteristics of Okpo’s pursuing adolescent females to fulfi ll its sexual fantasies—with sexual allure and the sexual behaviors of the carefree, virile billy adult approval. At the sight of any adolescent female, Okpo goes goat2 (Capra aegagrus hircus) are analogous to any man pursu- into a state of infatuation, completely carried away by unreason- ing a woman (Ita 1974:11). Okpo masks dramatize the sexual life ing passion and emotional drunkenness and thus loses his sense of a billy goat that relentlessly pesters nanny goats to sexual sub- of being. It is important to note here that no physical sexual mission for its self-gratifi cation. Ita (1974) describes Okpo as the contact ever occurs in the course of Okpo pursuits or perfor- Efi k god of love—a symbol of sex that evokes multiple messages mances; rather, Okpo’s acts are dramatized desires. In its view, and complex visual metaphors and makes Okpo an oft en-mis- every adolescent female is a living beauty that ignites burning understood mask with complex paradoxical meanings. sexual desires. Okpo’s origin is complicated and closely entwined in Efi k his- Okpo as a symbol of spiritual force validates the acts of its tory. Its discourses include complex engagement with questions bearer. It serves as a visible expression of a spiritual manifes- of individuality, spirit manifestation, and community. Because tation that affi rms society’s values while reinforcing acceptable there are no historical records dating Okpo’s origin, I can only social modes of conduct. It communally celebrates the trans- hypothesize that Okpo must have originated some time in the formation of boys and girls into an exuberant, vigorous adoles- mid-eighteenth century, about the same time as Ekpe (Latham cence. Okpo’s performances represent an attempt to make sense 1973:36; Anwana 2009:78). Th e Ekpe Society is an all-male fra- of what it means to be human amid the social issues in Efi k soci- ternity that takes the spirit of the leopard for its ferocious per-

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 49 4/30/16 8:16 AM 2 Idem Ekpe, 2005

sona (Fig. 2). It transformed into a graded society with initiation acceptable medium for communicating sexuality and morality, rites open to all Efi k men and women, bonded or free, of all ages shift ing it from private into public spaces. Th ese coded commu- that could aff ord it. Among Efi ks—indeed, in most African soci- nications of Efi k sexuality are decipherable by adults but go over eties—there was no distinction between the religious and the the heads of children. political. Ekpe essentially constituted the legislative, executive, Th e compelling questions raised here are: What is the con- security, and law enforcement branches of Calabar. Th us, it ful- ceptual definition of Okpo? How does Okpo apprise sexual fi lled both religious and social functions in Efi k society. matters despite the code of silence cultivated by Efi k adults? Locating Okpo in its historical context informs the under- Okpo celebrates adolescence, marking an important social and standing of its evolution. However, a discussion comparing physiological rite of maturation in the life of every Efi k, male Okpo and Ekpe will be fully articulated later, drawing parallels and female, and defi nes the biological period of transition from to the cross-fertilization between the two masquerades. Unlike puberty into adolescence. Th e gap between biological sexual Ekpe, Okpo does not require initiation rites for those interested maturation and social maturation is generally a source of many in participating in its aff airs. Ekpe does not engage in sexual problems associated with adolescent sexuality. Biological factors overtures like Okpo. It is plausible that those who could not are essential for the development of adolescent sexual behav- aff ord the very expensive cost of initiation into the Ekpe fra- ior, but their eff ects are dependent on social infl uences. Biol- ternity might have introduced Okpo masquerading (Waddell ogy also defi nes the limits on sexual interactions, while social 1863:313, Aye 1967:71, Butt-Th ompson 1970:16). context shapes particular behavioral patterns and imbues them with meaning. Th e discrepancy between biological and social THE CONCEPT OF OKPO maturation is an issue that must be understood in its evolu- Efi ks negotiate sexual matters through metaphors and sym- tionary, historical, biological, and social contexts among Efi ks bols that permeate many aspects of their lives. Th is holds true of as manifested as Okpo. Th e point is that Okpo is iconic; it is the Okpo mask and billy goat analogy that illustrates Efi k sex- also indexical, drawing upon dimensions of objects to signal its ual matters. Not only does this construct a metaphoric model representation. In essence, it is no more and no less enigmatic for mapping sexuality and social norms, but the Okpo mask has than everyday representations of identity, yet it strikes a balance also come to symbolize Efi k sexuality. By this premise, the use of between family obligations and individuality, between adoles- metaphor and the signifi cance of the Okpo institution become cence and adulthood, and is responsible for an Efi k’s successful useful conceptual tools for analyzing Okpo as a broad sociocul- transformation in life. tural phenomenon in Efi k society. Th e Okpo genre provides an

