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Who Are the Guantánamo Detainees? CASE SHEET 15 Yemeni National: Abdulsalam Al-Hela 11 January 2005 AI Index: AMR 51/206/2005
USA Who are the Guantánamo detainees? CASE SHEET 15 Yemeni national: Abdulsalam al-Hela 11 January 2005 AI Index: AMR 51/206/2005 Full name: Abdulsalam al-Hela Nationality: Yemeni Occupation: Businessman Age: 34 Family status: Married with two children “Contact with him suddenly stopped…when we called him, his mobile phone rang but there was no answer”. Abdulsalam al-Hela’s brother, talking of his brother’s “disappearance” Abdulsalam al-Hela is a businessman from Sana’a, Yemen. In September 2002 he is believed to have travelled to Egypt for a meeting with Arab Contractors, an Egyptian construction firm for which he was the Yemeni representative. While there he phoned his family regularly. On the last occasion he called, his brother stated that he sounded nervous and worried, and that he had to go to a meeting. He was unwilling to say any more over the telephone. It was last time Abdulsalam al-Hela’s family would hear from him for over a year, and then it would be through a letter smuggled out of a prison in Afghanistan. Abdulsalam al-Hela appears to have been abducted by the Egyptian authorities and handed over to US officials. Abdulsalam al-Hela is convinced that the USA and Egypt conspired to lure him to Egypt with the express intention of “disappearing” him in order to interrogate him about his contacts in Yemen. As a result he became a victim of the US practice of rendition and secret detention, being taken from country to country without any recourse to a court, access to lawyers or contact with his family. -
The Ethics of Interrogation and the Rule of Law Release Date: April 23, 2018
Release Date: April 23, 2018 CERL Report on The Ethics of Interrogation and the Rule of Law Release Date: April 23, 2018 CERL Report on The Ethics of Interrogation and the Rule of Law I. Introduction On January 25, 2017, President Trump repeated his belief that torture works1 and reaffirmed his commitment to restore the use of harsh interrogation of detainees in American custody.2 That same day, CBS News released a draft Trump administration executive order that would order the Intelligence Community (IC) and Department of Defense (DoD) to review the legality of torture and potentially revise the Army Field Manual to allow harsh interrogations.3 On March 13, 2018, the President nominated Mike Pompeo to replace Rex Tillerson as Secretary of State, and Gina Haspel to replace Mr. Pompeo as Director of the CIA. Mr. Pompeo has made public statements in support of torture, most notably in response to the Senate Intelligence Committee’s 2014 report on the CIA’s use of torture on post-9/11 detainees,4 though his position appears to have altered somewhat by the time of his confirmation hearing for Director of the CIA, and Ms. Haspel’s history at black site Cat’s Eye in Thailand is controversial, particularly regarding her oversight of the torture of Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri5 as well as her role in the destruction of video tapes documenting the CIA’s use of enhanced interrogation techniques.6 In light of these actions, President Trump appears to be signaling his support for legalizing the Bush-era techniques applied to detainees arrested and interrogated during the war on terror. -
Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
Assessing Non-Consensual Human Experimentation During the War on Terror
ACEVES_FINAL(DO NOT DELETE) 11/26/2018 9:05 AM INTERROGATION OR EXPERIMENTATION? ASSESSING NON-CONSENSUAL HUMAN EXPERIMENTATION DURING THE WAR ON TERROR WILLIAM J. ACEVES* The prohibition against non-consensual human experimentation has long been considered sacrosanct. It traces its legal roots to the Nuremberg trials although the ethical foundations dig much deeper. It prohibits all forms of medical and scientific experimentation on non-consenting individuals. The prohibition against non-consensual human experimentation is now well established in both national and international law. Despite its status as a fundamental and non-derogable norm, the prohibition against non-consensual human experimentation was called into question during the War on Terror by the CIA’s treatment of “high-value detainees.” Seeking to acquire actionable intelligence, the CIA tested the “theory of learned helplessness” on these detainees by subjecting them to a series of enhanced interrogation techniques. This Article revisits the prohibition against non-consensual human experimentation to determine whether the CIA’s treatment of detainees violated international law. It examines the historical record that gave rise to the prohibition and its eventual codification in international law. It then considers the application of this norm to the CIA’s treatment of high-value detainees by examining Salim v. Mitchell, a lawsuit brought by detainees who were subjected to enhanced interrogation techniques. This Article concludes that the CIA breached the prohibition against non-consensual human experimentation when it conducted systematic studies on these detainees to validate the theory of learned helplessness. Copyright © 2018 William J. Aceves *Dean Steven R. Smith Professor of Law at California Western School of Law. -
Guantanamo and Citizenship: an Unjust Ticket Home
