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German University League 1914-1915

GERMAN UNIVERSITY LEAGUE DEUTSCHER AKADEMIKER BUND

CONSTITUTION

TRUSTEES AND OFFICERS

BERICHT ÜBER DAS GESCHAEFTS-JAHR 1914-1915

ANHANG : To the Universities of America German Thoughts and Wishes for the New Year 1915 United States of Germany. Germany's Future

New York, November, 1915. GERMAN UNIVERSITY LEAGUE

CONSTITUTION Adopted at the Annual Meeting, October 30, 19!5

I. NAME The name of the organization is the GERMAN UNIVERSITY LEAGUE.

II. PURPOSES The purposes of the organization shall be: ( 1 ) To establish in the United States a well-organized center for former students at German Universities and other German Institutions of similar standards in Germany, Austria-Hungary and other countries. (2) To co-operate with every effort to strengthen the regard for the Germans and for their aims and ideals and to secure for them fair play and proper appreciation. (3) To correct misinformation about German conditions and problems by placing before educated Americans and before the press of this country reliable material bearing on German affairs.

III. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, ( 1 ) The affairs of the League shall be conducted by the Executive Committee, consisting of twenty members, who shall serve as Trustees of the League, divided into four classes of five members each. Five of them shall be elected, by ballot, at each annual meeting of the League, to replace the outgoing class and to take office at the expiration of the term of such out­ going class. They shall hold office for four years, or until the fourth annual meeting after their election. The Trustees shall have full power over, and general charge of the affairs, funds, and property of the League. It shall be their duty to carry out the purposes of the League according to its Con­ stitution. (2) Whenever one of the twelve districts, under which the members are at present registered, has fifty resident members, it must, at the first opportunity, be represented in the Executive Committee by at least one Trustee. Not less than sixteen members of the Executive Committee shall be elected from the "members" of the League. The balance may be elected from the "associate members." (3) The Executive Committee shall, as soon as may be after each annual meeting, elect from its own body as officers of the League: A President, two or more Vice-Presidents, a Treasurer, Assistant Treasurer, and a Recording Secretary, who shall hold office until the last Saturday of the succeeding October, and until their successors are elected. They may appoint as Executive Secretary any member or associate member of the League. The Trustees shall submit to the League a general report of the affairs of the League, which shall be printed and distributed to the members at least five days before the annual meeting, and shall report at other times if required. (4) The Executive Committee shall meet once a month, except during the months of June, July and August, and special meet­ ings may be called by order of the President. Seven members of the Executive 2 Committee shall constitute a quorum. (5) The Trustees may fill any vacancy in their body by election of a member to hold office until the next annual election. (6) The Trustees shall also have the right to elect such other mem­ bers of the League, as they deem advisable, to serve as Trustees for the remainder of the current business year.

IV. PRESIDENT The President shall preside at the meetings of the League or of the Trustees and shall attend to the duties incumbent upon this office. In case of his absence one of the Vice-Presidents shall act in his place. No President shall be elected to succeed himself.

V. TREASURER AND ASSISTANT TREASURER The Treasurer or Assistant Treasurer shall collect all dues and shall keep the accounts of the League and report thereon at each regular meeting of the Trustees. He shall pay all approved bills. All checks, contracts and other obligations of the League shall be signed or certified to by the Executive Secretary, or an Assistant Executive Secretary appointed by him, and counter­ signed by the Treasurer or Assistant Treasurer.

VI. RECORDING SECRETARY AND EXECUTIVE SECRETARY (a) The Recording Secretary shall give notice of all meetings of the League and of the Trustees and shall keep minutes of such meetings. He shall notify persons elected to membership of their election. (b) The Executive Secretary shall conduct the correspondence and keep the records of the League and of the Trustees. He shall be the keeper of the seal of the League. He shall be an ex-officio member of the Executive Committee and of the sub-committees. He shall supervise the publishing and circulation of all pamphlets that have been approved by the Executive Com­ mittee. He shall attend to the official communications of the League, which shall be countersigned by the President or, in his absence, by one of the other officers. In case he is prevented from performing these duties, the Recording Secretary shall take his place temporarily.

VII. COMMITTEE ON ADMISSIONS. ELECTION OF MEMBERS There shall be a Committee on Admissions, to consist of five Trustees. The name and residence of every person proposed for admission, with the name of the member proposing, shall be referred to the Committee on Admissions. It shall be the duty of the committee to vote upon each name separately and by ballot. On the election of each new member the committee shall notify the Recording Secretary of the League.

VIII. MEETINGS AND ELECTIONS There shall be an annual meeting of the League on the last Saturday in October of each year. At the annual meeting to be held on the last Saturday of October, 1915, twenty members shall be elected by ballot, who shall constitute the Trustees and who shall hold office, as provided in Article III of this Constitution, and thereafter at each annual meeting five members, only one of whom may be an associate member, shall be elected by ballot as members of the Executive Committee (to replace the outgoing class). Their 3 term of office shall be four years. Vacancies in the other classes shall also be filled at such a meeting by ballot. A majority of the votes cast shall be necessary to elect. Members, who are not residents of the city, where the meeting is held, may vote by proxy. Such proxy must be certified by the Treasurer or Assistant Treasurer, and the Recording or Executive Secretary. (2) Officers of the Executive Committee shall hold office during the term for which they are elected and until their successors are chosen. (3) If any vacancy shall occur in the Executive Committee, such vacancy may be filled by election, by ballot, at a special meeting of the League, to be called by the Trustees, provided that at least ten days' notice of such elections shall have been mailed. (4) Upon the written request of fifty members, the Trustees shall call a special meeting of the League, which request, as also the notice of any special meeting, shall state the object for which the meeting is called, and at a special meeting no subject not so stated shall be considered. Fifty members, voting in person or by proxy, shall constitute a quorum at any meeting of the League. All meetings shall preferably be conducted in the German language, but the use of the German language shall be optional with each speaker.

IX. QUALIFICATIONS OF MEMBERS Any person nominated for membership after November I, 1915, who has studied at a German University or at other German Institutions of similar standards in Germany, Austria-Hungary or other countries, shall be eligible Co membership in this League. Any person nominated after November 1, 1915, (a) who is a graduate of an American University or College, (b) who has shown to the satisfaction of the Committee on Admissions an intelli­ gent interest in the aims and purposes of this League, shall be eligible to associate membership in this League. Such associate members are. entitled to all the privileges of the League, with the exception of the right to vote. As to persons nominated for membership before November 1, 1915, the provision adopted on February 3, 1914, shall apply.

X. RESIGNATION, SUSPENSION AND EXPULSION (a) Resignation of membership must be made to the Executive Secretary in writing. (b) Any member may be suspended or expelled for cause by vote of three-fifths of all the members of the Executive Committee, fifteen days' previous notice in writing having been given to the member of the charges preferred against him. Any action under this article may be revoked or modified by subsequent vote of the Executive Committee.

XI. DUES The annual dues shall be $2 for members and associate members and are payable not later than thirty days after notice has been given, otherwise loss of the membership may result.