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 50 4/30/16 8:16 AM OKPO TYPES 3a Ayara Okpo Ekak (male), 2011 Th ey are several types of Okpo in Efi k visual culture, but this study will focus on three of them: Okpo Ekak, Okpo Ekang, and 3b Uman Okpo Ekak (female), 2009 Photo: Jordan Fenton Okpo Ntaga Ekpat. However, all these masquerades are broadly referred to as “Okpo.” Th ese three masquerades are played by a group of middle- to late-adolescent boys between the ages of fi ft een and nineteen. Within these groups there are ayara Okpo (dubbed Okpo Ekak) and uman Okpo (dubbed Okpo Ekang) (Figs. 3a–b). and superimposes a new form on the wearer. Together, anonym- The sexual references in this work pertain only to Okpo Ekak, ity is an integral part of the allegory of Okpo, and indeed of all Efi k Okpo Ekang, and Okpo Ntaga Ekpat played by adolescent boys. masquerades. To gain a better perspective of the paradoxes in Okpo Th ey will be the focus of this study, and not the juvenile Tinkoriko masquerading, the following section will describe the two types of (Fig. 4) played by boys between the ages of fi ve and ten in groups of Okpo focused on in this study. two or three.3 Although Tinkoriko is not viewed seriously in Efi k society, it is respected and accepted for its whimsical, entertain- OKPO EKAK ing nature. Despite Tinkoriko’s less weighty nature, no-one would Okpo Ekak’s costume is a knitted body mask, or esik, in dare unmask the wearer, or any other masker; doing so is sacrile- one or more colors, similar to that used by Ekpe masquerade. gious and would lead to stiff reparations by the elders of the com- Although the costume itself is deemed a spirit, the tight body munity. A visible thread that runs through all Okpo is anonymity, costume makes it easy to identify its wearer as a human. Th e as with any other mask or masquerade in Efi k society. Anonymity ayara Okpo is considered wild and is restrained with a rope dur- serves to protect the identity of the masker through the transfor- ing his performance. He is adorned with various sizes of ekete mation process, bearing in mind that it is the mask that transforms over his head and shoulders—a frequent accouterment of the a human into a spirit. Th us, the mask is carefully craft ed, not as a Okpo genre. Ekete is a basket woven from the tender palm frond literal representation of the subject, but as the transformed spiri- shoots (Elaeis guineensis) used to make sacrifi cial off erings to tual identity or manifestation of the masker. Th e implication is that ndem Efi k—an aquatic spirit that serves as a tutelary deity of the anonymity is the state of lacking individuality, unique character, or Efi k people, principally perceived as a female of immense beauty distinction, caused by disguise. It informs the change in character (Figs. 3b, 6, 7, 9). She is believed to protect the people of Calabar and physical appearance that presents a diff erent apparent identity. and to grant blessings, fortunes, and children to those who con- Th e spirit-associate of transformation cancels the wearer’s identity sult her (Haddad 1985, Hackett 1989).

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 51 4/30/16 8:16 AM ulated. Attached to Okpo’s hood and resting on his head are insulated pads that absorb heat from an earthenware pot that bears an ember of smoldering coal from nkwet eyop (the center husk of a palm fruit) and dried mkpatari, which produces a smoky, long-lasting ember with fumes similar to burnt red pep- pers—ntokon (C. frutescens ‘African Devil’). Th is peppery fume announces the arrival of the Okpo. Occasionally, during the early morning hours, attendants will toss a handful of ntokon into the smoldering coal to produce more fumes (Fig. 7). Burn- ing pepper purifi es the air from any lingering evil force as the Okpo approaches. It also conveys a sense of mystery and awe and adds a feeling of solemnity to the Okpo masquerading. Th e smoke symbolizes the burning zeal of youthfulness inherent in all humans, while the fume symbolizes Okpo’s virtue. Th e irritating fumes cause the audience to choke and cough as the Okpo passes, forcing anyone who perceives the fumes to yield to Okpo.4 Th e heat produced by the ember is generative energy, likened to the pheromone produced by a nanny goat in heat, whereas the peppery fumes mimic the musky smell of a billy goat that excites the nanny goat. Th e masker and his audience walk against the prevailing wind to avoid the eff ect of the peppery fumes on themselves. To counter the eff ect of the pepper fumes, the entire troupe ingests secret medicine prior to performance.5 As part of Okpo’s typical movements, Okpo will occasionally pat his head with his ayan in an expression of exuberance while he tiptoes his way to perform. His followers sing songs in strange vocal tones while continuously exclaiming and inciting for performance to boost morale. Responding to the rhythmic 4 Tinkoriko, 2010 beat of an empty tortoise shell, Okpo gracefully gyrates. With an impetuous attitude, he heads straight to any adolescent female in his line of sight in amorous pursuit. Th e girls flee as the Okpo approaches but, seemingly at odds with their fl ight, Around Okpo’s chest are hidden thorns from lime and orange they are enchanted by his wit and presence and return to witness trees, padded with layers of jute and mkpatari or fern (Selegine- his performance. According to Ita (1974), “the girls are scared, lia canaliculata) to prevent injury to the masker (Fig. 5). Th ese but they cannot elude Okpo and are immediately pulled back thorns are intended to infl ict infatuation-pricked wounds on into his magnetic fi eld—their pretense of innocence is part of any girl Okpo embraces, which will induce in her uncontrollable the fun. Th ey want him, drawn to his harassment and his famil- desire for the Okpo. Figuratively, the sharp points of the thorns iarity.” Without young females, Okpo performances have little cause the pleasure-pain experiences of infatuation —the essence or no purpose. Th e small entourage of two or three young boys of Okpo, which revolves around desire, attraction, and aff ection. who accompany the Okpo are an essential part of Okpo perfor- Th e expression of “desire” is caused by a complex biological and mances. Th ese boys receive gratuities from the spectators, pro- physiological change that awakens sexual interests in adoles- vide music from an empty tortoise shell, and occasionally speak cents. Symbolically, Okpo is construed here as blindfolded and on the masker’s behalf. described as blind, not so much in the sense of sightlessness, but Uman Okpo is less aggressive and more graceful towards her rather blind instinct, for the sight of the beloved can be an urge audience, with a smaller and simpler headpiece compared to to desire. her male counterparts. She personifi es womanhood with strong Bunches of ekete are draped along webs of mkpatari strung maternal instincts. Unlike ayara Okpo, she is considered pretty around the head, shoulders, and chest—these are comparable to and captivating and a fi ne dancer. She does not burn red pep- the mane of the Ekpe masquerade (Fig. 2). In recent times, ekete per; her costume demonstrates wealth, prestige, and beauty. She has been further adorned with pieces of white and red cloth and wears a mane of mkpatari around her chest without the hidden at times synthetic materials are used. On the hood of the body thorns, while ekete prodigiously covers her head and shoulders. mask are two openings to enable sight. Webs of linen with red, white, and yellow anchored ends hold As part of his attire, Okpo is also adorned with a dilapi- the ekete in place, reminiscent of the fl amboyant costume of the dated lantern (Fig. 6). Th e symbolic meaning of the lantern is Ebonko or Ebongo Ekpe—the fi ft h of ten grades in the Ekpe fra- unknown, but speculation will be off ered on it later. However, ternity, whose costume, according to Jordan Fenton (2011:146), it shows that the diversity in Okpo attire is limitless and unreg- “integrates all these things … into a multilayered performance

