Landscape Archaeology and Livy: Warfare, Colonial Expansion and Town and Country in Central Italy of the 7Th to 4Th C

BaBesch 75 (2000)

Landscape archaeology and Livy: Warfare, colonial expansion and town and country in Central Italy of the 7th to 4th c. BC. Peter Attema

THE AIM OF THIS PAPER topographical investigations of the historical land- scape have been a fashionable and very fruitful prac- The aim of this paper is to compare the present state tice in the past, which has furnished us with a good of archaeological knowledge of the landscape of idea of the ancient topography of Central Italy. Central Italy between the 7th and the 4th c. BC with Modern excavation and surveying have over the the way the Central Italian landscape is depicted in years added considerable physical detail to the liter- Livy’s Ab Urbe Condita books I-X, in which Livy ary classical landscape of Central Italy. The archae- relates the story of early Rome and its expansion.* ological record now shows us that Livy’s war-ridden The early expansion of Rome was directed at the landscapes of the early Roman expansion between neighbouring proto-urban settlements along the the 7th and the 4th c. BC may have been there in Tiber, the area of the Veientes to the northwest of reality. The physical structure of the Etruscan and Rome on the right bank of the Tiber in South Etruria, Latin city-state organization existed in the landscape the Roman Campagna south of the Tiber and the and the communities inhabiting town and country adjacent Pontine Plain further south. The Roman were indeed socially stratified and included a war- historians referred to the latter two areas as ‘Latium rior-class of aristocratic stock. Such data should not Vetus’. Over recent decades, large parts of both South merely serve as a static geographical and socio-eco- Etruria and Latium Vetus have been the subject of nomic backdrop to the history of early Rome, but substantial landscape-archaeological projects (Enei should be used to activate a chronological model of 1993; Carafa in prep.; Attema 1993), while current interaction between the perennial Central Italian projects aim at synthesizing existing data, notably landscape, a medium-term history based on archae- the Tiber Valley Project in South Etruria (Patterson ological data and Livy’s history of events in the and Millett 1998) and the Regional Pathways to Braudelian sense (cf. Bintliff 1991, Knapp 1992). Complexity Project (Attema et al. 1998a and b). Their results allow tentative socio-economic and political interpretations of the settlement and land-use pat- AN OUTLINE OF THIS PAPER terns identified in these landscapes, that relate to the formative period of Roman power between the 7th In my contribution I shall first outline the shift in c. and the 4th c. BC (as, for instance, described in interest in topographical studies from the early days Cornell 1995). of historical cartography to modern surveying prac- However, it is not my intention to test topographical tices. This development has seen the disappearance and historical particulars in Livy’s narrative against from the academic agenda of topographical infor- the wealth of new archaeological data derived from mation present in the ancient sources as a means to landscape-archaeological projects; both the archae- contextualize the archaeological data in a historical ological and the ancient literary sources are too sense (cf. Cambi and Terrenato 1994). Likewise, ambiguous for that. A quote from the article ‘Illusion attempts at using data from landscape archaeology and reality in Latin topographical writing’ by Nicholas to contextualize the ancient literary sources in a Horsfall may serve to underscore this. The quote con- socio-economic and geographical sense are now cerns a warning by Horsfall against the use of Livy scarce for Central Italy (but see e.g. de Neeve 1983). as an interpretative guide in topographical research. Attempts at accommodating events can be said to be He writes that ‘the attempt to bring Livy and Virgil non-existant. Nevertheless, human actions taking into a state of agreement with the terrain causes par- place in the landscape are omnipresent in Livy’s ticular alarm; for it is an easy but very dangerous step books I-X, in the form of military campaigns involv- from exploring the countryside of Italy yourself to assuming that Livy or Virgil likewise thought it their business to explore the ground in their narratives’ * Translations used of Livy’s books I-X were those (Horsfall 1985, 197). Yet we should not forget that by A. de Sèlincourt (1960) and B. Radice (1982).