XII. COMMITTEE ON LITERATURE AND ART The committee, under the direction of the Executive Committee, shall have charge of and regulate the publication of all pamphlets and books and the exhibit of all works of art and craft arranged for by the League, and shall have the power to solicit and receive donations. 4 XIII. THE FINANCE AND AUDITING COMMITTEES The Executive Committee shall appoint a Finance Committee, whose members shall supervise the finances of the League. The accounts of the League must be audited once a year by three members, who do not belong to the Finance Committee and who are to be appointed by the President.

XIV. COMMITTEE ON LECTURES This committee, under the direction of the Executive Committee, shall have charge of the arrangements for lectures.

XV. COMMITTEE ON UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES The Committee on Universities and Colleges shall have charge of the official relations between the GERMAN UNIVERSITY LEAGUE and American Universities and Colleges.

XVI. RULES OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE AND SUB-COMMITTEES The Executive Committee and each of the sub-committees shall each have power to make rules for its government.

XVII. NOTICE TO MEMBERS Every member shall give to the Recording Secretary a mail address, to which all notices and communications to be sent under the constitution or rules or otherwise shall be directed.

XVIII. NOMINATING COMMITTEE It shall be the duty of the Nominating Committee to receive Nominations for Trustees between October 1, and October 15, of each year. Anybody who has been nominated by at least five members shall be a candidate and the names shall be sent to the members at least six days previous to the annual meeting, so that they may vote at the meeting for their choice, either in person or by proxy, as provided for. XIX. AMENDMENTS The Constitution may be amended at any meeting of the League, annual or special, by a vote of two-thirds of the members present, in person or proxy. The Executive Secretary shall cause notices of proposed amendments to be printed and sent to each member at least ten days before such a meeting.

5 TRUSTEES Elected to serve from one to four 'Sears Ernst Bilhuber R. Pagenstecher Dr. H. J. Boldt Prof. W. W. Rockwell Prof. A. Busse H. C. A. Seebohm Louis Doelling Carl L. Schurz F. Haas Dr. Hugo Schweitzer M. R. Hein Prof. W. R. Shepherd Dr. Hugo Kirbach H. E. Stoehr Dr. Henry G. Krause Prof. Camillo von Klenze Dr. U. D. Marquardt Dr. Edmund von Mach Hon. Charles Nagel Dr. F. Zimmermann

Elected to serve for the current year Prof. Starr Willard Cutting W. S. McNeill Ad. K. Fischer Dr. Anton Schoen Louis Guenzel F. Stallforth G. Steinhagen

OFFICERS FOR 1915-1916 President Camillo Von Klenze Vice-Presidents M. R. Hein William R. Shepherd Treasurer H. G A. Seebohm Assistant Treasurer R. Pagenstecher Recording Secretary; Hugo Kirbach Executive Secretary) O. J. Merkel

6 Bericht ueber die Taetigkeit des Deutschen Akademiker Bundes im ersten Geschäftsjahre 1914-1915

/ NEW YORK, November, 1915.