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 52 4/30/16 8:16 AM 5 Okpo wearing brooches of thorns directly on his shoulder, on the lower part of the jute mane.

that addresses fl amboyance and status and thus attests to the player that he plays and swirls along the streets to attract atten- many regional and global infl uences across time and space” (Fig. tion and gratuities. 8). Th e fusion of synthetic materials, fancy, and flamboyance in Th is Okpo is a jester, poised to entertain and amuse the pub- today’s Okpo costumes was not present forty-fi ve years ago. lic as it fl irts with girls. He carefully disguises his identity, all Like ayara Okpo, uman Okpo bears Ekpe eyop in her right the while idealizing the essence of the billy goat by fl irting with hand and okono leaves (Dracaena Marginata) in the left .6 Th ese and harassing young girls in the community. Since Okpo Ntaga leaves represent her maternal instinct to nurture and protect her Ekpat performs alone, he must work hard to draw attention to off spring. Uman Okpo, as in other Efi k masquerades and even its performance; thus, he goes out of its way to exaggerate every other African societies, speaks to the links between past, pres- move of his performance. It is within this framework that the ent, and future generations, just as her costume creates the link following section will attempt to analyze the meaning in the lay- between present Efi k values and spirituality. She conveys iconic ers of unusual, enigmatic forms in Okpo costumes. themes of womanhood, beauty, and gentility. Efi k society recog- nizes beauty as residing within oneself, not as a visible physical MEANINGS OF FORMS attribute. Her refi ned features are meant to exemplify self-con- The meanings of the objects used on Okpo costumes are trol and wisdom. Wrapped around her waist is a red loincloth, important elements in understanding the role Okpo masquer- covering the masquerader from exposure. On each knee, ekete ading plays in Efi k society. For example, the shell and ekete are is attached as a kneepad. She is adorned with cowrie shells, snail incorporated as part of the Okpo costume because past Okpo shells, and miniature gourds. An animal skull (most likely a mon- used them (Fig. 9). key) is carefully placed below the groin. Th e symbolic meaning or Th e woven esik body mask is designed to encase the masker explanation for its use is unknown, and none of my informants from the head to legs, occasionally covering the wrists and could off er an opinion. I speculate here that the use of an animal ankles in a bushy ruff reminiscent of the Ekpe costume. Tied skull might have found its way into Okpo attire from Nnabo— underneath both ruff ed ankles are strands of nyok that jingle an Efi k war masquerade whose costume displays human skulls as rhythmically as the Okpo performs (Fig. 10).7 Nyok is composed trophies of war victory. of hard seed shells strung together to make a rattling sound when shaken. Th e loosely threaded ruff s on both ankles sym- OKPO NTAGA EKPAT bolize the billy goat’s reckless, persistent demand for sexual Okpo Ntaga Ekpat is a derogatory designation that originated favors from any nanny goat. Depending on the color and the from the communal response to this Okpo’s mismatched attire, tightness of the knit, the masker will sometimes wear a loincloth or old tattered clothing—like the Yiddish schmatte. Occasion- around the waist to prevent self-exposure. In his right hand, he ally the costumes are also made with jute fi ber (Figs. 1b, 3a), or holds a stunted ayan or broom with a red band tied around the include out-of-season clothing such as a raincoat in the hot-dry broom’s head. According to Nya,8 the broom possesses mystical season to get the public’s attention. Th is Okpo is usually played powers that, when waved around, wards off the eff ects of any by an adolescent male, who performs alone. He is also known as lingering charms in the air as Okpo straggles along the street. “Okpo Record” because part of his costume includes a cassette Th e broom is used fi guratively here as an object for cleanliness,