115 Fig. Sites mentioned in the text.

ing Rome and her neighbouring city-states, and in evenly spread over the landscapes of South Etruria the form of raids undertaken by inland mountain and Latium Vetus. Archaeologists and ancient his- folk on the farmland in the plains. Both excavation torians agree that these settlements can be inter- data from sites and regional settlement data from preted in economic terms as proto-urban centres and intensive surveying show that Livy’s scenario of politically as city-states, while convincing evidence recurrent warfare between city-states and the dev- for an economically well-developed and socially astation of farms and cropland was by no means stratified countryside has emerged from settlement- unlikely, despite Livy’s frequent use of topoi and pattern analysis of survey data and excavations of rhetoric. Landscape archaeology and excavations rural architecture. A short review of the available have shown that under the monarchy and in early data will serve to illustrate this. Furthermore, the Republican times substantial settlements were social and geographical analysis of burial mounds

116 (tumuli) indicates that in the 7th c. BC an ‘aristoc- temporary landscape. Although Horsfall (1985, 199) racy’ developed that can be related to ownership of states that ‘no expectation existed in Augustan Rome land in both the countryside immediately surround- that the geographical information contained in a ing the proto-urban settlements and land in the work of literature should be precise’ and that ‘items periphery of city-state territories. of apparent geographical information in, for exam- From the available data it appears that we should ple, Virgil and Livy cannot be treated by topogra- envisage the communities living in the Central phers, archaeologists and historians as facts, as Italian landscape of the 7th and 6th centuries BC as being in themselves substantive pieces of informa- part of an early urbanising society that was spatially tion’, partially successful attempts were made at the and politically structured in autonomous city-states cartographical identification of sites mentioned in and their territories. Livy’s narrative indicates that the ancient literary sources. By treating the more the proto-urban society of Central Italy was under obvious geographical information contained in the constant internal and external threat of warfare ancient sources as facts, topographers and cartogra- brought about by rival city-states and inland moun- phers were the first to recreate the literary land- tain peoples that were attracted by the prospering scapes of the ancient writers in coherent, though far lowland settlements. As Victor Davis Hanson has from geographically exact, cartographical images argued in his book (1998 [1983]) on warfare and (Attema 1999). They were the first to provide agriculture in Classical Greece, in societies organ- ancient toponyms with spatial correlates. Their maps ised along these lines, war is likely to have been meant the start of a long tradition of ‘pasting’ ancient endemic. This would also hold for Republican Italy, place names onto sites and features in the landscape, according to T.J. Cornell. This autor states that be it often without sound reference to any actual ‘Under the Republic, therefore, warfare was part of archaeological remains. But even today attempts are the normal experience of all Italians, and was being made to equate topographical information in embedded in the fabric of their society’ (Cornell the ancient sources with archaeological sites in the 1995, 122). It is at this point that I would like to contemporary landscape that lack direct evidence in make archaeology’s socio-economic history con- the form of epigraphy. verge with Livy’s political history and human In the case of Latium Vetus, present-day South Lazio, drama. the general point of departure in topographical stud- This paper, then, is not so much concerned with the ies is Pliny’s statement that 53 peoples of Latium role of Rome in the period of early Roman expan- Vetus had disappeared from the face of the earth sion and colonization, as with an attempt at bring- ‘without leaving any traces’ (Plin. NH 3. 69). A good ing together two currently unrelated classes of data number of sites mentioned in the ancient sources that in 19th-century scholarship used to be closely have over time been plausibly identified, a fair num- linked. ber of proposed identifications are still doubtful, and identification of a number of others must remain purely hypothetical (Attema 1993, 60-65). In the FROM RENAISSANCE HISTORICAL CARTOGRAPHY TO days of de la Blanchère and Ashby, South Etruria MODERN SURVEY PRACTICES and Latium Vetus were only sparsely settled, and it was hard to imagine that Latium Vetus in Archaic In the wake of Renaissance cartography, scholars and Roman Republican times had ever known a like W. Gell and A. Nibby started at the beginning flourishing population of country dwellers. The 19th of the 19th c. to systematically document archaeo- c. settlement density may not have been all that dif- logical remains in the field, a tradition which cul- ferent from the extent to which the landscape in minated in the work of such scholars as Marie-René Imperial times was settled, given the fact that in both de la Blanchère, the French topographer of the periods much land was given over to latifundiae at Pontine Region, and Thomas Ashby, the topogra- the expense of small-holders. Indeed, de la pher of the Roman Campagna (e.g. Cambi and Blanchère for example surmised that probably each Terrenato 1994, Attema 1993). De la Blanchère of the small borghi (walled-in settlements) of his day worked at the turn of the 19th c. and Ashby in the concealed an ancient settlement. A fact is that there first decades of the 20th c. at a time when Central were hardly enough settlements in the contemporary Italy still had a predominantly rural and pastoral landscape to fit the image that Livy, Plinius, Strabo character and modern urbanization had not yet and other authors painted of Latium Vetus in the revealed the enormous number of archaeological Archaic and Roman Republican period, let alone sites that we now know of. One of the major concerns archaeological remains! of these scholars was the identification of sites men- The modern urbanization schemes and agricultural tioned in the ancient sources with sites in the con- reforms of the 60’s and 70’s changed this situation

