Combating Corruption
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Comparative Politics
Dr.Rishu Raj Assistant professor Department of Political Science M.M.College(P.U) [email protected] COMPARATIVE POLITICS Comparative study of The Constitution of Switzerland and France THE SWISS PARLIAMENT The Federal Assembly THE FEDERAL ASSEMBLY • The Federal Assembly is the legislative power of Switzerland. Its two chambers – the National Council and the Council of States –have the same powers but meet separately. Federal Assembly The National The Council Council of States The National Council • The National Council, or “lower chamber”, represents the people and comprises 200 members who are elected by popular vote for a four-year term. The number of representatives sent by each canton depends on the size of its population. As a rule of thumb, each canton may send one elected representative to the National Council for roughly every 40,000 inhabitants. • The Federal Constitution guarantees at least one seat per canton, even if the canton has fewer than 40,000 residents. The cantons of Appenzell-Ausserrhoden, AppenzellInnerrhoden, Obwalden, Nidwalden, Uri and Glarus send one National Council member each, whereas Zurich, the most heavily populated canton, currently has 35 seats. The Council of States • The Council of States, or “upper chamber”, represents the cantons and comprises 46 members, who are also elected directly by the people for a four-year term. Regardless of their population size, the cantons send two deputies, with the exception of the six half-cantons of AppenzellAusserrhoden, Appenzell-Innerrhoden, Obwalden, Nidwalden, Basel-Stadt and Basel-Land, which send one deputy each. • Council of States deputies represent their cantons but are not bound by any instructions from their cantonal government or parliament. -
Universal Jurisdiction
UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION A PRELIMINARY SURVEY OF LEGISLATION AROUND THE WORLD – 2012 UPDATE Amnesty International Publications First published in October 2012 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org Copyright Amnesty International Publications 2012 Index: IOR 53/019/2012 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publishers. Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights instruments. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................1 A. The two annexes...........................................................................................................6 B. Definitions...................................................................................................................7 -
Here a Causal Relationship? Contemporary Economics, 9(1), 45–60
Bibliography on Corruption and Anticorruption Professor Matthew C. Stephenson Harvard Law School http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/mstephenson/ March 2021 Aaken, A., & Voigt, S. (2011). Do individual disclosure rules for parliamentarians improve government effectiveness? Economics of Governance, 12(4), 301–324. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-011-0100-8 Aaronson, S. A. (2011a). Does the WTO Help Member States Clean Up? Available at SSRN 1922190. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1922190 Aaronson, S. A. (2011b). Limited partnership: Business, government, civil society, and the public in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Public Administration and Development, 31(1), 50–63. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.588 Aaronson, S. A., & Abouharb, M. R. (2014). Corruption, Conflicts of Interest and the WTO. In J.-B. Auby, E. Breen, & T. Perroud (Eds.), Corruption and conflicts of interest: A comparative law approach (pp. 183–197). Edward Elgar PubLtd. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebookbatch.GEN_batch:ELGAR01620140507 Abbas Drebee, H., & Azam Abdul-Razak, N. (2020). The Impact of Corruption on Agriculture Sector in Iraq: Econometrics Approach. IOP Conference Series. Earth and Environmental Science, 553(1), 12019-. https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/553/1/012019 Abbink, K., Dasgupta, U., Gangadharan, L., & Jain, T. (2014). Letting the briber go free: An experiment on mitigating harassment bribes. JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMICS, 111(Journal Article), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2013.12.012 Abbink, Klaus. (2004). Staff rotation as an anti-corruption policy: An experimental study. European Journal of Political Economy, 20(4), 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2003.10.008 Abbink, Klaus. -
First Name(S) Present Position Previous Positions / Relevant