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 53 4/30/16 8:16 AM Th e tortoise is associated with the river where it dwells; this parallels ndem Efi k, whose messenger the tortoise is—a slow, yet steady-paced and easygoing creature. Efi k mythology is full of such allegorical references, as are the mythologies of other African societies. Efi k folklore associates the tortoise with wit and wisdom, and thus the animal is a primary mode of transmitting knowledge and cultural experiences, and the messages it carries are assured accurate delivery. Cowries are the shells of the cowrie snail, a conch mollusk of the Cypraeidae family. Th ey are native to the Maldives in the Indian and Pacifi c Oceans (Johnson 1970:17). Historically, cowries are one of the oldest known forms of currency in Nigeria, and as such played an important role in daily Efi k life throughout the preco- lonial period (Jones 1958, Hopkins 1966, Kirk-Greene 1960, Eyo 1979, Aghalino 2002). Th e cowrie is a symbol of fertility and a religious accessory among Efi ks and in many other parts of the world. Accordingly, in Efi k folklore, cowrie shells represent destiny with the strength of the river and ocean, which can drastically aff ect human life and personality. Pubertal girls wear waistbands strung with cowrie shells around their hips to increase their prolifi cacy, granting them fecundity and sexual potency. As vessels of life forces and regeneration, cowries ensure life’s continuity. Th erefore, in Efi k folklore, cowrie shells are the dwelling place of the deity that fer- tilizes crops, women, and men. To Efi ks, women play a profound role in the spiritual, social, and educational life of the family (Hackett 1989).12 Efi k people claim that women possess the secret of life itself, having the power to nurture life. In these contexts, cowrie shells are also seen as the representation of spirits within 6 Detail: Okpo costume showing ekete and snail shells, 2009 all natural things; their hard and durable qualities speak to lon- Photo: Jordan Fenton gevity and life. Cowries are also associated with divination. Th e purpose of divination is to discern the patterns of the world and their inter- sections with spirit as they relate to human lives. It is helpful to know of upcoming diffi culties or opportunities so that we can adopt an appropriate attitude towards them. Utilizing cowrie shells as a divination tool fosters a deepened connection with to sweep away all evils. Broom has several contextual meanings spirit and can be a means of aiding others in bringing greater throughout Efi k society and many other African societies and meaning into their lives.13 is feared for its effi cacy. It is as visual warning sign on proper- Ekete in Efi k mythology also embodiesndem as a deity—a ties, farmlands, and personal goods to ward off trespassers and beautiful, sexy woman who bestows fertility on barren women. thieves.9 Occasionally Okpo pokes the smoldering nkwet eyop10 She is a natural force who does not follow human ideals of good overhead with the broom and uses it to threaten girls who reject and evil. Okpo’s costume and posture adequately convey her sta- his advances. In his left hand, he holds a smoldering Ekpe eyop11 tus, power, and adherence to societal norms.14 To Okpo mask- that glows whenever it is waved in the air. ers, ekete symbolize dignity and beauty, lending uniqueness to Drums are prevalent in other Efi k masquerade performances, Okpo attire.15 Okpo pays homage to ndem for according him but they are noticeably absent in Okpo repertoire; instead, an strength during his performance.16 In the end, ekete is the badge empty tortoise shell is Okpo’s only musical instrument. Th e use of distinction for Okpo’s costume; without it, he is incomplete. of the tortoise shell is informed by Efi k folklore that associates According to Nya,17 Okpo identifies with the giant Afri- the tortoise—a trickster fi gure—with wit, cunning, and mis- can snails (Archachatina Marginata and Achatina Achatina) chief—strategies Okpo employs to attract attention, adding to as a steady-as-it-goes symbol of nature. Slow but steady, the the enigma of Okpo masquerades. Okpo therefore glorifi es the snail eventually gets to its destination. One can draw an anal- tortoise’s secular symbolism in Efi k society. On one hand, Okpo ogy between the steadfastness of the snail and Okpo’s unrelent- deems the tortoise as an emblem of longevity, wisdom, and sta- ing pursuit of any female as a steady progress on a life path. bility. On the other, it is seen as a symbol of feminine fertility, The spiral shape in the snail symbolizes continuity, involu- its sturdiness revered despite its slow movement and wrinkled tion, cycles, mysteries, and changes that are the natural result appearance. of all that is past.18 It also symbolizes the expanding conscious-

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 54 4/30/16 8:16 AM 7 Okpo Ekak smoldering peppery fume, 2012

ness of life linked to the cycle of life that Okpo exemplifi es. Like in divination. Th e symbolisms of the gourd belong to a multi- Okpo, snails are associated with new beginnings—specifi cally, referential, “open-ended analogical system”; only the diviner is the growing season energies, as snails are the fi rst creature to capable of decoding and disclosing the secret meanings of their emerge from the earth at the beginning of the rainy season, gen- juxtapositions (Peek 1991:12). Miniature gourds contain charms tly coaxed out by occasional rains. In sum, snail shells represent that ward off evil and ensure energetic Okpo performances. Also the providential protection and perseverance of social values— adorning Okpo’s costume are animal bones that symbolically ideals that are at the core Okpo’s meaning. mean delicious ndien, ready to be off ered to any young female Lanterns strung on Okpo’s body mask represent illumina- as a treat. tion—the light for seducing a female. Th is underscores the process of transformation from adolescence to adulthood; it also MAPPING OKPO speaks to the foundation of a family that a woman brings into Sexuality is intimately connected to a person’s wellbeing and marriage—for she is deemed the light and the hope. It serves to humanity. Understanding one’s sexuality is a life-long process remind all persons that every dark path has a light at the end. of acquiring information and forming attitudes, beliefs, and val- Implied here is that the light shining from a lantern is a force ues about identity, relationships, and intimacy. It encompasses that illuminates from every young girl and attracts Okpo to her physical development, interpersonal relationships and aff ection, like artifi cial light attracts insects at night. body language, and gender roles, with biological, sociocultural, Th e ikim or gourds (Cucurbitaceae) of various sizes strung psychological, and spiritual dimensions. Sexuality is a major over the Okpo costume are essential parts of his regalia (Fig. motivating drive for all humankind, but there is a strong cultural 7). Th ey are used as a storage vessel for charms. In early times, component in how individuals conceptualize erotic stimula- beside its utilitarian role, the gourd occupied a signifi cant place tion, beliefs, desires, behaviors, and sexual roles (Katchadourian in Efi k folklore because of its physical and ritual peculiarities 1990). Human sexual behavior is an obvious manifestation of