117 dramatically, as these prompted excavations of known Roman expansion to the actual settled landscape of protohistoric sites and brought many new Archaic and antiquity and may in his mind even include the Roman Republican sites to light (cf. Quilici 1979). It human drama that was enacted by warring parties is these excavations that have proved the reality of and their leaders who engaged in the burning of the Latin city-states of the Archaic period. Thanks farms and the devastation of cropland to provoke to intensive fieldwalking programmes, the archaeo- and challenge their adversaries. This was certainly logical data on the distribution of sites in the land- part of the Archaic world-view. scape now by far exceeds the topographical infor- mation contained in the ancient texts. We may conclude that the current situation is the reverse of LOOTING THE ARCHAIC COUNTRYSIDE that of the days of de la Blanchère and Ashby. There is now much more archaeology than the written In treating the wars of early Rome with her neigh- sources indicate, allowing a deeper understanding of bours, Livy systematically relates how warring par- the structuring principles of Archaic society. Modern ties used to lay waste each other’s countryside. In survey techniques even give us insight into the way recounting the fictional story of Rome’s military and those parts of the landscape functioned that were political achievements during the reign of Romulus, peripheral to the larger, central settlements. Through Livy records how Veii sent a raiding force into environmental reconstruction we also have obtained Roman territory: ‘It was not an organized move- a specific knowledge of the physical landscape in ment; the raiders took up no regular position, but antiquity, an element that in the majority of the simply picked up what they could from the coun- ancient sources is clearly of minor interest. This tryside and returned without waiting for counter- wealth of data allows us to accommodate Livy’s nar- measures from Rome’ (Liv. I. 15). Livy tells us how rative in an archaeological setting that does justice during the wars with the Volscians, Sabines, and to a literary quality of Livy’s books I-X, described Aurunci in 495 BC, ‘news arrived one night that a in the next paragraph, that so far has been under- Sabine raiding party had penetrated as far as the rated. Anio (the river Aniene), where it was burning farms Those acquainted with the landscapes of Central and looting over a wide area’. Resistance to the Italy will probably agree that, when reading Livy’s Roman troops who hurried to the scene was how- books I-X, we do feel that Livy’s protagonists move ever very weak since ‘no doubt they were tired by in a real environment. Livy offers us enough topo- their long march and their nocturnal activities – graphical detail to give us a sense of familiarity with most of them, too, were sodden with drink and the places he mentions, while providing enough swollen with food which they had stolen from the sense of distance and time to make us believe that farms – and they hardly had strength enough even his protagonists fought their battles on historical to run away’ (Liv. II. 27). In the context of Corolianus’ ground. We are lured into this by his skilful use of March on Rome in 491 BC, the laying waste of the topoi and factual information regarding the lie of the countryside is depicted by Livy as a deliberate strat- land and the people moving in it. Horsfall (1985, egy rather than an act of raiding: ‘Finally he 205) is right in stating that: ‘In the absence of a pre- [Coriolanus] marched on Rome and took up a posi- cise and universally accepted system of orientation, tion by the Cluilian Trenches five miles outside the of the means to measure height, distance, or angles walls. From here he sent out raiding parties to do with exactitude, of any serious cartography, and, what damage they could to the farms and crops’ lastly, of the vocabulary which would have enabled (Liv. 11. 38). Although the raiding of the enemy’s historians of the Roman world to describe places at farms and crops is a familiar topos in the context of all coherently, even had they the science and tech- military campaigning, Livy was well aware that nology to comprehend their outlines accurately [....] peasant farming had a long tradition in Central Italy. then we should perhaps marvel that Roman authors The fact that he (anachronistically) projects land dis- preserved any exact topographical indications which tributions as far back as the regal period underscores we can today relate to our precisely arithmeticized this (cf. Liv. 1. 45, in which Servius Tullius ‘to con- world-view (Horsfall 1985, 205). ciliate the good will of the commons’ distributes And this we definitely should admire when reading land captured in war among private smallholders). Livy’s account of the early Roman expansion in the Land distribution as a result of successful warfare first ten books of the Ab Urbe Condita. Anyone and a way to appease the common people is a recur- acquainted with the archaeology of the Archaic ring theme in Livy’s account, and the very fact that Etruscan and Latin city-states and the regional Livy projects this pivotal issue in the socio-eco- archaeological data sets that we now have at our dis- nomic structure and political life of Republican posal, may tentatively relate Livy’s scenario of early Rome back to the regal period, may indicate the

118 important role that the availability of arable land THE ARCHAIC LANDSCAPE; THE COUNTRYSIDE FILLING played in early Roman society. UP IN THE 7TH AND 6TH C. BC From the above quotations it appears that Livy depicts the countryside of archaic Lazio as dotted with farmsteads. In the contested regions of Central South Etruria Italy, appropriation of land by means of warfare and One of the best archaeological documentations of raiding of the countryside, either for mere plunder the Archaic rural countryside of South Etruria comes or as a deliberate strategy to weaken the towns from Flavio Enei’s research activities in the Ager dependent on the countryside, were regular phe- Caeretanus around ancient Caere, carried out nomena. Of course this is not to say that Livy was between 1985 and 1988 (Enei 1993). Caere is the in a position to know what the countryside in the Etruscan name for present-day Cerveteri, about 40 Roman Suburbium or in the Pontine Region would km NW of Rome on the Tyrrhenian coast. It flour- have looked like in Archaic times, but a developed ished in the 7th and 6th centuries BC, controlling, countryside certainly wouldn’t have seemed strange according to Enei, a vast and very fertile territory of to his readership. In Livy’s days the environs of the about 1500 km2 between the coast and the moun- early colonies of Signium, Norba, and