GEEHRTE MITGLIEDER: Der Deutsche Akademiker Bund hat im \erflossenen Jahre baharrlich seine Ziele verfolgt, trotz mannigfaltiger Schwierigkeiten. Heute umfasst der Bund 657 Mitglieder, davon 361 im New York Distrikt, 46 im Chicago Distrikt, 1 32 im Philadelphia Distrikt, und 1 1 7 in den 9 anderen der durch die vorjaehrige Gesetzgebung geschaffenen Federal Reserve Distrikte. Im Folgenden sei in Kuerze der Versuch gemacht zu zeigen, wie der Bund vorging, um an der Verbreitung des Verstaendnisses deutschen Wesens und deutscher Ziele, sowie an der Bekaempfung herrschender Missverstaendnisse teilzunehmen, und um den Zusammenschluss derer herbeizufuehren, die in diesem Lande sich im Dankgefuehl fuer die an deutschen Universitaeten und Hochschulen erworbenen Bildungsgueter vereinen koennen. Als erstes Rundschreiben wurde der von Ernst Haeckel und Rudolf Eucken seiner Zeit den amerikanischen Universitaeten gewidmete Brief an die Presidenten und Dekane dieser Anstalten gesandt, mit der Bitte um Stel­ lungnahme oder um Anfragen zu dem Inhalt dieses Briefes. Viele von den zahlreichen Antworten gaben ihr Erstaunen ueber gewisse, auf Englands Politik bezuegliche scharfe Aeusserungen Haeckels und Euckens Ausdruck. Der Bund legte seinen Standpunkt wie folgt klar: "Those of us who live at such a distance from the center of events find naturally great difficulty in sympathizing with the extreme views expressed by those actually involved. We are disappointed if we see men whom we found reason to respect far away from the Horacean 'festina lente,' but might we suggest aspects of that passionate German point of view revealed in the sentences you quote, aspects possibly not establishing their scientific truth, but rather their deep-seated humanity? Professor Eucken and Professor Haeckel stand, the one for scientific idealism, the other one for idealistic science. What influence either of them now has is due more to their great human qualities than to their specific accomplishment in exact science. Their beautiful and lovable enthusiasm— founded, to be sure, on thorough knowledge of their special branches—has won for them the respect and admiration they now enjoy. Turning to the English White Papers (No. 123) and finding that on August 1, three days before the declaration of war by England, Lichnowsky could get from Grey, in case of Germany's respecting Belgian neutrality, no assurance of English neutrality, and then turning to the August 1st telegram of Bethmann-Hollweg to Lichnowsky (still three days before the British declaration of war), in which he agrees not to proceed against France, if England remained neutral and guaranteed French neutrality, may we ask how you yourself would characterize the attitude of the British Cabinet in declaring war, three days later, on account of the alleged violation of Belgium's neutrality? And how would you yourself, if you were already on the defensive against two dangerous enemies, feel, should a third, still more powerful one, attack you under such a pretext? Might not overstatements easily result under pressure of such events? 8 We rather believe that every nation has acted on the "well-recognized principle of the right and supreme duty to protect national safety." (British Foreign Office, August 31.) Unfortunately, the blunt and truthful statement of the German chancellor in excusing the wrong done to Belgium on the score of necessity makes a less favorable impression on the world than the much smoother and, owing to centuries of continuous world diplomacy, much more evasive way of the English government in stating reasons for its actions. But to just such men as Eucken and Haeckel the hedging ways of English diplomacy must be very irritating. We believe that the strong German feeling against England is solely due to the actions of the ruling English oligarchy. There are far too many points of deepest sympathy—we only mention Shakespeaie—between the two nations to make the present feeling -more than a temporary one. For our part, we shall certainly try to avoid everything that might widen the existing breach. On the contrary, we shall use every opportunity to re-establish the good will between the peoples, which, as we see it, has been wantonly destroyed by a British government thoroughly imbued with the thought of world domination." Zweifel an der Berechtigung von Deutschlands "self-defense" wider­ legten wir durch Hinweis auf die Stellungnahme amerikanischer Autoritaeten in dieser Frage, wie folgt: "Daniel Webster has defined the law of necessity in international relations as it affects the question of neutrality in a message to Lord Ashburton on August 6, 1842 (Webster's Works, volume 6, page 301). 'Undoubtedly it is just, that, while it is admitted that exceptions growing out of the great law of self-defense do exist, those exceptions should be con­ fined to cases in which the necessity of that self-defense is instant, overwhelming, and leaving no choice of means and no moment for deliberation.' Senator Elihu Root has given the best explanation of the declaration of war against Russia and against France. In an address made by him last spring, as President of the American Society of International Law, he said (July number of the American Journal of International Law) : 'It is well understood that the exercise of the right of self-protection may and frequently does extend in its effect beyond the limits of the territorial jurisdiction of the State exercising it. The strongest example probably would be the mobilization of an army by another power immediately across the frontier. Every act done by the other power may be within its own territory. Yet the country threatened by the state of facts is justified in protecting itself by immediate war.' " Im Anschluss daran seien einige Saetie aus einer Korrespondenz erwaehnt, die der Bund mit Prof. T. C. Smith, Williams College, fuehrte, anlaesslich seines Artikels "Germany's Plan of Campaign." Auf ein dies­ bezügliches Schreiben erhielten wir folgende Antwort: "The original paper, of which scarcely more than an abstract was pub­ lished in the Times, was in substance a defence of the Germans from the charge of insincerity and also from the accusation of purposely provoking this war for the sake of world conquest. I insisted that it was an impossibility for a whole nation to assume and maintain a mere pose for the intended deception of mankind and that if the Germans said they were attacked, etc., they undoubtedly actually thought so. The reason why this is not accepted by the world is because, as my paper points out, the German idea of the European balance of power is based on a particular belief in the necessity to their country of a military supremacy 9 and a belief that any step which may conceivably put this in jeopardy is a cause for war. Your two citations are matters of course, but the difficulty in their application to the present situation is that none but Germans can see that, in either the case of Russian mobilization or Belgium invasion, was the crisis sufficiently acute to warrant the terrible responsibility of beginning war. The Germans undoubtedly believe that it was, but they have not convinced anybody else as yet; the reason being that the German belief in their military necessity is not accepted outside Germany as a valid ground. My paper is in no sense anti-German. I think I can appreciate the German point of view, but only because I happen to have studied it, in the course of my profession; not because I regard it as in this case justified by the circumstances. (Signed) T. C. SMITH." Worauf wir erwiderten: "In years to come, when our inevitable, inherent sympathies will have lost, to a great extent, their present strong influence, it will be to men like yourself that we may look for a careful balancing of the pros and cons affecting the origin of the present war. Naturally, we, who are so intimately familiar with German thoughts and ideals, feel that more than sufficient justification for defensive action had been given—more than sufficient when we consider present-day standards, taking those of the average human being rather than these of a few pathfinders and idealists." Wie der Zweck des Bundes von Manchen missverstanden wurde, zeigt der nachfolgende Brief eines Universitaetspraesidenten : "We are coming to a time in the United States when we shall insist that those who come to us to share in the beneficent results of good government shall attend to their knitting in this country and not begin organizing leagues, whose only purpose can be to weaken the allegiance of our foreign-born people to the land of their adoption." Worauf der Bund in seinem Antwortschreiben bemerkte: "It is just the wish for the observation of that strict neutrality desired by you which prompts us to attempt to place such reliable information as we have before the intellectual leaders of this country. Only one familiar with the different aspects of the European situation can have that equilibrium of opinion necessary to maintain a neutral spirit. May we say that our league has many members of old American stock and that the citizenship of those Americans who are of German extraction has always been second to none? In 1688, Pastorius and the Pennsylvania settlers of German parentage first protested against slavery. Ever since the men of German blood have shown a single-minded devotion to the ideals of this country. We are persuaded that the deep patriotic feeling, which êaused an unusually high percentage of Germans to enlist under Lincoln, is still as strong as ever, and that such an organization as ours is conceived in the finest spirit of Americanism, as characterized by Carl Schurz : "My country, right or wrong; if right to be kept right, if wrong to be set right." Mit Genugtuung erhielten wir folgende anerkennende Antwort: "I am free to say that I have a different opinion of your organization and its purposes since reading what you have so well presented. I have the opinion that you and I are not very far apart in our views as to the proper attitude of our people toward the deplorable condition of affairs now existing in Europe. I send you personal regard and best wishes." 10 Die Stellung des Bundes zu politischen Tagesfragen ist in folgenden Saetzen festgelegst worden: "We shall keep away from purely political questions. In an occasionally unavoidable political discussion it would, we feel, weaken our position, should we engage in partisan criticism. It seems essential for the success of our organization to refrain as much as possible from personalities. It will always be our endeavor to state the truth so forcefully that the conclusions do not have to be pointed out but that they are self-evident." Eine haeufig wiederkehrende Kritik wurde in einem Briefe wie folgt ausgedrueckt : "So far as your league is an association of educated Germans, who have come to this country, I have no right to criticise. So far as it includes Americans, who have studied in German universities, it seems to me one-sided. Although I am doctor of a German university, I also spent a year in the Ecole de Science Politique in Paris, and some little time in London. It is right and reasonable that the views and expositions of the German government and German people should be made known in this country. What I do object to is the effort, if it be an effort, to set aside Americans who formerly studied in Germany, as natural defenders and protagonists of the German cause. I have for many years been accustomed to think high of Germany and the Germans, and am very sensible of the advantages of my studies there." Als Antwort auf derartige Einwaende schrieben wir: "Your point of view is being appreciated by all of us who have at heart a good understanding between the United States and Germany, an under­ standing which will insure a co-operation between everything that is best in the two countries, without involving a less complete understanding with either France or any other nation. While immediate necessities have caused the organization of our League, its ultimate importance has never been lost sight of, and its ultimate importance is, of course, the one stated in our original circular as our first and our last purpose: 'To establish in the United States a well-organized center for former students at universities in Germany and Austria-Hungary. To correct misinformation about German conditions and problems by placing before educated Americans, and before the press of this country, reliable material bearing on German affairs.' We have never assumed 'Americans who formerly studied in Germany as natural defenders and protagonists of the German cause,' but we have assumed that they are likely, just as you say of yourself, to be accustomed 'to think high of Germany and Germans.' And in that sense these Americans should be considered as persons who might gladly co-operate with our endeavors to further in this country an understanding of German aims, problems and conditions."