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 55 4/30/16 8:16 AM Th e Okpo mask brings into focus the fact that humans are created in two body types—male and female—whose diff erences are designed primarily for sexual reproduction. Humans choose to emphasize other goals, aims, and reasons for our existence, but the physical development from puberty to adolescent has to do with sex. Okpo celebrates this adolescent stage of development, bringing with it a clear defi nition of one’s female or male body, with the notion that the physical changes are inescapable, and the diff erences between the sexes are more obvious at adolescence than any other stage in human life. Th us, Okpo brings to bear three consistencies to these developments: separation, transition, and incorporation. Prevailing Efi k norms of childhood and adolescence encour- age young people to be silent and innocent about sexual matters. Contrary behaviors are typically taken to indicate moral problems, emotional disorders, or waywardness, particularly in girls. Traditional Efi k dialogue on parenting and socialization is predi- cated on the belief that young people should abstain from sexual intercourse until they are married. Talking about human genita- lia is deemed tasteless and, if unavoidable, should be disguised. It is important to understand that Okpo’s lustful pursuits of girls are critical sources of information for Efi k adolescents as they grapple with culturally closeted sexual issues. It is upon this premise that Okpo as an institution celebrates an important social and physiological milepost in the lives of maturing adolescents, as young males and females undergo extensive hormonal changes that trigger curiosity and fuel their sexual desires and drives. Socially, it marks the period of emerging adulthood and impending marriage. As an embodiment of youthfulness, the 8 Ebonko Ekpe taken at the home of the Obong body and costume of Okpo provides the medium for artistic of Calabar, 2015 Photo: Ivor L. Miller inventiveness and creative expression—turning male bodies into Okpo virtues.20 To impersonate idem—the generic name for a masked representation of a masquerade’s spirit, or the spirit master—Okpo disguises himself in a knitted body mask, adorned with other accessories. Okpo, as an embodiment of youthful spirits, possesses a virile attitude and clearly intends to impress and captivate young girls with sexual overtures, because not only our gender, but of our very essence; human survival of the aforementioned social barriers on sexual matters among depends on reproduction. Accordingly, sexuality is an impor- Efi ks. He takes an evident delight in females acknowledging and tant aspect of adolescent development. It not only transforms recognizing his presence and performance. Like other Efi k mas- relationships between adolescents and their peers but also querades, Okpo stresses nonverbal communication, as opposed between adolescents, their parents, and society at large. to everyday speech and normal kinetic activity. With this in No other mask or masquerade in Efi k society overtly flaunts mind, it is important to examine any similarities or diff erences lewdness or sexuality to the extent Okpo does. Efi k culture reg- between Okpo and Ekpe, because each one informs and aug- ulates sex, yet permits some sexual freedom that is even coun- ments the other in many ways. ter-normative, as in Okpo masquerade. Among Efi ks, sexual Th e Ekpe fraternity has a well-organized, structured, graded matters are not openly discussed, particularly with children—a membership. Okpo masquerade, in contrast, is acephalous and strong code of silence surrounds these issues. Th ey are forbid- loosely structured, with no initiation or grades to attain. Th is den to discuss issues pertaining to sexual matters in everyday looseness permeates Okpo’s activities, appearance, and per- discourse. Even in adult discussion, words used to describe formance, although its role in Efi k society is highly valued and sexual matters remain ambiguous, imprecise, or are referenced respected. Its masks, like other Efi k masquerades, share many through adages. Despite the controversies regarding Efi k sexual commonalities with Ekpe masquerade; here I will highlight matters, behind closed doors sexuality is seen as the basis of a the logic that underlies the similarities between the Okpo and harmonious relationship between couples, culminating in a sat- Ekpe masquerades. Th is will better inform our understanding isfying experience. For Efi ks, a harmonious or fun environment of Okpo within Efi k visual culture. Th e performances of the two (which Okpo provides) and good food—cooked with love and are open to the public, who crowd both sides of the main street served with care—contributes to a gratifi ed sexuality.19 in admiration during their performances.

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 56 4/30/16 8:16 AM 9 Detail: Okpo costume showing ekete and snail shells, 2009 Photo: Jordan Fenton