Circeii were tainous interior. Caere’s territory bordered on the densely occupied with Republican and early terrritories of those two other potent city states Veii Imperial villas, as surveys demonstrate, and a long and Tarquinia. Enei explored an area of about 400 tradition of rural occupation of these and other parts km2 south of Caere covering the various geograph- of the Central Italian landscape would probably not ical units characteristic of the South Etrurian land- come as a surprise. scape: the inland mountains, the limestone hills, the How should we envisage the countryside in the volcanic tuff plateaux, the deep river valleys, and the period covered by Livy’s books I-X on archaeolog- sedimentary coastal zone. ical grounds? Was Livy’s scenario of the Archaic Enei’s field-walking programme was conducted landscape as a rural landscape dotted with farms far according to modern survey standards, taking into off the mark? account surface visibility and present-day land-use. It was not. Archaeological research has shown that The resulting distribution maps show how in the around the Archaic towns in South Etruria and in Iron Age (9th-8th c. BC) only the river valleys and Latium Vetus a developed countryside indeed came the tuff plateaux in the vicinity of Caere were inhab- into existence in the 7th and 6th centuries BC. This ited, while the map for the 7th and 6th centuries BC is attested by regional surveys and topographical shows a proliferation of sites all over the research research as well as by excavation of rural sites. The area. The development of the countryside coincides presence of rich tumulus graves in the countryside with the growth of Caere into a flourishing urban of the 7th c. BC, as well as the differentiation in the nucleus. Enei relates the observed increase in sites rural architecture of the later 6th c. BC furthermore in the research area to demographic growth and a indicates that we should not think in terms of peas- systematic colonization of new territory. The survey ant farming only, but must assume that the rural revealed 113 rural sites from the 7th and 6th c. BC population was stratified and that possession of land over the various geographical units. Starting in the already was a source of social and economic power. 7th c. BC, the process accelerated in the 6th c. BC. A second reason why Livy’s scenario seems plausi- On the most fertile soils, sites were spaced between ble is the fact that warfare is indeed likely to have 150 and 200 m apart, which, according to Enei, even been endemic in the Archaic period, just as it was prompts a hypothesis of early land divison (Enei in Greece (Cornell, 1985, 121-122). 1993, 35). In the introduction of his book on warfare and agri- The archaic Etruscan rural sites were represented as culture in Classical Greece, Victor Davis Hanson scatters of ceramics and building materials of, on states that in Greek society ‘most Hellenes were average, 600 m2. These are thought to belong to farmers, war was endemic, and the energies of the farmsteads, envisaged as small buildings with a citizens were largely consumed with either working, square or rectangular ground plan measuring protecting, or attacking cropland’. This is also very between 20 and 50 m2, with walls of loam and tuff likely in the case of the Etruscans and Latins, as and/or limestone and possibly a foundation in opus ‘ravaging of cropland was central to warfare of most quadratum and with a tiled roof. A typical inven- societies of the past’ (Hanson 1998, 1-2). Destroying tory would consist of storage jars, cooking stoves, crops could be a means of provoking the enemy into loom weights, grinding stones, reddish brown leaving the protection of the town walls and meet- impasto pottery and bucchero. Sporadically also ing in pitched battle. black- and/or red-figured Attic ware was recorded. Amphorae would be of Etruscan, Phoenician/Punic

119 and maybe Samian and Corinthian provenance. South Etruria are echoed in Latium Vetus by vari- Remarkably, site density diminishes in the late ous regional studies carried out in the vicinity of Etruscan period (in the course of the 5th and 4th c. Rome and in the Alban hills. The topographical BC), though as Enei concedes, this may be related study by Lorenzo Quilici and Stefania Quilici Gigli to difficulties in pottery dating; too many sites may of Crustumerium and its territory on the east bank have been assigned to the preceding period. At times of the Tiber is a good example to start with (Quilici small necropoleis associated with the rural dwellings and Quilici Gigli 1980). were found, comprising less than 10 graves. These Crustumerium is situated on a hill on the edge of the underscore the small scale of the rural settlements. Tiber valley, about 15 km to the north of Rome. It Also Marco Rendeli in his study of the territories of acquired proto-urban status in the mid 7th c. BC as Vulci, Tarquinia and Caere acknowledges the gen- a result of a process of nucleation that had started eral filling up of the landscape in South Etruria in in the early Iron Age. According to the authors ‘Il the Orientalizing period, stating that ‘le trasfor- fermento allora in atto è indicato sul luogo dell’ abi- mazioni osservate a partire dall’orientalizzante tato da un ampliamento delle aree di materiale fit- antico coincidono con la formazione dei centri tile già note e dall’ afficarsi di nuove, che accennano interni, le prime forme del popolamento delle cam- a saldare i due maggiori aggregati già esistenti al pagne, la capillare organizzazione del paesaggio’. centro e nella zona meridionale della futura città’ But he emphasizes the different organization of each (Quilici and Quilici Gigli 1980, 278). This is the territory, which he in all three cases plausibly analy- period, they remark, in which Tarquinius Priscus, ses as being dependent on natural, geographical and according to Livy, conquered Crustumerium. Livy environmental factors in combination with specific relates that ‘One town after another was attacked and human choices. It leads him to the conclusion that taken: Corniculum, Ficulea, Cameria, Crustumerium, ‘ogni città, di area etrusca, ma anche laziale, ha una Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, all of them settle- sua organizzazione e un suo sviluppo che la rende ments either of the ancient Latins or of people who diverse dalle altre’ (Rendeli 1993, 371). In his view had joined their cause’ (Liv. I, 38, 1-4). At the end the sometimes rigid application of socio-economic of the Orientalizing period a network of central- and political models fails to do justice to the diver- place