Trotzdem das zweite im Februar ausgeschickte Rundschreiben, fuer welches wir die Rudolf Euckenschen Neujahrsgedanken als Beilage gewaehlt hatten, nicht in derselben Weise wie das erste auf Gegenaeusserungen rechnete, so kamen doch auf dieses Zirkular 97 Antworten aus 36 verschiedenen Staaten. Die erhaltenen Antworten waren fast durchweg entgegenkommend; wir bringen hier einige der typischen Briefe: ' "College of the City of New York." "The letter of Professors Eucken and Haeckel I have read with deep interest, and I thank you for sending me the extracts from Professor Eucken's 'German Thoughts and Wishes for the New Year, 1915.' We shall be glad to receive and place in our reading rooms at the college any literature you may 11 send which may help to further the cause of peace in Europe, to attain which end be assured of our hearty co-operation. (Signed) S. E. MEZES." (President). "Leland Stanford Junior University." "In response to your kind letter of February 1 7, permit me to say that I shall personally be pleased to receive any documents you may be pleased to send. The same is true of the library reading room, under the direction of Mr. George T. Clark, and of the library of the Stanford Union, under the direction of Prof. E. W. Smith. I sincerely hope that the war will soon come to an end, as I do not believe that any good, either political or any other kind, will come from its continuance that will for a moment stand against the destruction of the countries that is going on now. (Signed) DAVID STARR JORDAN." (Chancellor). "University of Chicago." "Your favors of the 16th and 17th of February were duly received. They should have been answered long since. I have seen the statement of Prince Lichnowsky, and I have also seen Sir Edward Grey's reply to it, as found in the American Journal of Inter- national Lare, for January, 1915. Of course, I understand the English situation as well as the German. The English were convinced apparently that if they did not come to the aid of France their turn would come next, and they preferred not to be taken in detail. At the same time I make large allowance for the excitement which war always brings; but we Americans, whatever our ancestry, ought not to join in that excitement. I shall be glad to have you send any of your material to the university, and it will be given attention by many who are interested in this subject. It is perfectly fair for those whose sympathies are with any of the warring powers to lay their case before the public. I only feel that Americans, while their sympathies may be with one or the other of the parties, should not share the animosities which the war has generated, and which wars always tend to generate, and should remember that their first duty is to the United States, and not to any European power. This I am confident is the attitude of the great mass of our American citizens of German origin. (Signed) HENRY PRATT JUDSON." (President). "University of Notre Dame," Indiana. "In reply to your letter of February 1 7, I desire to say that I shall very gladly receive for our reading rooms whatever printed matter you desire to send us. I may inform you that both sides in this lamentable war seem to be carrying on a very active propaganda among our universities. I think it only fair to lay both sides impartially before faculty and students. (Sigsed) JOHN CAVANAUGH, C. S. C." (President). "Cornell University." "Your letter of February 1 7, enclosing a copy of remarks by Eucken, on the general question of the war, was received some time since. As I am no longer Dean of the Graduate School, I have forwarded the letter to Professor J. E. Creighton, who now holds that position. 12 It occurs to me that you might be willing to send the printed matter which you are distributing to our University Club. I am inclined to think that it would do more good there than in the regular reading rooms. The club includes among its members by far the greater number of our faculty members as well as numerous resident alumni and others interested in higher education (550 in all). Personally I should be very glad to have the club upon your mailing list. The address is simply the University Club, Central Avenue, Campus, Ithaca, N. Y. If we may judge by ihe extract from Eucken as to the character of the literature that is to be distributed, I think that it cannot help doing good. I sincerely hope, however, that the League will refrain from circulating that type of literature which attempts to influence the reader in favor of Germany by abusing her enemies. I have not joined the League, although a former student in a German university, because I feared that through the League there might be added simply another agency for a kind of publicity that is doing far more harm than good to the German cause. (Signed) ERNEST MERRITT."

"Smith College." "Let me thank you for your communication of February 1 7. I know Professor Eucken personally and have found his writings stimulating and most helpful. My purpose in writing to you is to answer your direct question by saying that I should be pleased to have you send, from time to time, to the Smith College library any printed matter which you may desire to distribute. We are always eager to learn the facts and to know the truth. I ought to say frankly and candidly that there is considerable discussion and sentiment in regard to the question involved. Nevertheless, we are always eager to hear what both sides have to say. Believe me, (Signed) M. L. BURTON." (President). "Brown University," Providence, R. I. "I thank you for sending me a copy of Professor Eucken's 'German Thoughts and Wishes for the New Year, 1915.' It is wholly unlike his former utterance, which so awakened the wonder of his disciples in America. I must believe that the professors in German universities, in due time, will come to agree with him. His warning against racial pride, against a narrow national life, his exhortation to preserve intimate relations with all mankind, and to keep the whole of humanity in mind—all these utterances will find warm response in our American universities. I hope the same sentiments may come to prevail in Great Britain and France and all European nations. If we can preach and teach such doctrines as earnestly as the doctrines of Bernhardi have been preached in some quarters, international amity and concord must inevitably follow. I beg you to circulate Professor Eucken's words as widely as possible. I shall read the copy you have sent me to all our faculty. (Signed) W. H. P. FAUNCE." (President).

President Arthur T. Hadley, Yale University, dem wir fuer seine Treitschke-Studie in der Yak-Revier» gedankt hatten, schrieb: "I cannot forbear thanking you for the kind note of appreciation from the members of the German University League. For a man who has so many ties as I have both in Germany and in England, the difficulty of saying things 13 that will satisfy either group is very great; and it is a matter of the utmost pleasure that the members of a league, like the one which you represent, feel the careful appreciation of Treitschke and do not resent the straightforward criticism that accompanies it. (Signed) ARTHUR T. HADLEY." (President).