Country Family Name(s) First Name(s) Present Position Previous Positions / Relevant Experience Bolivia Suxo Iturry Nardy Elizabeth Minister, Ministry for Former Vice- Minister for Institutional Transparency (Plurinational Institutional and Anti-Corruption Activities; Expert for Bolivia in the State of) Transparency and Anti- OAS-MESICIC Committee of Experts; Preparation of Corruption Activities evaluation reports on implementation of international anti-corruption instruments; Conception and formulation of policies for the prevention and combating of corruption in Bolivia; Coordination and implementation of transparency and social control strategies. Veizaga Bellido Gabriela Denisse Vice-Minister, Ministry Formulation and implementation of policies to combat for Institutional corruption, the punishment of acts of corruption, Transparency and Anti- recovery of assets, administration of assets recovered by Corruption Activities the State, awareness promotion among the general public and training of public servants; Supervision of investigations; follow-up and monitoring of judicial anti-corruption measures and proceedings; oversight of the presentation of reports; coordination and implementation of inter-institutional coordination strategies for the investigation and trial of cases of corruption; Participation in MESICIC; Former technical judge in the fourth trial court and investigating judge in pre-trial proceedings (district of Cochabamba). Camargo Ticona Carlos Fernando Vice-Minister for Formulation of public policies on transparency -
State-Narco Networks and the ‘War on Drugs’ in Post-Transition Bolivia, with Special Reference to 1989-1993
Gillies, Allan Jack Joseph (2016) State-narco networks and the ‘War on drugs’ in post-transition Bolivia, with special reference to 1989-1993. PhD thesis. https://theses.gla.ac.uk/7742/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] State-Narco Networks and the ‘War on Drugs’ in Post-Transition Bolivia, with special reference to 1989-1993 Allan Jack Joseph Gillies Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities College of Arts November 2016 University of Glasgow This work was supported by the University of Glasgow’s Lord Kelvin Adam Smith Scholarship scheme. i Table of Contents Declaration iii Abstract iv Acknowledgements vi List of Figures & Tables vii Abbreviations & Acronyms viii Chapter 1|Introduction 1 1.1 Case Selection 4 1.2 Advancing a Nuanced Understanding of State-Narco Networks 9 1.2.1 Alternative Paradigms of the ‘War on Drugs’ 10 1.2.2 The Coercion Literature 16 1.1.2 The ‘War on -
Chad's Breach of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
Chad’s Breach of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Failure to Protect the Rights of Women and Girls ABECHE, CHAD – This girl just arrived in Abeche for another fistula surgery attempt. At only 13 years of age, she suffered 3 days of labor in a remote village near the Sudan. Her resulting fistula led her to have 6 surgeries. © Micah Albert Prepared and submitted by the International Human Rights Law Society of Indiana University School of Law at Indianapolis, Indiana with the endorsement of the Program in International Human Rights of Indiana University School of Law at Indianapolis, Indiana Respectfully submitted to the United Nations Human Rights Committee on the occasion of its consideration of the First Periodic Report of Chad pursuant to Article 40 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Hearings of the United Nations Human Rights Committee New York City, U.S.A., 18-19 March 2009 © Program in International Human Rights Law, Indiana University School of Law at Indianapolis, March 2008 [THIS PAGE LEFT INTENTIONALLY BLANK] Chad’s ICCPR Breaches: Failure to Protect the Rights of Women and Girls Page 2 of 40 Author and Endorser of this Shadow Report Submitted to the United Nations Human Rights Committee on Chad’s Non-Compliance with the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights The International Human Rights Law Society (IHRLS) is a student organization at Indiana University School of Law at Indianapolis that was formed to promote global justice and basic fundamental freedoms. Each year the IHRLS sponsors speakers and events and presents shadow reports to the United Nations Human Rights Committee through its cooperation with the Program in International Human Rights Law. -
Risks to the Human Rights Advocacy in African Constitutions