settlements had indeed come into existence in sity of the Archaic landscape. This is an important Latium Vetus, each developing a rural territory of piece of criticism regarding especially the political its own. The extent of these central places as well landscape of Archaic Central Italy, as both for as the networks of minor sites in their territories Etruria and Lazio quite mechanistic applications of grew in the Archaic period, as is clear from the dis- Renfrew and Cherry’s (1986) peer-polity model tribution maps by Quilici and Quilici Gigli 1980. have been proposed. In a general sense, however, Both the size of the minor settlements in the terri- the filling-up of the 7th and 6th c. BC countryside tory of Crustumerium and the absolute number of of Caere, as described by Enei, may be held repre- sites increased. Looking at the protohistoric sum- sentative also of the territories of the other South mary map of Quilici and Quilici Gigli of the terri- Etrurian city-states. Besides Vulci, Tarquinia and tory between the Tiber valley and the Alban hills, Caere, this also holds for Veii, Rome’s powerful we see a landscape filled up with large and small opponent in the early Republican period. Timothy sites starting from the hills bordering the east bank Potter’s surveys in the Ager Veientanus around Veii of the Tiber north of Rome right up to Gabii. Recent (Potter 1979, 83-101) and the survey by Andrea surveys by the Archaeological Service of Rome in Zifferero in more remote areas in the territory of collaboration with the Sapienza University at Rome Veii (Zifferero in Coccia et al. 1985, 522) attest to now concentrate on the northern Suburbium (Carafa this. in prep.). We may conclude, then, that the archaeological evi- The large-scale filling-up of the landscape in the late dence convincingly shows that large parts of the protohistoric period, as seen in the example of Archaic landscape of Etruria was settled farmland. Crustumerium, is a general trend also in the proto- Farms were to be found both near the main towns urban core areas of Latium Vetus, i.e. the Roman and farther away in newly colonized territory. In the Campagna south of the Tiber and the area around latter case we probably have to think in terms of iso- the Alban hills up to the Pontine Plain. For the for- lated clearings in the natural landscape. mer, the results of the surveys carried out in the Malafede area between the proto-urban Latial set- Latium Vetus tlements of Ficana and Castel di Decima may serve as an example (see references in De Santis 1991, The settlement trends identified by Enei and others 102 and fig. 7). For the latter area, the results of sur- in the protohistoric and early historical period in veys of the Pontine Region Project in the territory

120 of Lanuvium (Attema 1999 and Attema in prep.) Their size is between 600 and 1500 m2. Other exam- and the compilation of data concerning the ples are of a later date, such as the 4th-3rd century Orientalizing and Archaic periods by Pino Chiarucci phase of the villa at Grottarossa that was built on a and Franco Arieti furnish the evidence (Chiarucci smaller, 300 m2 farm from the late Archaic period 1996 and Arieti 1996). Farmland was even to be (Stefani 1945). As an example of the spread of type found in the peripheral areas of the Archaic Latin III in the Republican period, Cifani refers to the villa landscape, for example along the east side of the ‘al 14mo chilometro della Via Gabina’ published by Monti Lepini bordering the Pontine Plain and in the M. Aylwin Cotton (1979) with two phases dating to Sacco valley (Attema and van Leusen 1999). the 3rd c. BC. We may conclude then, that Livy was quite right in Although the data are limited in number, Cifani’s depicting the countryside of South Etruria and overview clearly shows that there was a hierarchy Latium Vetus as well-developed rural landscapes in the rural sites of the Archaic period. It clearly was and that his scenario of warbands devastating crop- not only poor peasants that lived in the countryside, land and pillaging unprotected hamlets and farms is although they will have made up the majority. a possible one. Besides those living in type I and II farmsteads, What was the nature of social organisation and there was a ‘classe gentilizia’ who owned large landownership in the countryside and what did the farmhouses and who controlled extensive estates in farms look like? We shall start with a short discus- the countryside. The roots of socio-economic inequal- sion of the latter. ity and incipient forms of landownership in the countryside may be traced back to the Orientalizing period. RURAL ARCHITECTURE OF THE ARCHAIC AND EARLY REPUBLICAN PERIODS BURIAL MOUNDS AS INDICATORS OF LAND In his article ‘Caratteri degli insediamenti rurali nell’ OWNERSHIP IN THE 7TH C. BC. Ager Romanus tra VI e III secolo a. C.’, Gabriele Cifani collects the currently available evidence on At the fourth Conference of Italian Archaeology in rural architecture in a wide area around Rome. 1990 the issue of landownership in 7th c. BC and Combining data from survey scatters and excavated Archaic South Etruria and Lazio was confronted by sites, he arrives at a preliminary classification of both Andrea Zifferero and Anna De Santis in two rural sites of the late 6th c. BC into three categories thought-provoking papers that built on the theories (Cifani 1998, 54). His type-I settlements are clus- Alessandro Bedini put forward on this theme in pub- ters of small, permanent buildings of one room only, 2 lications of 1984 and 1985. Andrea Zifferero in his about 20 to 50 m in size. The Archaic structures discussion of forms of landownership in relation to of Torrino serve as excavated examples (Bedini Orientalizing tombs in central Tyrrhenean Italy 1984a). Cifani interprets the majority of small rural (Zifferero 1991) gives us various instances of rela- settlements found in, for example, Enei’s (1993) sur- tionships between the archaeological evidence and veys as belonging to this type. Cifani’s type-II sites the ancient literary sources. He confirms that cur- represent structures with stone foundations and tiled rent historiographical research acknowledges the roofs that have three to five connected rooms, cov- 2 existence of ‘agri gentilicii’ controlled by an aris- ering a surface of 120 to 300 m . Examples are the tocracy in the period preceding that of landowner- Archaic structures at Acqua Acetosa Laurentina ship based on Roman law (Zifferero 1991:109 refer- (Bedini 1978), the late Archaic phase at Torrino ring to Capogrossi Colognesi 1988, 266 ff.). (Bedini 1984), and the earliest phase of the