Zwei Fragen sind uns im Laufe des Jahres haeufig zur Beantwortung vorgelegt worden. Sie betrafen "atrocities" and "submarines." Wir haben diese Fragen, denen meist Vorwurf und Vorurteil anzufuehlen war, etwa wie folgt beantwortet: "May we be permitted to say that we do not believe that at this time one should single out any of the belligerent nations for accusations of atrocities and excesses, unfortunately incidental to war. Do you not think it most remark­ able considering that nearly 12,000,000 men are now active on various battle­ fields, that we have heard so little about outrages? Ini times of peace, when no weapons of destruction are generally accessible, and when passions are largely controlled, the yearly cases of lawless conduct amount, according to generally accepted statistical figures, to about 3}/?% of the total population. It appears, at least to us, that the sense of responsibility, constantly impressed upon their soldiers by the leaders of all modern armies, had decreased or lessened even that percentage of excess, which we, of necessity, should have to reckon with in armies so vast in numbers." "Germany volunteered to meet the wishes of the world in the most liberal fashion, provided England would do the same. Unfortunately Great Britain still seems to labor under the misconception that the starving of German women and children through means of a 'cordon' of cruisers, interfering with all shipping, is both humane and a promising method of warfare. Neither 'submarine' nor 'cordon' have any precedents in international law. In their March 30th note to the British government the United States said that they were 'not oblivious to the great changes which have occurred in the conditions and means of naval warfare since the rules hitherto governing legal blockade were formulated. It (the government of the United States) might be ready to admit that the old form of 'close' blockade * * * is no longer practic­ able in the face of an enemy possessing the means and opportunities to make an effective defensive by the use of submarines, mines and air craft.' From the dangers of submarines there is the simple escape of staying at home; from the dangers of starvation, owing to 'cordon' methods, there is an escape only thanks to the miscalculation of the allies as to the spirit and the resources of the German people." Die vier Flugblaetter, die wir bis jetzt veroe/fentlichten—ihre Verbreitung ist natuerlich nicht auf Universitaeten beschraenkt geblieben—sind die folgenden: "To the Universities of America." Von Rudolf Eucken und Ernst Haeckel. "German Thoughts and Wishes for the New Year, 1915." Von Rudolf Eucken. "United States of Germany" aus "The European War"- von John W. Burgess. "Germany's Future." Von Karl Lamprecht. Sie sind in diesem Bericht als Anhang abgedruckt. 14 Für die den Kriegsbeginn behandelnden diplomatischen Akten Belgiens, Deutschlands, Englands, Frankreichs, Oesterreich-Ungarns und Russlands wurde von dem Executiv-Sekretaer ein Verzeichnis entworfen, um ihr Studium zu erleichtern. Dieser Index wurde unter dem Titel, "Analysis of Diplomatie Papers, etc.," publiziert. Herr Dr. von Mach ist jetzt damit beschaeftigt, eine sorgfaeltig schematisierte Gesammtausgabe dieser diplomatischen Urkunden, einschliesslich derer Serbiens, herauszugeben. Dieses Buch duerfte an den Universitaeten, Colleges und unter den interessierten Kreisen das Nach­ schlagewerk für das Studium dieses Materials werden, da es dasselbe denkbar vereinfachen wird. Ausserdem wurden bisher folgende Schriften von uns veröffentlicht oder verteilt : "Can Germany Be Starved into Submission?" Dr. H. Schweitzer. 1 Exemplar 5 c. "The German Woman and Modern Problems." Privy-Councillor Dr. Meyer-Gerhardt. 1 Exemplar 5c. "Die Zukunft der deutschen Kultur in1 Amerika." Prof. Camillo von Klenze. 1 Exemplar 5c. "Race and Veracity." Dr. W. M. Schultz. 1 Exemplar 5c. "Sir Edward's Evidence." Dr. Edmund von Mach. 1 Exemplar 5c. "Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg's Speech." 5 Exemplare 10c. "Protection of Neutral Rights at Sea." Prof. W. R. Shepherd. 1 Exemplar 25c. Wir haben gelegentlich die Zeitschrift "Issues and Events" durch Bei- traege unterstuetzt, die auf neue Buecher deutscher Autoren ueber Zeitfragen basiert waren. Folgende Artikel wurden bisher von uns geliefert, die mit Ausnahme des letzten vom Executiv-Sekretaer des Bundes ausgearbeitet und uebersetzt worden sind. "Right Is Might." Von Franz von List. "L'Afrique Mineure." Von Prof. Georg Kampffmeyer. "Comparison of the Armies of the European Belligerents." Von Ludwig Roselius. "The War and Social Democracy." Von Anton Fendrich. "Woman and War." Von Gertrud Baeumer. "Russia, the Sphinx." Von Axel Schmidt. "Free Seas." Von G. von Schulze-Gaevernitz. "Austria-Hungary's Awakening." Von Richard Charmatz. "War and Culture." Von Karl Lamprecht. "The Service Year for Women." Von Helene Lange. "The Nations of Europe." Von E. P. Horrwitz. Wir haben uns noch an manchen anderen Veroeffentlichungen energisch beteiligt, stets die Ziele vor Augen, deren Erfuellung uns allen am Herzen liegt, vor allem das beste Einverstaendnis zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und Deutschland. Andere, seit dem zweiten ausgeschickte Zirkulare haben die angeknuepften Beziehungen weiter befestigt, und unsere Drucksachen haben durchweg dank­ bare Aufnahme gefunden. Bei der dritten Jahresversammlung der "Intercollegiate League of German Clubs," die in Yale University stattfand, sind wir mit dieser Vereinigung von aktiven Studenten in Beziehungen getreten, was fuer die Verbreitung unserer IS Schriften an den Universitären sehr vorteilhaft sein duerfte, und auch fuer spaeter aufzunehmende, deutsche und amerikanische Studenten betreffende Austauschplaene von Wert erscheint. Die Versammlung drueckte ihre Bewunderung aus fuer die "bravery and steadfastness of their fellow students in Germany," und die Hoffnung, dass die herzlichen Beziehungen zwischen amerikanischen und deutschen Studenten fortbestehen wuerden. Auf unsere Anregung hin wurde dem allgemeinen Beschluss die Bemerkung hinzugefuegt : "Americans, whatever their sympathies in the present war, should in no wise share the animosities generated by it. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit hat der Bund oeffentlichen Vortraegen zu­ gewandt, teils solchen, die eine offene Diskussion gestattend, sich am besten zur Vermittlung des Verstaendnisses deutscher Tagesfragen eignen, teils solchen, die als Bildungsmittel dienen und dadurch das Interesse fuer deutsches Wesen foerdern. Das Hauptergebniss .unserer darauf hinzielenden Bemuehungen ist in dem folgenden fuer New York bestimmten Aufruf ausgedrueckt : "In ernster Zeit unternimmt der Deutsche Akademiker Bund die Ein- fuehrung der Kurse zur Verbreitung deutscher Bildung, Volkshochschulkurse, die in stiller Arbeit das Verstaendniss der deutschen Sprache und des deutschen Wesens foerdern sollen. Wer deutschen Blutes ist, und v/er deutschen Geist versteht, hat sich aufgebaeumt gegen den Feldzug der Verlaeumdung, der wider das Deutschtum gefuehrt worden ist. In gemeinsamer Arbeit liegt die beste Moeglichkeit der Versoehnung von Gegensaetzen. Der Amerikaner deutscher Abkunft wird auch weiterhin der neuen Heimat seine Dankbarkeit in Guetern der Erziehung und der Bildung erweisen und dadurch gleichzeitig das Erbe des alten Vater- und Mutterlandes Pflegen. Aus diesem Geiste sind die Volkshochschulkurse erwachsen, unter Aus­ schaltung jeder besonderen politischen oder religioesen Richtung. Sie wenden sich an Maenner und Frauen. Um allen zugaenglich zu sein, ist der Ein­ trittspreis auf $1 fuer einen Kursus von sechs Vortraegen festgesetzt. Die Kurse werden in 311 4th Avenue, dem frueheren Gebaeude der Packard- Schule, abgehalten werden. Unter den zunaechst vorgesehenen Kursen erwaehnen wir die folgenden: Die Nibelungen und die deutsche Dichtung. Prof. A. Busse. Germanische Voelkerkunde. Prof. E. P. Horrwitz. Entwicklung der Demokratie in Nordamerika und Deutschland in 19ten Jahrhundert. Dr. H. Lufft. Notenbankwessen. Dr. V. Homburger. Nietzsche. Dr. Traugott Boehme. Soziale Bestrebungen in der deutschen Literatur des 19ten Jahrhunderts. Dr. Henry Schulze." Die Anregung zu den Volkshochschulkursen kam von unserem Mitgliede Herrn Dr. H. Lufft. Da kaum etwas anderes so leicht Sympathien zwischen Nationen schafft wie die schoenen Kuenste, so haben wir selbstverstaendlich besondere Sorgfalt diesem Gebiet zugewandt, wenn auch waehrend des Krieges die Hemmung des Verkehrs unseren Absichten sehr hinderlich sein wird. In New York wurde dem Bunde fuer diesen Zweck durch die Guete einiger Mitglieder ein Atelier "The Ark" 311 4th Avenue, zur Verfuegung gestellt, wo u.a. auch Ausstellungen deutscher Kunst und deutschen Kunst- 16 handwerks abgehalten werden sollen. Die Vorsitzende des Ausschusses, der sich damit beschaeftigt, ist Frl. Katherine H. Dreier. Am 22 November veranstaltet der Bund in New York einen Abend "Das Volkslied in Deutschland und den deutschen Sprachbezirken Oesterreichs," um fuer diese jetzt durch den Krieg zu neuer Bedeutung gelangte Volkskunst Liebe und Interesse zu erwecken. Dieses Konzert wuerde sich vielleicht gut zur Wiederholung in anderen Staedten eignen. Mit dem "Kulturbund Deutscher Gelehrter und Kuenstler," im Gebaeude der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin, haben wir freundschaftliche Be­ ziehungen angeknuepft, die auf unsere Taetigkeit sehr befruchtend wirken duerften. Unter den Mitgliedern des Kulturbundes sind die leitenden Koepfe der deutschen Wissenschaft und Kunst. Wir erhalten regelmaessig die Veroeffentlichungen des Bundes, die wir in Zukunft hier verbreiten werden. Selbstverstaendlich senden auch wir dem Bunde unsere Veroeffentlichungen ein. Die Jahresversammlung des Deutschen Akademiker Bundes fand am 30 Oktober im Hotel Waldorf-Astoria statt. Das Resultat der Wahlen sowie die bestaetigten Statuten sind vorstehend wiedergegeben Bei der glaenzend besuchten Abendversammlung fuehrte Herr Prof. W. R. Shepherd den Vorsitz. Die Hauptredner des Abends waren Dr. Ernest Flagg Henderson, Hon. Charles Nagel und Prof. M. J. Bonn. Die Ansprachen der Herren werden den Mitgliedern im Sonderdruck zugehen. Der Deutsche Akademiker Bund hat versucht den vorgesteckten Zielen naeherzukommen. Um auf dem begonnenen Wege fortzufahren, ist weiterhin die ernste Mitarbeit Aller notwendig. Viele unserer Mitglieder haben im verflossenen Jahre schon aufs beste geholfen durch Mitarbeit und durch finanzielle Unterstuetzungen. Ihnen Allen gebuehrt unser herzlichster Dank. Was im abgelaufenen Jahr getan wurde, hat eine Ausgabe von etwa $4,000 erfordert. Dies war natuerlich nur dank vieler freiwilliger Arbeit und mancher kostenloser Materiallieferung moeglich. Es sind im ganzen ueber 3,000 Briefe, mehr als 7,000 Zirkulare und weit ueber 20,000 Drucksachen ausgeschickt Worden. Die Mitglieder des Bundes in den einzelnen Bezirken und Staedten wuerden den Zielen des Bundes sehr helfen, wenn sie sich hin und wieder zu geselliger Besprechung zusammenfaenden, wie es z.B. in Milwaukee dank des regen Interesse des Herrn Dr. C. Baum wiederholt geschehen ist. Unser President, Herr Prof. Camillo von Klenze, hat wohl Allen aus dem Herzen gesprochen, wenn er in seinem Annahmeschreiben sagte, dass der Deutsche Akademiker Bund ein seltenes Feld der Wirksamkeit vor sich haette. Der Wahlspruch des Bundes, der von unseren Mitglied Hon. Charles Nagel stammt, wird nach wie vor bleiben: "The truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth!" Mit akademischem Gruss, O. J. MERKEL, Executiv-SeJtretaer.