International Journal of Criminology and Sociology, 2020, 9, 2347-2352 2347 Risks to the Human Rights Advocacy in African Constitutions Marina V. Markhgeym1, Evgeniy V. Aristov2, Anna A. Bezuglya1, Alevtina E. Novikova1,* and Andrey B. Novikov3 1Belgorod State University, 85 Pobedy Street, Belgorod, 308015, Russia 2Perm State Humanitarian Pedagogical University, 24, Siberskaja Street, Perm, 614990, Russian Federation 3St. Petersburg state University of Economics, St. Petersburg, 21 Sadovaya Street, 191023, Russia Abstract: This article presents the results of a comparative legal study of the texts of the constitutions of African states with a view to identifying the rules that minimize human rights risks. The research is based on a dialectical approach to the disclosure of legal phenomena and processes using general scientific (systematic and logical methods, analysis and synthesis) and specific scientific methods. African constitutions, in comparison with the constitutions of other states, and in particular European ones, contain a disproportionately large number of rules formalizing special human rights institutions. Typically, these are special councils, human rights commissions (Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia) or certain categories of the population (three in Egypt, three in Morocco, one in the Central African Republic). In Morocco and Equatorial Guinea, both the Mediator and the Public Defender are established, respectively. The relevance of the study is due to the strategic objectives of creating a secure human rights status of the state, as well as the need to find and update theoretical, methodological, and practical approaches to protecting the rights and freedoms of a human and a citizen. Considering the rules of the African constitutional model of minimizing risks to human right advocacy, objectively in terms of quantity and quality, are considered hyperbolic. -
Governance and Representation in the Afghan Urban Transition
Afghanistan’s Constitution Ten Years On: What Are the Issues? Mohammad Hashim Kamali August 2014 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit Issues Paper Afghanistan’s Constitution Ten Years On: What Are the Issues? Mohammad Hashim Kamali August 2014 Funding for this research was provided by the United States Institute of Peace and the Embassy of Finland. 2014 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit Cover photo: (From top to bottom): A view of the 2004 constitutional Loya Jirga Sessions; people’s representatives gesture during 2004 constitutional Loya Jirga; people’s representatives listening to a speech during 2004 constitutional Loya Jirga; Loya Jirga members during the 2004 Constitutional Loya Jirga, Kabul (by National Archives of Afghanistan). AREU wishes to thank the National Archives of Afghanistan for generously granting access to its photo collection from the 2004 Constitutional Loya Jirga. Layout: Ahmad Sear Alamyar AREU Publication Code: 1416E © 2014 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of AREU. Some rights are reserved. This publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted only for non- commercial purposes and with written credit to AREU and the author. Where this publication is reproduced, stored or transmitted electronically, a link to AREU’s website (www.areu.org.af) should be provided. Any use of this publication falling outside of these permissions requires prior written permission of the publisher, the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit. Permission can be sought by emailing [email protected] or by calling +93 (0) 799 608 548. -
The Case of Morocco
Democracy Promotion in the European Neighbourhood Policy the case of Morocco Author: Helena Bergé Supervised by: Hubert Smekal, Ph.D. Masaryk University 2012-2013 ABSTRACT Contrary to European Union (EU) rhetoric on the importance of democracy promotion, security considerations have always been prioritised over democratisation in its relations with the Southern Mediterranean. In a review of the European Neighbourhood Policy after the Lisbon Treaty and the Arab Spring in 2011, the EU pleaded again to give full attention to democracy considerations. This research paper investigates whether democracy promotion in the ENP towards Morocco has undergone any change since the review of the policy, both in substance and importance. A comparative analysis of European democracy support before and after 2011 in Morocco based on policy reports, financial allocations and conditionality mechanisms reveals that socio- economic conditions are the main focus of EU democracy promotion in Morocco, while most changes can be found in an increased support of civil society. However, the EU seems to repeat its previous behaviour by again prioritising security over democratisation. II LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AP: Action plan CAT: Convention against Torture CEDAW: Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women CFSP: Common Foreign and Security Policy CSF: Civil Society Facility CSO: Civil Society Organisation DCFTA: Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement EEAS: European External Action Service EED: European Endowment for Democracy EIDHR -
36687838.Pdf