recently Furthermore, on the basis of the literary sources he excavated Auditorium villa dated to the late 6th c. believes it is legitimate to read the tumulus graves BC (Carandini et al. 1997). The Auditorium villa as territorial markers and expressions of aristocratic has an elaborate plan with rooms on three sides of power in the countryside of the 7th c. BC (Zifferero a courtyard. The complex even in its earliest phase 2 1991, 110 referring to Morris 1987, 46 ff.). In his measured about 300m , but in the Republican period paper Zifferero presents us with distribution maps it was to develop into a villa complex of about 2 of tumulus graves occurring outside the proto-urban 1000 m . The second phase of the Auditorium villa cemeteries of the Etruscan and Latial proto-urban (late 6th, early 5th c. BC) belongs to Cifani’s type settlements. He shows that these tumuli generally III, which comprises large structures dedicated to were located along the ancient roads leading to the the exploitation of large estates. The rooms are settlements and that they usually remained within a organized around a central courtyard and have a radius of 4 km of the town’s centre, but sometimes partly agricultural and partly residential function. were located slightly further away. Their distinctly

121 isolated location would strongly enhance their mon- viana, e il possesso della terra, che costituiva la base umental function and their function as a statement economica del loro ruolo preminente nelle comunità in the landscape to express power relations. Such di questo periodo’ (...provides us with a concrete statements were not restricted to the countryside indication for the strong relationship between an immediately surrounding the major settlements. emergent class society, the appearance and consoli- In her article on landownership and territorial con- dation of which is the result of a long process of trol in the Orientalizing period Anna De Santis stratification within Latial and Villanovan society (1991) discusses the – in 1991 still preliminary – and landownership, which constituted the economic data furnished by systematic surveys on the right basis of their pre-eminent role in the communities bank of the Tiber and the subsequent excavations of that period). This evidence does not stand alone. that were carried out there by the department of pre- Also from the Alban hills there is evidence of iso- history and protohistory of the Archaeological lated groups of aristocratic graves. Franco Arieti, in Superintendency of Rome. In her paper she argues his discussion of the Alban peoples and their terri- that the archaeological data from this area testify to tory in the 8th and 7th centuries BC, likewise a process of intensive colonization of agricultural alludes to the importance of aristocratic graves as land in the territory of Veii during the 7th and 6th indicators of landownership in his study area (Arieti centuries BC. Veii’s territory according to the 1996, 31-33). Fairly recently a number of isolated ancient sources extended as far as the banks of the graves and small groups of graves along the rim of Tiber. This would be quite plausible, given the the Alban were identified. Some of these graves occurrence in the survey area of several small set- contain parts of chariots and these clearly must be tlements, possibly single farms with their cemeter- associated with aristocratic members of the Alban ies. This observation tallies with those from the sur- communities. The relevance of these tombs is veys in Etruria and Lazio discussed above. twofold, Arieti states. On the one hand they prove De Santis notes how tumulus graves may also be the formation of ‘gruppi gentilizi’ also in the Alban located well away from the major settlements, which area, while on the other hand their spatial distribu- in her opinion prompts hypotheses concerning tion indicates that this must have been a phenome- landownership and territorial control in the wider non affecting all of the territory of the volcanic countryside. The cemetery of Pantano di Grano is Alban hills. Also Arieti is of the opinion that the such a ‘rural’ cemetery. It consisted of four graves aristocracy associated with these finds based their (two chamber tombs and two fossa graves) with power on landownership and control of the means grave goods dating to the middle-Orientalizing and of production. The presence of weapons in a fair Archaic periods (De Santis 1991, 93). Although number of 7th c. BC graves is indeed an indication some graves may have perished as the result of a that we are dealing here with warriors who in the local land improvement scheme, De Santis is cer- course of that century must have evolved into a tain that Pantano di Grano was a small 7th and 6th prominent class in Central Italian society. However, c. BC cemetery that belonged to a single family of the near-absence of formal burials in the 6th c. BC aristocratic stock. Besides the small number of in Latium Vetus leaves us with a great deal of uncer- graves, also the proximity of the graves to each tainty about the continuation of this class. A sys- other, the presence of numerous ornaments of pre- tematic comparative study of this phenomenon on cious metals in the graves and the preference for cre- the basis of analyses of both Latial and South mation of a male person in one of the tombs lead Etrurian cemeteries is needed here. her to this conclusion. The remains of a probably corresponding settlement were found nearby. De Santis links the Pantano di Grano case to a pattern WARFARE AND RURAL DEVASTATION that emerges from the wider survey area around Rome, marked by an increasing number of small Summarizing, we may state that, allowing for spe- settlements and rural cemeteries on both banks of cific local conditions, the development of town and the Tiber. In the majority of cases this concerns country in Central Italy from the Orientalizing to the small nuclei that correspond to family groups early Republican period may, on the basis of the (gentes), although also small villages occur (ca 1 ha.). archaeological evidence presented above, be depicted The latter are located in strategic positions with as a steady process of urban growth, a filling up of regard to vital routes or rivers. This pattern, De the rural landscape and social stratification in both Santis states (while referring to Bedini 1985) ‘for- town and countryside. In the period of the 5th and nisce un indizio concreto dello stretto legame tra i 4th centuries BC, Roman colonization was extended ceti emergenti, la comparsa e il consolidamento dei to new territories that were peripheral to the Central quali sono il risultato di un lungo processo di strat- Italian proto-urban heartlands, notably the Pontine ificazione all’interno della società laziale e villano- Region and the Sacco valley. This internal colo-