17 BULLETIN NO. 1. TO THE UNIVERSITIES OF AMERICA In this time when half of the world is warring on Germany, we Germans derive great benefit from the idea of our being sure of the friendly feeling of the American universities. If from any quarter of the world, it must be from them that we expect the right comprehension of the present situation and present attitude of Germany. Numerous American scholars who received their scientific training at our universities have convinced themselves of the quality and the peaceful tendency of German, work, the exchange of scientists has proved of deepening influence on the mutual understanding, the lasting intercourse of scholarly research gives us the feeling of being members of one great community. This is why we entertain the hope that the scientific circles of America will not give credit to the libels our enemies propagate against us. Those libels above all accuse Germany of having brought about the present war, she being responsible for the monstrous struggle which is extending more and more over the whole world. The truth points to the contrary. Our foes have disturbed us in our peaceful work, forcing the war upon us very much against our desire. We are at a righteous war for the preservation of our existence and at the same time of sacred goods of humanity. The murder at Serajevo was not our work; it was the outcome of a widely extending con­ spiracy pointing back to Servia, where for many years already a passionate agitation against Austria had been carried on, supported by Russia. It was Russia, therefore, that took the assassins under her wing, and some weeks already before the war broke out, she promised her assistance to that blood­ stained state. Nobody but Russia has given the dangerous turn to the conflict; nobody but Russia is to blame for the outbreak of the war. The German Emperor, who has proved his love of peace by a peaceful reign of more than twenty-five years, in face of the imminent danger, tried to intermediate between Austria and Russia with the greatest zeal, but while he was negotiating with the Czar, Russia was busy with the mobilization of a large army toward the German frontier. This necessitated an open and decisive inquiry that led to the war. This only happened because Russia wanted it so, because she wanted to raise the Moscovites against the Germans and the Western Slavs and to lead Asia into the field against Europe. France, too, might have kept the peace, the decision resting solely with her. The security of Germany demanded that she should inquire what France would do in the impending war; the answer of France unmistakably betrayed her intention to join in the war. As a matter of fact, it was not Germany, but France who commenced the war. England already before the war stood in close relations to France. From the very beginning she has clearly shown that she by no means wanted to keep absolutely neutral. From the very beginning she made endeavors to protect France against Germany. Undoubtedly the German invasion in Belgium served England as a welcome pretext to openly declare her hostility. In reality, before the German invasion, already the neutrality of Belgium had been given up in favor of the French. It has been officially stated, e. g., that not only after, but also before the outbreak of the war, French officers have been at Liege in order to instruct the Belgium soldiers as to the fortification service. England's com­ plaints of the violation of international law, however, were the most atrocious hypocrisy and the vilest Pharisaism. At all times English politics have unscrupulously disregarded all forms of law as soon as their own interest was 18 touched. During the last few weeks the same method has been quite suffi­ ciently manifested in the unlawful capture of the Turkish warships, and still more so in the instigation of the Japanese to undertake the detestable raid upon the German territory in China, which needs must end in strengthening the power of that Mongolian nation at the cost of Europeans and Americans. How is it possible for a nation that in such a way has betrayed precious interests of Western culture as soon as it seems to benefit them, how is it possible for these accomplices of the Japanese robbery to put on the air of being the guardians of morality? We Germans did not want this war, but as it has been forced upon us we shall carry it on bravely and vigorously. In the face of all envy and hatred, all brutality and hypocrisy, Germany feels unshakably conscious of serving a righteous cause and of standing up for the preservation of her national self, as well as for sacred goods of humanity; indeed for the very progress of true culture. It is from this conviction that she draws her unrelenting force and the absolute certainty that she will beat back the assault of all her enemies. This conviction does not stand in need of any encouragement from abroad ; our country absolutely relies upon itself and confides in the strength of its right. Nevertheless, the idea of our American friends' thoughts and sympathies being with us gives us a strong feeling of comfort in the gigantic struggle. We both of us feel especially justified in pronouncing this as being the conviction of all German scientists, as so many scientific and personal relations connect us both with the universities of America. These universities know what German culture means to the world, so we trust they will stand by Germany. RUDOLF EUCKEN ERNST HAECKEL Jena, August 31, 1914.