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Oregon Scholars' Bank AVOIDING THE ARAB SPRING? THE POLITICS OF LEGITIMACY IN KING MOHAMMED VI’S MOROCCO by MARGARET J. ABNEY A THESIS Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts June 2013 THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Margaret J. Abney Title: Avoiding the Arab Spring? The Politics of Legitimacy in King Mohammed VI’s Morocco This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in the Department of Political Science by: Craig Parsons Chairperson Karrie Koesel Member Tuong Vu Member and Kimberly Andrews Espy Vice President for Research and Innovation; Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2013 ii © 2013 Margaret J. Abney iii THESIS ABSTRACT Margaret J. Abney Master of Arts Department of Political Science June 2013 Title: Avoiding the Arab Spring? The Politics of Legitimacy in King Mohammed VI’s Morocco During the 2011 Arab Spring protests, the Presidents of Egypt and Tunisia lost their seats as a result of popular protests. While protests occurred in Morocco during the same time, King Mohammed VI maintained his throne. I argue that the Moroccan king was able to maintain his power because of factors that he has because he is a king. These benefits, including dual religious and political legitimacy, additional control over the military, and a political situation that make King Mohammed the center of the Moroccan political sphere, are not available to the region’s presidents. -
Implementing the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention
Implementing the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention Phase 4 Two-Year Follow-Up Report: Chile 1 Chile – Phase 4 Two-Year Follow-Up Report This report, submitted by Chile, provides information on the progress made by Chile in implementing the recommendations of its Phase 4 report. The OECD Working Group on Bribery's summary of and conclusions to the report were adopted on 12 March 2021. The Phase 4 report evaluated and made recommendations on Chile's implementation of the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions and the 2009 Recommendation of the Council for Further Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions. It was adopted by the 44 members of the OECD Working Group on Bribery on 13 December 2018. PHASE 4 FOLLOW-UP: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ON CHILE’S TWO-YEAR WRITTEN REPORT 2 Table of Contents Chile Phase 4 – Two Year Written Follow-Up Report Summary and Conclusions ........................ 3 Annex – Written Follow-Up Report by Chile ................................................................................... 17 PHASE 4 FOLLOW-UP: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ON CHILE’S TWO-YEAR WRITTEN REPORT 3 Chile Phase 4 – Two Year Written Follow-Up Report Summary and Conclusions Summary of findings1 1. In December 2020, Chile submitted its Phase 4 written follow-up report to the OECD Working Group on Bribery (WGB or the Working Group). The report outlined Chile’s efforts to implement the 48 recommendations and to address the follow-up issues identified during its Phase 4 evaluation in December 2018.2 In light of the information provided, the Working Group concludes that Chile fully implemented 3 recommendations, partially implemented 17 recommendations, and did not implement 28 recommendations. -
The Heterogeneous Electoral Consequences of Scandals*
Political Science Research and Methods Page 1 of 19 © The European Political Science Association, 2015 doi:10.1017/psrm.2015.8 Rooting Out Corruption or Rooting for Corruption? The Heterogeneous Electoral Consequences of Scandals* PABLO FERNÁNDEZ-VÁZQUEZ, PABLO BARBERÁ AND GONZALO RIVERO orruption scandals have been found to have significant but mild electoral effects in the comparative literature (Golden 2006). However, most studies have assumed that voters C punish all kinds of illegal practices. This article challenges this assumption by distin- guishing between two types of corruption, according to the type of welfare consequences they have for the constituency. This hypothesis is tested using data from the 2011 Spanish local elections. We exploit the abundance of corruption allegations associated with the Spanish hous- ing boom, which generated income gains for a wide segment of the electorate in the short term. We find that voters ignore corruption when there are side benefits to it, and that punish- ment is only administered in those cases in which they do not receive compensation. lections are supposed to allow voters to “throw the rascals out” (Przeworski, Stokes and Manin 1999). Hence, we would expect corruption scandals to have a strong effect on the Eelectoral performance of the politicians involved in them. However, recent literature shows that electoral retribution to dishonest behavior in office is rather mild and that it does not always prevent implicated individuals from being re-elected (see Golden 2006). We claim in this paper that the economic externalities associated with the corrupt activity are a relevant dimension that can account, in some cases, for the lack of a strong punishment to misbehaving politicians.