122 nization of the proto-urban core areas in South of the Greek protocols of warfare. Livy does Etruria and Latium Vetus and the colonization of indeed describe this practice, as in the instance new land in the Pontine Region and the Sacco val- quoted earlier when I referred to Coriolanus’ ley provides a socio-economic background, against March on Rome in 491 BC. We may of course be which we may try to accommodate Livy’s narrative dealing here with a topos, but as Cornell (1985, on early Rome’s expansion and colonization. 184) affirms, it is reasonable to assume that According to Livy, the political events of the 7th to ‘hoplite weaponry and the tactical use of the pha- 4th centuries BC were characterized by wars lanx’ were well established in Central Italy by the between Romans, Etruscans, Latins and Volscians 6th century BC. and other mountain folks. The individual city-states 3. Trees and vines are hard to destroy systematically, of Central Italy played a central role in these, either whereas the complete destruction of crops like as allies or enemies of Rome. In military campaigns, grain by trampling or burning is for various rea- the devastation of the countryside of one’s adversary sons difficult to achieve. Hanson adds here that was, as we saw, an important means to harm the ‘such generalizations apply to other military the- enemy and to challenge him to leave his fortifica- aters and histories of the Mediterranean as well’ tions and appear in open battle. We may wonder and so this will also apply to the Central Italian what were the effects of the almost continuous war- situation. fare on socio-economic developments in Central 4. Rural impoverishment and depopulation during Italy? periods of war were often more insidious The archaeological data indicate that there was processes – the results of infrastructure and labor indeed enough farmland in the Archaic and early power losses, taxation, and general periods of Republican countryside of lowland Central Italy for banditry and unrest – than the immediate conse- the raiding parties to attack and devastate. Cifani quence of invading armies that destroyed trees, notes that Livy uses the word ‘villa’ in at least ten vines and cereals. Warfare in the context of early instances in his report on the events of the 6th to 4th Roman expansion may indeed have led to a tem- c. BC. In most cases this is in the context of the pil- porary local decline in productivity, but the prac- laging of the countryside on the part of the Romans, tice of sending contingents of colonists to con- the Sabines and other peoples (Cifani 1997, 55). quered territory will, as a rule, have made up for These are topoi, of course, and the use of the word that. ‘villa’ is anachronistic, but still, the strong empha- 5. Because most of the population of Greece was sis in Livy on the ravaging of the countryside rural and engaged in agriculture, and because remains. What were its effects? Victor Davis the Greeks saw warfare as the decisive experi- Hanson’s analysis of the devastation of Attica sug- ence of the citizenry, any analysis of farming and gests that it is very hard to inflict lasting damage fighting of the city-state is nothing more than a through the spoiling of crops. The damage brought valuable reflection of the culture at large. Although about by the five Peloponnesian invasions during the ancient literary sources are not explicit on this the Archidamian war (431-421 BC) and the subse- subject as regards the Italian situation, the exis- quent Dekeleian war (413-403 BC) in his view tence of a warrior class in the Orientalizing failed to ruin the agrarian infrastructure of Attica. period, as is apparent from the funerary ritual in During the latter war the Peloponnesians even held the 7th c. BC, shows how fighting was already an the farmland of Attica under constant threat from a integral part of the Italic culture before the army fort they built at Dekeleia within sight of Athens. became organized in the 6th c. BC. Hanson’s study (1998, 15-16) leaves us with five It may be concluded then, that Livy’s scenario of generalizations (here quoted in italics) about ancient fighting and looting the countryside does not contra- farming and its role during wartime that we may dict the spatial and socio-economic development of evaluate in terms of their applicability to the Central Central Italy but, as Hanson states ‘is nothing more Italian situation; than a valuable reflection of the culture at large’ and 1. Permanent agricultural devastation of crops is thus indeed part of the Archaic world-view. difficult, and so not usually in itself the cause of economic crises. The medium-term economic his- tory of Central Italy as based on the archaeolog- EARLY COLONIZATION IN THE PONTINE REGION AND ical data of the 7th to 4th centuries BC does not SACCO VALLEY suggest that economic crises occurred in this period, although profound social transformations In his account Livy makes it sufficiently clear that did take place (Carafa in prep.) the early Roman colonization was not a peaceful 2. The ritualistic nature of crop ravaging in rela- process, but one characterized by continuous war- tionship to hoplite battle should be seen as part fare and devastation of the countryside around the

123 Latin and Etruscan towns. Deliberate acts of colo- means of subsistence and mentality. The Lepine nization in new territory were part of the expansion mountains are rugged and steep terrain, while the process, but hard archaeological evidence for the Pontine plain was partially marshy. Conflicts historicity of early Roman colonisation under the between incoming groups of farmers and the local monarchy in the advanced 6th c. BC in South Lazio, inhabitants and other users of the uplands and plains as reported by Livy, is hard to give (cf. Attema must have been unavoidable. It is within this con- forthcoming). In fact there is a general consensus text of expanding settlement areas and early among ancient historians that the sending of con- attempts at colonization in new territory that we tingents of Roman colonists out into the Lepini should read the often hostile dealings that the mountains in this early period belongs in the realm Romans and Latins had with the inland mountain of ‘mythistory’, while 5th c. BC colonization is gen- peoples on which Livy reports, and which in Livy erally accepted as historical fact.The general process is an