BULLETIN NO. 2. FROM RUDOLF EUCKEN'S "GERMAN THOUGHTS AND WISHES FOR THE NEW YEAR,'1915" What wishes may we have for the future? What tasks and what pros­ pects does the new year unroll before us? Naturally, our first wish is for a decisive victory—a victory which will bring us an honorable peace. A discus­ sion of how the conditions of peace should be drawn up seems to us premature; in fact, it runs counter to our feeling; for we are still too much under the tension and excitement of the fight to pursue such thoughts. However, it may be said that the German people unanimously desire a settlement which will guarantee a lasting peace and which will prevent further wars. Moreover, the wish is general that, when it is time for peace negotiations, not only profes­ sional diplomats, but also representatives of the various professions and industries shall be consulted. Just as war is an affair of the whole people, so, in its conclusion, the voice of the whole people should have due weight. Closely bound up with the desire for an honorable peace is the hope that . the mighty spiritual movement, which the war has called forth, may continue to influence German life after the war. This war must be the starting point of a new epoch. The tremendous sacrifices which it entails will be justified only in case new life comes forth out of loss and death and the achievements of the moment are transformed into permanent gain. In this connection we think, first of all, of the wonderful consciousness of unity which the war has awakened. 19 The long history of the German people furnishes no counterpart of such a unity of sentiment as we enjoy to-day. We must now see to it that this unanimity of purpose is deeply implanted in German life. Since, through common effort, so much has been accomplished during the war, when peace has been re-estab­ lished, no one should be prevented from co-operating in the solution of our common tasks. In the future there should be no discrimination on account of political partisanship, whether in the pursuit of a profession or in the holding of a public office. But especially must we hope that the sense of belonging together, the sense of being dependent on each other, the sense of being under obligation to each other will persist beyond the war into peace. It is, however, not only for the feelings of the individuals, but also for our national life, that we should seek to win lasting gain from the storms of the present. All the earnestness and all the mighty force, which we have now exerted, must be used in an energetic fight against all that has threatened to lower our standards of life. Such a reinvigoration of German idealism parallels a similar movement which has spread throughout the whole of humanity. Old forms of life have often been found too narrow; they have, moreover, frequently lost their basis in our minds. Therefore, the position of man in the universe has seemed obscure and the purpose of his life has become very uncertain. On the other hand, there now awakens a deep longing for the restrengthening, deepening and inner renewal of life. As Germans, we must consider our attitude toward the world of as much importance as our attitude toward ourselves. We must not allow ourselves to indulge in a narrow national life. We must not, and shall not, have a false racial pride. On the contrary, we must ceaselessly broaden our lives, steadily preserving our inter-relations with all mankind. Our great nation cannot attain its proper level without keeping the whole of humanity in mind. We wish to think highly enough of ourselves to believe that we are capable of drawing to ourselves everything great and good, that has arisen or shall arise anywhere, so that we may use it in building up the ethical civilization (Wesenskultur) which our nature demands.

BULLETIN NO. 3. UNITED STATES OF GERMANY Extract from the chapter "American Interests in the Outcome of the War," contained in "The European War," by Prof. J. W. Burgess, formerly Dean of the faculties of Political Science, Philosophy and Pure Science, in Columbia University, New York City. The present organization, economic and political, of the German Empire also bears in its constitution the more significant title of the United States of Germany. Its economic system is by far the most efficient, most genuinely demo­ cratic which exists at the present moment in the world, or has ever existed. There is no great state in the world to-day in which there is so general and even a distribution of the fruits of civilization, spiritual and material, among all the people as in the United States of Germany. And there is no state, great or small, in which the general plane of civilization is so high". Education is universal and illiteracy is completely stamped out; there are no slums, no proletariat, and no pauperism; prosperity is universal; and the sense of duty is the governing principle of life, public and private, from the highest to the lowest. 20 AGRICULTURE: German agriculture has been systematically developed, improved and protected until it has reached the highest point of productiveness known to the world. It is a land of small proprietors, where relatively few great estates exist and where the relatively few tenant farmers hold leases of communal land rather than of land in private ownership. Forests are preserved for furnishing wood and lumber and protecting the water courses, but pasture land is limited and the greatest possible area is kept under the plow. Fostered by law, pursued with intelligence and individual interest, and enriched by science, the German agriculture is so intensive that one acre of German land produces as much as three acres of Russian land, although originally poorer and more difficult to cultivate. Feed the people with home products has been the first principle of the German system. With two hundred and eight thousand square miles of terri­ tory, an area not as great as our single State of Texas, the United States of Germany can sustain seventy millions of people. MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE: Upon this natural and healthy foundation for their economic system, con­ sciously and tenaciously preserved, the Germans have built their manufactures and their commerce. They have built these carefully and scientifically, and with unwearying industry. They have not allowed factory life to make slums of their cities, nor to produce a proletariat. By requiring employers to con­ tribute with the State and the employees to the establishment of insurance and pension funds, they have secured to labor its proper share in the wealth produced. The open door is all Germany needs, with the excellence of her manu­ factures and the efficiency of her commerce and methods of trade, to assure her indefinite industrial expansion. Her economic system is thus not the system of a land-grabbing empire. In the twenty years of her wonderful industrial development, between the years 1890 and 1910, she acquired less than two thousand square miles of foreign territory, while Great Britain acquired nearly two million, Russia almost as much, France six to eight hundred thousand, Belgium a million, and even the United States of America about one hundred and fifty thousand, and while Germany acquired the bits of this small area, in about every case, by purchase or lease, all the other countries seized most, if not all, of their gains by military conquest. POLITICAL SYSTEM: Let us now turn to the German political system. In the first place, it is a federal union of self-governing States. Such a system requires a written constitution to delimit with necessary exactness the relative governmental spheres of the Central Government and the States of the Union. The German political system is founded upon such a constitution, which was framed by representatives of the governments of the several States, adopted by a convention of popular delegates chosen by universal manhood suffrage, and ratified by the legislatures of the different States. Besides distributing all governmental power between the Imperial Govern­ ment and the States of the Union, it distributes the powers of the Imperial Government between the legislature and the executive, conferring upon the Imperial Legislature—a body, the members of one house, of which are chosen by universal manhood suffrage and direct election, while those of the other are appointed by the States of the Union—the power to make the laws, and upon the executive, the Emperor, the power to execute the laws or rather to supervise 21 the execution of the laws. The German Government is thus constitutionally limited government, limited politically by the distribution of governmental powers between the Imperial Government and the States of the Union and by the distribution of the powers of the Imperial Government between the legislature and the executive, and limited judicially by the bills of individual rights in each of the State constitutions and by the fixing of certain of the fundamental duties and rights of the individual in the Imperial Constitution. MILITARY SERVICE: One among these duties, which must also be regarded as a fundamental right, is the constitutional requirement upon every able-bodied male German to bear arms, and the fixing of the time for which his services are or may be acquired, which also means beyond they may not be required. I call this a right as well as a duty. In the Constitution of the United States of America it is so treated and is declared as follows: "A well-regulated militia beings necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." It is the German way to put the duty first and treat the right as the attending incident. This is the keynote to the German character, political and economic as well as private. The rights guaranteed to the individual by this constitutional provision requiring universal military service are that there shall be no professional army separate from the general citizenship of the Empire with separate interests from those of citizenship. COMMUNAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: Finally, the German communal and local governmental organization is the most perfect known to modern politics. Under it the most honest, efficient and prosperous communal life which the world has ever known has been produced and developed. No slums, no illiteracy and no proletariat are to be found in any German city or commune, while the control is more genuinely democratic and the distribution of the fruits of civilization is more even and general than what prevails in any other country. CONCLUDING REMARKS: Everything has been done, and done systematically, and done according to a seemingly long-matured and sinister plan to give the American people not simply an erroneous, but an absolutely false, conception of German institutions, purposes and aspirations. But all this is vain and futile, shortsighted and injurious. As Lincoln said: "You can fool all the people some of the time and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all of the time." Europe is now writhing in the agony of a great labor pain of human development, and while God grant that we may escape active participation in the suffering, we cannot avoid having our own interests most profoundly involved in the outcome. Let us make sure that we correctly conceive what those interests are and how they will be best subserved.