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 37 Issue 2 Article 19 2006 Guantanamo and Citizenship: An Unjust Ticket Home Rory T. Hood Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Rory T. Hood, Guantanamo and Citizenship: An Unjust Ticket Home, 37 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 555 (2006) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol37/iss2/19 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. GUANTANAMO AND CITIZENSHIP: AN UNJUST TICKET HOME? Rory T. Hood t "Trying to get Uganda to take an interest is pretty difficult; [JamalAbdul- lah Kiyemba has] been here since he was 14. 1 am asking the [Foreign Of- fice] whether they will allow him to apply for citizenship from Guan- tanamo Bay. If you are out of the countryfor more than two years, it can be counted against you. He probably has now been-but not of his own free will.' -Louise Christian - Atty. representing Jamal Abdullah Kiyemba I. INTRODUCTION Jamal Abdullah Kiyemba, Bisher al-Rawi, Jamil al-Banna, Shaker Abdur-Raheem Aamer, and Omar Deghayes are currently in the custody of the United States government at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.2 A citizen of Uganda, an Iraqi exile, a Jordanian refugee, a Saudi citizen, and a Libyan exile, respectively, these men form an unlikely group; yet, each share one common trait. -
Omar Khadr's Legal Odyssey: the Erasure of Child Soldier As a Legal
GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW(DO NOT DELETE) 4/18/2018 1:10 PM OMAR KHADR’S LEGAL ODYSSEY: THE ERASURE OF CHILD SOLDIER AS A LEGAL CATEGORY M. Mehdi Ali* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 348 II. FACTS .............................................................................................. 349 III. LEGAL BACKGROUND ..................................................................... 351 IV. LEGAL ARGUMENTS ........................................................................ 359 V. CONCLUSION ................................................................................... 367 * J.D., Stanford Law School; M.A., Stanford University; B.A., Stanford University. I am deeply grateful to my parents, Nisar and Mehnaz, and my wife, Sarah, for always encouraging me throughout my academic career. I am also thankful to my siblings, Hadi and Heraa, for their unwavering support, and for their excellent comments and suggestions to an earlier draft of this Article. Lastly, it was a great privilege to work with the editors at the Georgia Journal of International and Comparative Law, and I am indebted to them for their hard work and thoughtful feedback. 347 GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW (DO NOT DELETE) 4/18/2018 1:10 PM 348 GA. J. INT’L & COMP. L. [Vol. 46:347 I. INTRODUCTION After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, U.S. officials warned the American public that they were facing a “new kind of war.”1 The scale of the attacks, conducted by a foreign enemy on the American homeland, allowed the administration to exceed institutional restraints built into the political system. In the name of security, the government launched two wars, rounded up thousands of individuals on the basis of national origin, and dramatically altered long-held notions of liberty and due process. -
Muslims in the War on Terror Discourse
2014/15 29 ! Reading Power: Muslims in the War on Terror Discourse Dr. Uzma Jamil Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the International Centre for Muslim and Non- Muslim Understanding at the University of South Australia. ISLAMOPHOBIA STUDIES JOURNAL VOLUME 2, NO. 2, FALL 2014, PP. 29-42. Published by: Islamophobia Research and Documentation Project, Center for Race and Gender, University of California, Berkeley. Disclaimer: Statements of fact and opinion in the articles, notes, perspectives, etc. in the Islamophobia Studies Journal are those of the respective authors and contributors. They are not the expression of the editorial or advisory board and staff. No representation, either expressed or implied, is made of the accuracy of the material in this journal and ISJ cannot accept any legal responsibility or liability for any errors or omissions that may be made. The reader must make his or her own evaluation of the accuracy and appropriateness of those materials. 30 2014/15 Reading Power: Muslims in the War on Terror Discourse Dr. Uzma Jamil Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the International Centre for Muslim and Non-Muslim Understanding at the University of South Australia ABSTRACT: This paper analyzes the relationship between Muslims and the west defined at a particular moment in post 9/11 America and the war on terror context through a conversation in the novel The Submission (2011) by Amy Waldman. It critiques the construction of knowledge about Muslims and how this knowledge functions as part of a hegemonic discourse of Orientalism. The novel is about a public competition for an architectural design for a memorial marking the site of the World Trade Centre attacks in New York City. -
Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan
February 2002 Vol. 14, No. 2(G) AFGHANISTAN, IRAN, AND PAKISTAN CLOSED DOOR POLICY: Afghan Refugees in Pakistan and Iran “The bombing was so strong and we were so afraid to leave our homes. We were just like little birds in a cage, with all this noise and destruction going on all around us.” Testimony to Human Rights Watch I. MAP OF REFUGEE A ND IDP CAMPS DISCUSSED IN THE REPORT .................................................................................... 3 II. SUMMARY ............................................................................................................................................................................................... 4 III. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................................................................... 4 IV. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................................................................................ 6 To the Government of Iran:....................................................................................................................................................................... 6 To the Government of Pakistan:............................................................................................................................................................... 7 To UNHCR :............................................................................................................................................................................................... -