important source of his human drama. of settlement expansion taking place in Central Italy Mountain tribes may well have had their winter pas- in the 7th and 6th centuries BC as documented by ture in the Pontine Plain, as we also know from sub- the various projects I have mentioned does furnish recent practice (Attema et al. 1998, 358-369). a context that may explain the 6th c. BC acts of col- We have already pointed out how the availability of onization, as reported in Livy, as reminiscences of cropland is likely to have been a major incentive for gradual territorial expansion during the Archaic colonization. According to Livy this already was the period. In other words it may simply have been a motor behind the earliest attempts at Roman expan- form of population pressure from the proto-urban sion during the regal period. In an anachronistic pas- core areas towards the periphery. For South Lazio sage on the regal period he states that (Liv. I. 56); we have good evidence that settlements expanded ‘It was Tarquin’s view that an idle proletariat was a along the margins of the Lepine hills into the burden on the state, so in addition to the major Pontine Plain. The evidence comes in the form of works I have mentioned [viz. public works carried small hilltop settlements in the Lepine foothills and out by the proletariat in regal Rome], he made use isolated or clustered farmsteads on the slopes of some of the surplus population by sending out (Attema & Van Leusen 1999). Moreover, surveys settlers to Signia and Circeii [two early colonies in both by our Italian colleagues and by ourselves in the Sacco valley and the Pontine Region respec- the Ager Signinus on the east side of the Monti tively]. This had the further advantages of increas- Lepini attest to the existence of a well-developed ing the extent of Roman territory and of providing settlement system in the Archaic period (Cassieri points of resistance against future attack, either by and Lutazzi 1985, 1988; Enei et al. 1990). Livy’s land or sea’. In a general way, Livy’s scenario of this claim that these areas in the margins of the city- dearth of land fits the developments that topograph- states became subject to settler colonization on the ical investigations and intensive surveys have docu- part of the Romans in the 5th and 4th centuries BC, mented over the last decades in this part of Central seems to be archaeologically corroborated by the Italy, while the very presence of Roman colonies in existence of such fortified sites as Signium and the 5th/4th c. BC landscape attests to the historical Norba. It concerns a mode of colonization involv- reality of the later colonial episode. ing strongholds intended to control the surrounding countryside and the vital communication routes. Surveys by the Pontine Region Project in the terri- CONCLUSION tory of Setia (present-day Sezze), the third fortified Roman town in a row of three on the west side of In this article, I set out to explore the potential of the Monti Lepini, indicate that there was indeed an relating the themes of warfare and colonial expansion influx of people in this territory in the 5th and 4th in Livy’s Ab Urbe Condita to the landscape-archae- centuries BC (Attema et al. 1996-1997, Attema in ological record in an attempt to create a richer and prep.). The sharp increase of sites in previously only in the future hopefully truly interdisciplinary history marginally used fields in the colony’s territory sug- of the expansion of early Rome. Methodologically gests that here we have incoming people who started this was done by reconstructing the socio-economic to cultivate the plain more intensively. background of towns and countryside in the period The archaeological data thus indicate that the Latin of the 7th to the 4th c. BC, inasmuch as this can be city-state civilization from the 6th c. BC onwards derived from the current archaeological data pro- already exerted a considerable pressure on landscape vided by landscape archaeology. Developments in units that lay in the margins of the city-state territo- the organisation of the landscape and society of ries. The areas where expansion took place, however, South Etruria and Lazio have been presented in a had quite a different environmental and socio-eco- very generic way at the risk of oversimplification, nomic configuration with probably quite different and need refining. In line with Rendeli’s observa-

124 tions in South Etruria, my own research in Latium Attema, P.A.J. 1999, Cartography and Landscape Vetus too indicates that local environmental, socio- Perception, a Case Study from Central Italy, The economic and historical conditions strongly deter- Archaeology of Mediterranean Landscapes (Mark mine the pace and nature of developments in the Gillings, David Mattingly and Jan van Dalen eds.), Oxbow Books, Oxford, 23-34. organisation of the landscape and society of this Attema P.A.J., forthcoming, Ritual, economy and early region. And judging from Livy’s account of the roman colonization in Lazio, colonial conjectures on early expansion of Rome in Central Italy, historical a Late Archaic sanctuary in the Ager of Setia, contingency will certainly have played its part on Caeculus IV (Ritual and Economy), Papers on the level of individual territories. Mediterranean Archaeology, Groningen. It follows, then, that this paper should be regarded Attema, P.A.J. (in prep.), Early Roman Colonialism in as an exercise in combining two sets of disparate South Lazio, a Survey of Three Landscapes, Journal data within a Braudelian framework and as a start- of Mediterranean Archaeology. ing point for more detailed research. And while we Attema, P.A.J. and van Leusen P.M. 1999, Kern en pe- riferie in het RPC-project (1), de Doganella di Ninfa- may never be able to document Coriolanus’ March survey in de Pontijnse Regio (Midden-Italië), on Rome archaeologically, it is worthwhile to eval- Paleoaktueel 10, Groningen, 20-25. uate the socio-economic and geographical context Aylwin Cotton, M. 1979, Una villa ed un grande edificio in which Livy’s narrative of Archaic warfare and romani lungo la villa Gabina, Quaderni del Centro di raiding is set and to invest it with meaning, as such Studio per l’Archeologia Etrusco-Italica, 3, 82-85. making landscape archaeology relevant to ancient Bedini, A. 1978, Abitato protostorico in località Acqua history and vice versa. Acetosa Laurentina, Quaderni del Centro di Studio per l’Archeologia Etrusco-Italica, 1, 30-34. Bedini, A. 1984a, Scavi al Torrino, Quaderni del Centro di Studio per l’Archeologia Etrusco-Italica, 8, 84-90. 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