BULLETIN No. 4. GERMANY'S FUTURE By KARL LAMPRECHT TRANSLATOR'S NOTE: A few weeks ago the death of Prof. Karl Lamprecht was reported from Leipzig. No one in Germany has, within the last twenty-five yeais, exerted a greater influence on students of history than he. The traditions of Ranke and Mommsen were embodied in him. In line with the conscious application of the theory of 22 evolution to all sciences he applied it to his science more extensively than had ever been done before. Environment and more specifically cultural factors assumed a rôle of great importance in his interpretation of history. Far from confining himself to the history of the past, he took the most intense interest in the activities of our times. He was one of the trusted friends of the German Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, and it was with him that Bethmann-Hollweg often consulted about the strengthening of the German thought in the world. In a now famous letter from the Chancellor to Lamprecht, the first one quoted approvingly the following sentence uttered by Edmond Rostand when a French Society for cultural propaganda was formed in Paris: "C'est au moment qu'on veut redoubler de force qu'il faut redoubler de grace." The last book by Lamprecht, published a few months ago, contains many thoughts suggestive of future German policies. The following article is a synopsis of these thoughts. O. J. M. We are all accustomed to enthuse about the unity of our nation. Yet we must not deceive ourselves about the fact that Germany comprises only a part of the nation. The movement toward the national unity only experienced a wonderful progress in 1 870, but did not by any means come to a close. The State does not as yet cover the interests of the nation, not even as far as its relations with foreign powers are concerned. It is even to-day too weak for that purpose. It still needs the assistance of a sister state to carry out the enormous tasks it is now being charged with. But the nation surely will unfold its wings. It cannot trouble itself about the present accidental formation of a state. Of necessity a German state must ultimately grow up that will cover the nation in such a strong way that it is free from attack and that its dignity is beyond peradventure. This inner end, this national aim of our present strife is manifested wonderfully in the spirit which inspired our warriors when they went out to defend our country. They were not only filled with sentiments of the purest love for the Fatherland, but also with a deep feeling of responsibility to humanity. They were filled with thoughts about a great future for our nation and about a wonderfully flourishing civilization all over the world when it would be given to the Germans to co-operate with every noble and beautiful endeavor. Such thoughts find their origin in a development of the German mind reaching back into the middle of the Eighteenth Century. Possibly we might date their beginning from Abbts' "Vom Tode filer's Vaterland," published around 1760. They reached, successively, a temporary climax in Fichte's "Reden an die Deutsche Nation," published around 1810. in the patriotic movement of 1848, and in 1870. The first men they crystallized around are such great Germans as Friedrich der Grosse, Goethe, Schiller, Kant, Bach. A new time was then dawning. Humanity started to become nervously energized. To be sure, at first such hierher nerve tension was referred to as "vapeurs." This development has steadily increased until it has reached its climax in the present state of mind to which I have referred, a climax which is as far in advance of that reached in the time of the war of .liberation in 1813 as our present economic accomplishments are in advance of those of that time. Yet it is surprising with what difficult thoughts it was already then possible to tax, say, for instance, workingmen of Berlin. One of the most philosophical addresses by Fichte, teeming with such expressions as "in-itself," "for-itself," "in-and-by-itself," etc., was delivered to just such an audience. Nothing probably illustrates better the intensification not only of our nervous system, but of our whole life than a recent addition to our language. We have since about fifteen years used increasingly the word "Erlebnis"— something more vital than either an experience or an episode. "Erlebnis" describes a sympathetic reaction not necessarily depending upon any act on our part. The influence of this much more sensitive state of the nervous system may 23 be found in our music, our poetry, our philosophy, our educational sciences, our art; in fact, in almost every manifestation of our life. Hand in hand with it, our moral conceptions have been developing. Deep seated is the conviction and the feeling, "Duty first, and the rights will follow as a matter of course." This has long been applied in a reciprocal manner to the state and to its citizens. In 1844, when German unity was still much less realized than in 1870, the first central organization for furthering the welfare of the working classes was founded in Berlin. This inter-relation between state and citizen has reached probably its highest point not in our elaborate system of social insurance, but in the educa­ tional ideals which in the last fifteen years have dominated our schools and which are making themselves strongly felt at our universities. In these years we have striven for harmony between our educational methods and the accom­ plishments of science, with a view to provide an education which would result in the development of the personality and which would be worthy of the German conception of freedom, that voluntary co-operation of all citizens for the purpose of giving the greatest possible latitude to the activities of the individual. But we have neglected to further the understanding of our ideals abroad. Not that we have failed to realize the desirability of such an understanding, but, as I have said before, for the tasks of the nation the German state was too small. So crowded have been the limited facilities of our foreign office, that the question of, for instance, a national news service, has, to be sure, often been discussed, but has been put into practice only in a very limited way. We must not for a moment believe that we can win the sympathies of any foreign nation by merely an economic: do ut des. An intercourse between nations, if it is really well founded and if it encourages the growth and development of the highest human qualities: high-mindedness, loyalty and reliability—such an intercourse must always be based on the strong conviction of the ethical equality of the people concerned and on a deep-seated feeling of the dignity of humanity. In this field, therefore, we must look forward to a great deal of work. We must try, in a spirit free from prejudice and presumption and full of the love of humanity and of things human, to get an understanding of the people whose sympathy we wish for. We must frankly ask ourselves, again and again, if we are maintaining our cultural existence on such a high level that we may claim for the German nation a position among the great nations, which is equal to our highest hopes and our finest aspirations. Whatever measures may be decided upon to accomplish this result must be formulated and granted from the point of view that they vitally concern the welfare, the greatness, and the truly beautiful future of our Fatherland. Let us always remember what Tacitus said: fortes creantur fortibus et bonis!

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