10 Detail: Okpo costume showing nyok, 2009 Photo: Jordan Fenton

Th e Ekpe fraternity has been described as a mysterious and Ekpe performances are graceful and captivating, mimicking the stealthy inhabitant of the forest (Aye 1967:70). Like Okpo, its dexterity and fl exibility of a cat. Th e customary poetic salutations to masquerade is represented in a multicolored body mask cos- the audience that go with its ceremonials are expressions of charm tume made of a raffi a fi ber called esik. Th ere are three sources of and delight in nsibidi mime. Nsibidi are the abstract or geometric fi ber used in the knitting of an esik: nkarika ekpo (Ouratea fl ava, signs from the secret ideographic system, believed to have devel- uvaria sp.), plantain (Musa paradisiaca), and banana (Musa acu- oped from Ekpe society activities, associated with both the Ekpe minata). According to Ikwo Ekpo (1978:73), fi bers are extracted society and the Southeastern Igbo people (Kalu 1980:6–20, Camp- from fresh fronds of the banana and plantain, pounded to remove bell 1983:33–46). Nsibidi assumes two very distinctive characters: their fl uids, and then washed and dried. Th e dried fi bers are then mime and pictograph. Nsibidi as pictographic marks are intelligible twisted into ropes for knitting. Th e preparation of fi ber from the only to initiated Ekpe fraternity members. However, as a mime, nsi- nkarika ekpo plant takes a diff erent form. Fibers from the straight bidi is performed in (public) Ekpe activities and the mime and ges- branches of the plant are stripped and cleaned with a knife and tures have been adopted by other masqueraders, such as Okpo. then dried before they are twisted into ropes. Weavers prefer the These tenets were rehearsed in fragments of histories fi bers from the nkarika ekpo because they are stronger. expressed, amplifi ed, defi ned, and refi ned into Okpo masquer- Ekpe masquerades are adorned with ruffs of raffia fiber ading. Th e performances of both Ekpe and Okpo masquerades around the chest, like a lion’s mane, and around both wrists provide public entertainment, but the pleasure provided is not and ankles. Around the waist is a bell that tolls occasionally to trivial; rather, it forges psychosocial and social benefi ts. Simul- announce the approach of the masquerade. According to Aye taneously, it brings aesthetic experiences into the community (2000), Ekpe evolved to be the supreme judicial authority in and disseminates social values. Okpo masquerade, on the one Efi k society, acting as a police force to enforce Ekpe laws and hand, provides informal sex education as a socialization agent. orders of its courts. Th e strength of Ekpe and its value to the It evokes a variety of responses from the audience—annoyance, community lies in the discipline it can exercise over its mem- humor, awe, and admiration of skill—as the audience ululates, bers. Ekpe fraternity functions were useful in Efi k society prior claps, sings along, and gives gratuities. On the other hand, Ekpe to the advent of colonialism. It provided societal stability while always appear at funerals of initiated members; this is associated creating classes and castes whose existence were justifi ed by the with solemn life-cycle events, while Okpo does not engage in functions it provided. wakes and funerals or other Efi k social events. In the end, both

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 57 4/30/16 8:16 AM 11a–b The integration of syntactic contemporary Okpo attire, 2011

masquerades provide entertainment, considered a good omen that benefi ts society in various ways. Okpo’s costume is loosely regimented compared to Ekpe. Cos- tume variations are common in the modern Okpo repertoire. Th e fabrics, headdresses, and props of Okpo attire were tradi- tionally made of indigenous materials. But the prevailing trend It is plausible that contemporary Okpo costume makers may now in costume-making is to simply use suitable visual materi- not understand the symbolism of the costumes they make. Today, als from any local and global culture to produce the spectacle of the infusion of foreign materials in Okpo mask-making stems the mask. Th e social context of these materials is not traditional, from the abundance of imported materials and the convenience in the sense of costume makers acknowledging what might be they avail to the makers. Okpo masks are now adorned with syn- intrinsically Efi k traditional material in their costume making. thetic and natural materials fused; the result is a very brightly Material diff usion is now prevalent among many Efi k masquer- plasticized Okpo costume, far from the natural-looking costume. ades. Accordingly, the ambivalent and ambiguous visual result Formerly, the costumes were adorned thoughtfully, with inherent enables individuals to show how far they have traveled or how symbolic meanings in the choice of materials—these meanings knowledgeable they are about faraway places. Th e diverse mate- are debatable today. One could conclude that today’s Okpo cos- rials display the maskers’ own aesthetic undertaking, repre- tume makers, as compared to earlier Okpo craft smen, attach less sented by the exotic global materials they have draft ed into their importance to the meaning of the materials; they rely on readily costumes from various masquerades. available materials driven by trade.