Enemy Combatants, the Courts, and the Constitution
Oklahoma Law Review Volume 56 Number 3 1-1-2003 Enemy Combatants, the Courts, and the Constitution Roberto Iraola Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/olr Part of the Criminal Procedure Commons, International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Roberto Iraola, Enemy Combatants, the Courts, and the Constitution, 56 OKLA. L. REV. 565 (2003), https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/olr/vol56/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by University of Oklahoma College of Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Oklahoma Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Oklahoma College of Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. OKLAHOMA LAW REVIEW VOLUME 56 FALL 2003 NUMBER 3 ENEMY COMBATANTS, THE COURTS, AND THE CONSTITUTION ROBERTO IRAOLA* L Introduction Three days after the September 11 attacks, when al Qaeda terrorists hijacked and crashed four commercial jetliners into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and the Pennsylvania countryside, killing over 3100 people,' Congress passed a joint resolution authorizing the use of military force against those responsible.2 President George W. Bush responded by sending troops to Afghanistan to fight al Qaeda and its supporter, the Taliban regime.' During the military operation that ensued, thousands of prisoners were captured by allied and American forces.4 Many of those captured are * Senior Advisor to the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Law Enforcement and Security, Department of the Interior. J.D., 1983, Catholic University Law School. The views expressed herein are solely those of the author. -
Beyond Preservation: Reconstructing Sites of Slavery, Reconstruction, and Segregation Charlotte Adams University of South Carolina
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2018 Beyond Preservation: Reconstructing Sites Of Slavery, Reconstruction, And Segregation Charlotte Adams University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Public History Commons Recommended Citation Adams, C.(2018). Beyond Preservation: Reconstructing Sites Of Slavery, Reconstruction, And Segregation. (Master's thesis). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/4880 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BEYOND PRESERVATION: RECONSTRUCTING SITES OF SLAVERY, RECONSTRUCTION, AND SEGREGATION by Charlotte Adams Bachelor of Arts University of South Carolina, 2016 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts in Public History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2018 Accepted by: Robert Weyeneth, Director of Thesis Lana A. Burgess, Reader Cheryl L. Addy, Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School © Copyright by Charlotte Adams, 2018 All Rights Reserved. ii Abstract The Secretary of the Interior’s Standards for the Treatment of Historic Properties define reconstruction as “the act or process of depicting, by means of new construction, the form, features, and detailing of a non-surviving site, landscape, building, structure, or object for the purpose of replicating its appearance at a specific period of time and in its historic location.”1 Reconstruction is a controversial treatment method among historic preservationists, so this thesis seeks to answer the question of why stewards of historic sites still choose to reconstruct nonextant buildings. -
MMCCS Public Lecture, Pugliese V2
MMCCS Public Lecture: “Black Sites, Redacted Bodies: The Torture and Death of Gul Rahman in the CIA Salt Pit” Date: Wednesday 19 October Time: 6:00pm-8:00pm Venue: Macquarie University, Y3A.212 Speaker: Associate Professor Joseph Pugliese About the Topic: In this paper, I examine the torture and death of Gul Rahman in the CIA secret prison/black site known as the Salt Pit, located in northern Kabul, Afghanistan. Virtually excised from the public record, his name and death are mentioned in a footnote of the Classified Response to the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Professional Responsibility Classified Report (2009). This report, prepared by Counsel for Jay S. Bybee, is a detailed and lengthy repost to the accusation made by the Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) that Judge Bybee’s memo (August 1, 2002) to Alberto R. Gonzales, Counsel to the President, authorised some forms of torture that contravened the U.S. Torture Statute, which defines torture and declares it to be a federal crime. In the course of my paper, I proceed to discuss the details of Gul Rahman’s torture and death in the CIA Salt Pit (in the context of the Bybee memo and his Counsel’s response to the OPR’s condemnatory report) in order to flesh out the relations of legal and governmental power that were instrumental in establishing U.S. regimes of torture and death in the CIA secret prisons. In delineating the forces that were operative in the torture and death of Rahman, I proceed to identify two intersecting modalities of violence – instrumental and gratuitous.