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 58 4/30/16 8:16 AM SOCIAL LIFE OF OBJECTS IN OKPO OKPO IN SOCIAL CONTEXT A society’s assumption about the value and nature of objects Th e socioreligious ethics of most African traditional societies, is socially constructed and varies over time. Discerning such seen in Efi k society, center on the community. Individuals ben- assumptions is a complex, multilayered task, even for a cultural efi t from the community’s ethical codes in so far as its welfare insider. Th erefore, objects shape history, and history in turn and interests are sustained. Contextually, one can surmise that transforms objects (Appadurai 1988). In recent times, Efi k cul- the welfare and interest of the individual are direct functions of tural objects have assimilated foreign materials into the making Efi k society. Th is notion holds true of the performances of Okpo of costumes so that their masquerades create new “life sto- masquerade. Th e society tolerates Okpo’s lewd acts, while enjoy- ries.” Since objects embody unique information about humans ing its pranks and fl irtations with the girls; in return, the com- in society, new elements in Okpo costumes become entangled munity supports Okpo with gift s. objects (Th omas 1991) that are assimilated to play new, culturally Okpo in Efi k spiritual context is the outer, visible aspect of diff used roles imbuing new aesthetic meanings and appearances an inner reality—a visible representation of “vital force,” which to the costumes. Th ere is a tendency to think that an Efi k object motivates and propels the essence of the Okpo mask, itself a has a place of origin, an “original” context that is more “authen- symbol of that inner potency. Within Efi k culture, this force is tic” than any other. Yet among Efi ks, as elsewhere, the contexts identifi able as a spirit force known as obot (the nature or essence of objects are always shift ing, as are owners, users, viewers, and that controls an individual’s life)—the energizing spirit. Peo- producers. Th e authenticity of cultural objects is as negotiable ple seek to recapture obot, believed to be responsible for life’s and relative a concept as value itself. essence, with the intent to nurture it and use it to achieve specifi c Accordingly, some objects are best understood not by recon- goals that benefi t the community and the individual. Th is con- structing their “original” context, but through the contingencies fi guration is manifested in the fl irtation, pranks, and ambiguous of their careers. Other objects change physically over their life- character of Okpo. It is the force behind the mask that speaks, times through continued accumulative diff usion and assimila- acts, controls, and directs its actions. Th e spirit transforms this tion, or cross-pollination of cultural objects. An example is the person, thus assuming an outward form and communicating use of traditional raffi a along with synthetic fabric (Figs. 11a–b). with the circle of living and visible onlookers. Ideally, the ritual While objects can undergo radical transformations without of masking oneself and fl irting with the girls is not an expres- exchange, others may not change much physically, but undergo sion of individual identity, but a veritably spiritual act of devo- metamorphoses of function and meaning. These influences tion to supernatural power. It is not the adolescent adorned in have, I think, espoused the cultural diff usion of foreign material Okpo attire who harasses and fl irts with the girls, but the Okpo and cultural values into Efi k culture. A case in point is the intro- spirit manifested in him. Accordingly, the Okpo mask serves duction of fl amboyant and brightly colored Trinidadian cos- as a force for community in change that displays Efi k cultural tume designs into the Calabar carnival festival. I argue that an norms, behavior, and values. It also functions as a socializing infl uence such as this undermines Efi k visual culture, which for- agent satirizing Efi k deviations from ideals. In the end, Okpo merly fl ourished in traditional masquerades during festive holi- is a timeless way of transcending oneself and engaging with the days. According to Amanda Carlson (2010), “Calabar Carnival spiritual dimension of Efi k culture. is a large-scale import and adaptation of a foreign tradition into a new localized space where it fuses and celebrates the local and CONCLUSION the global.” In the same perspective, Fenton says of Efi k cultural In summary, Okpo masquerading is a game between the diff usion, regarding the Ebonko Ekpe masquerade, sexes, a maintenance of illusions that mirrors male–female [C]ostume demonstrates how art forms are temporal repositories relationships. Males have anxieties about wooing females that reveal infl uences from West and Central Africa, the Americas, that Okpo expresses, while the females play hard to get. Th is Europe, and Asia. Th ese ensembles suggest sophistication which game between the sexes involves psychological as well as social individuals actively choose from an assortment of local and imported aspects of life. Th is may explain why females place more value ideas and materials, incorporating them into local nations of aesthet- on emotional connection as a spark of sexual desire (Regan ics, use, and meaning (Fenton 2011). and Bersched 1996, Baumeister, Catanese, and Vohs 2001, Levine 2003). While males in general are more physical than In the same vein, Uchendu best summarizes this concern by emotional and straightforward about sexual drive (Regan et al. arguing that “… culture implies … change—adaptation and re- 1995; Baumeister 2000, Baumeister, Catanese, and Vohs 2001), adaptation” (1965:16). Today’s Okpo maskers’ costume design it may also inform the fl irtatious aggression of Okpo toward makes explicit the change in the human condition inherent any approaching adolescent female. Th ese features suggest that in Okpo masquerade culture. Okpo is not the only case that Okpo’s spiritual manifestations are intimately linked to the informs how Efi k visual culture has drastically changed through psychology of male–female relationships among Efi ks, as seen time and space. Th ese changes are because of the globalization in a larger complex of revelatory practices that enable passage eff ect—a process of interaction and integration between people between worlds—the physical and spirit world. Th e common and cultures of diff erent nations, driven by international com- thread running through every Okpo is neither the mask nor merce. While I acknowledge the integration and change of for- the costume, nor even the theatrical performance, but rather, eign material infusions into Okpo’s attire, I argue that these the relations of power that constitute the social realm and the infusions have changed the aesthetics of Okpo. means through which those who interact within that realm

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20160426-001_48-61_CS6.indd 59 4/30/16 8:16 AM perpetually negotiate relations. intertwined with morality, since societal wellbeing and progress In Calabar today, there is a strong evangelical Christian pres- set the standard for good character. Incorporating sexuality ence with an over-zealous ambition to conquer all evil (Hack- into a still-developing sense of the adolescent self is complicated ett 1989). While Ekpu Oro fi gures are not directly related to the by the need to resolve questions about sexual values. Okpo mask, they help illustrate the adverse eff ect of Christian Okpo’s costume is scrupulously observed and aesthetically values on a visual cultural object. Ekpu fi gures were carved as evaluated by onlookers despite its aggressiveness. It allows metaphorical repositories of the Oron consciousness that rep- young adolescents the opportunity for publicly sanctioned dis- resents family or lineage heads in the aft erlife, but Ekpu prac- play and exploration of issues about their bodies and sexuality. tice met its demise in the mid 1800s under coercion from the These actions go beyond the contexts where they are learned Primitive Methodist Missionaries in Oron (Onyile 2005). Even and performed to provide practical guidelines for adolescent the social events of the Calabar Carnival are deemed anti- males to organize these realities of life. Th e concept of the sex- Christian and thus evil in the view of born-again Christians. As ual script is important in understanding the social and educa- evidence of social and religious change, this development has tional functions of Okpo’s fl irtatious performances. I maintain had a negative eff ect on Efi k society because it directly affects that among Efi ks, the crucial phase ofpsycho sexual socialization Efi k social and cultural developments at all levels, as artistic and learning occur during adolescence, under the disguise of the production and consumption are forced to decline (Ajibade, Okpo mask. Th is learning takes the form of a sexual text that Omon, and Oloidi 2011). So-called born-again church pastors contains sensual meanings, practical guidance, and conventions and their parishioners in Calabar have imposed their negative about behavior in Efi k society. valuation on Efi k visual cultural objects like Okpo masquer- Undoubtedly, Okpo’s lecherous performances contribute to ades, based on their distorted interpretations of the Christian the socialization of adolescent males and females into sexual episteme—an episteme that diff ers from traditional values and subjectivity, relieving them of the frustrations and diffi culties beclouds the appreciation of all Efi k visual culture, promoting caused by the secretive nature of sexual matters among Efi k so-called Christian views of Efi k cultural objects as evil. I argue adults. Th erefore, Okpo performances are opportunities that that the importance of Okpo visual culture has diminished provide ideal spaces for discovery. Th ey enable young males over the years as a result of the infi ltration of imported values and females to examine, engage, and rehearse their sexual gaze shaped by over-righteous Christians. and inquisitiveness at an early juncture in their lives. Conse- Socially accepted religious values, especially patriarchal quently, Okpo’s fl irtatious performances implicitly extol youth, forms of Christianity, stress uncleanliness and inherent sin in female beauty, and sexual attractiveness. While Efi k sexuality is human sexuality. Efi ks and indeed other African societies that the essence of Okpo masquerade, it is complementary to the ide- converted to Christianity have been encouraged to reject their alization of youthfulness. Th ese qualities enhance the enigma in traditional beliefs and values and adopt the “civilized ways” of defi ning Okpo—it is simultaneously mysterious and controver- Christianity. Th ese new ideals refl ect moralistic edicts that con- sial. Okpo masquerade as Efi k visual cultural objects have given tinue to be inscribed on the sexual values of the converted soci- the Efi k world a peculiar appreciation of songs without singers eties. Th e advent of Christian religious values has clouded Efi k and tales without narrators, wrenched from an exotic and unreal traditional values in sexual and cultural matters. Hence, Okpo world (Onyile 2005). performs with a blithe indiff erence to the feelings of besotted Christians regarding sexual matters. This highlights Okpo’s Onyile Bassey Onyile is Professor of Art at Georgia Southern Univer- sity. He was raised in the area of Calabar, Nigeria. He specializes in the arts attitude to fanatical Christian opinion of Efi k social and cul- of Africa, particularly the tradition-based arts of the Lower Cross River tural values; simultaneously, it informs the paradoxical nature region of southeastern Nigeria. Research interests include performance of Okpo. In the Efi k scheme of thought, sexuality is intricately and masquerades, and the ancestral fi gures. [email protected]

Notes constantly sniffi ng the air for pheromones. Th e sole pine family used as a boundary hedge plant. New moth- purpose for his existence is to procreate. ers use its sap as an enema to help with aft erbirth blood I am grateful to Nkiru Nzegwu, Bruce Connell, and 3 In a personal communication with Andem and to prevent the newborn baby from being infected Jordan Fenton for their insightful comments and sugges- Ekeng on March 18, 2012, she informed me that adult with tetanus. Okono leaves are also used as antisep- tions to earlier versions of this study. I am also apprecia- males in the community now indulge in Okpo per- tic doormats for the rooms of the newborn baby and tive to Jordon Fenton for sharing his photographs and the formances. Th is is a new development that I never mother to prevent the transmission of bacteria, disease, only known newspaper article on Okpo with me. Lastly, experienced behind Okpo masks. In the same vein, I or illness. I am indebted to Obassesam Alobi and Andem Ekeng for had never seen or heard of uman Okpo or ayara Okpo 7 Okpo’s use of nyok is a new development. Grow- cross-checking the information used in this work. until recently. However, together ayara and uman Okpo ing up in Calabar, I do not recall Okpo wearing nyok 1 In this study, “mask” refers to objects that are represent the procreation, continuance, and growth of nor did I wear one behind Okpo mask. worn to completely hide and disguise a person, trans- the family. Th is duality of the sexes is not uncommon 8 Anthony Nya (a.k.a. Olu), personal communica- forming the wearer into the spirit or experience of spiri- among Efi k masquerades. Whileuman Okpo personi- tion, March 29, 2012. tual manifestation, while “masquerades” are construed fi es female essences, the person behind the mask is 9 For more on the symbolic meaning of brooms in as the embodied spirit that mediates between the wearer always a male. Nigerian visual culture, see Atuu 1990, Doris 2005, 2009. and the transformation. Bear in mind that most African 4 Anthony Nya (a.k.a. Olu), personal communica- 10 Th e fi ber recovered from the palm fruit or ker- masks have social and religious signifi cance within a tion, March 29, 2012. nel aft er separation of red palm oil from the fruit. Th is specifi c society. 5 Anthony Nya (a.k.a. Olu), personal communica- fi brous material is a good combustible, ready to fuel the 2 Billy goats in Efi k folklore are notorious for pro- tion, March 29, 2012. fi re in the earthenware pot. miscuity, pursuing any nanny goat they see. It makes no 6 Okono is a rapidly growing tree of the screw- 11 Ekpe eyop is the center core of the empty husk diff erence to a billy goat which nanny goat he mounts,

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Binghamton University, State Uni- sexually transmitted diseases is very low. However, (3):42–51. versity of New York. there are various public and sexual health awareness Drewal, H.J., and M.T. Drewal. 1983. Gẹlẹdẹ: Art and Peek, Philip M., ed. 1991. African Divination Systems: programs in Calabar and throughout the State, like the Female Power among the Yoruba. Bloomington: Indiana Ways of Knowing. Bloomington: Indiana University governmental agency Cross River State Agency for the University Press. Press. Control of AIDS. Additionally, NGOs advocate polices Feinup-Riordan, Anne. 1996. Th e Living Tradition of of prevention of HIV/AIDS and other sexual diseases Regan, P.C., and E. Bersched. 1995. “Gender Diff erences Yup’ik Masks. 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