Julie A. Nelson CV
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Econ 771.001
ECON 771: Political Economy of Race and Gender Spring 2018 Dr. Elissa Braunstein Department of Economics, Colorado State University [email protected] Office: C327 Clark Office hours: T 1:00 – 2:00 (or by appointment) Overview I define political economy as “the study of the impact of group identity and collective conflict on the organization of economic activity and its consequences.” Political economy traditions tend to focus on class as a source of identity and group conflict. In this course, we will expand that focus to incorporate other sources of group membership, giving you a broad background in economic approaches to inequality and identity based on race/ethnicity and gender. We will focus primarily on the neoclassical, Marxian political economy and feminist literatures. In addition to learning more about the relationship between group membership and economic structures, we will use the prisms of race and gender to better understand and critique various approaches to economic analysis. And while much of the literature focuses on the U.S. context, I will try to broaden the discussion as often as possible, and encourage students to do the same. I welcome students from other social science disciplines. Although we will cover some advanced material that may be difficult for those who have not completed graduate economics courses, the emphasis will be on the main points, rather than the technical detail. The syllabus includes both required readings (*starred) and supplemental readings/sections as I wanted to give you a more complete sense of the literature if you are interested in looking further into a particular topic. -
Orthodox and Heterodox Economics in Recent Economic Methodology
Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics, Volume 8, Issue 1, Spring 2015, pp. 61-81. http://ejpe.org/pdf/8-1-art-4.pdf Orthodox and heterodox economics in recent economic methodology D. WADE HANDS University of Puget Sound Abstract: This paper discusses the development of the field of economic methodology during the last few decades emphasizing the early influence of the “shelf” of Popperian philosophy and the division between neoclassical and heterodoX economics. It argues that the field of methodology has recently adopted a more naturalistic approach focusing primarily on the “new pluralist” subfields of experimental economics, behavioral economics, neuroeconomics, and related subjects. Keywords: orthodoX, heterodoX, neoclassical, economic theory, economic methodology JEL Classification: A12, B41, B49, B50 Myself when young did have ambition to contribute to the growth of social science. At the end, I am more interested in having less nonsense posing as knowledge (Frank Knight, 1956). At the time I was finishing graduate school, there was no real “field” of economic methodology. There were of course methodological writings by influential economists (e.g., Robbins 1932, 1952; Friedman 1953; Samuelson 1964, 1965), but these works were seldom of the same intellectual quality as the research that had made these economists famous as economists. There were also brief discussions of economics in influential books on the philosophy of science (e.g., Hempel 1965, AUTHOR’S NOTE: This paper began as a lecture delivered at the XVII Meeting on Epistemology of the Economic Sciences, School of Economic Sciences, University of Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Argentina, October 6-7, 2011. It was subsequently published in Perspectives on epistemology of economics: essays on methodology of economics (Lazzarini and Weisman 2012). -
Barbara, the Market, and the State Nancy Folbre
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Economics Department Faculty Publications Series Economics 1998 Barbara, the Market, and the State Nancy Folbre Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/econ_faculty_pubs Part of the Economic Theory Commons Recommended Citation Folbre, Nancy, "Barbara, the Market, and the State" (1998). Feminist Economics. 106. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/econ_faculty_pubs/106 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics at ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Economics Department Faculty Publications Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. B ARBARA, THE M ARKET, AND THE STATE Nancy Folbre ABSTRACT Some re ections, in poetry and prose, on Barbara Bergmann’s contributions to economic theory. KEYWORDS Bergmann, discrimination, child care, feminist theory A FAIRY TALE People say that, once upon a time, there was an emperor, Fond of silks and satins, vain to a fault, fearful that his naked parts Did not measure up, who employed many a tailor to construct A wondrous wardrobe that could make him look greater than he was. Yet he also wanted to seem good and kind and true because His authority rested on the consent of those he ruled. The emperor’s objective function, economists would describe As positive and decreasing in all Z goods related to his own appearance And consumption; picture an indifference curve describing combinations Of virtue and privilege that would equally suit; equilibrium depends On the relative price of both, the noble budget line, and hence, It matters that honesty is by far the most expensive good. -
Positivism and the Separation of Law and Economics
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 1996 Positivism and the Separation of Law and Economics Avery W. Katz Columbia Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Business Organizations Law Commons, and the Law and Economics Commons Recommended Citation Avery W. Katz, Positivism and the Separation of Law and Economics, 94 MICH. L. REV. 2229 (1996). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/610 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POSITIVISM AND THE SEPARATION OF LAW AND ECONOMICS Avery Wiener Katz* INTRODUCION The modem field of law and economics - that is, the application of economic analysis to legal subjects other than trade and business reg- ulation - is now over thirty years old, but it remains controversial in the legal academy and, to a lesser extent, in the profession at large. Since its beginnings in the early 1960s, the economic approach has pro- voked substantial opposition and antagonism. The sources of this resis- tance, however, are a matter of dispute. Many economists and economi- cally influenced lawyers attribute it to more traditional lawyers' reluctance to learn a new and unfamiliar set of concepts and techniques. Critics of the economic approach offer a variety of other explanations. Some are skeptical of the utility of abstract theoretical modeling in the social sciences,' others object to economics' central behavioral assump- tion of rational choice,2 still others criticize economics' supposed liber- tarian politics and ideological allegiance to laissez-faire. -
1. the Damnation of Economics
Notes 1. The Damnation of Economics 1. One example of vice-regal patronage of anti-economics is Canada’s ‘Governor General’s Award for Non-Fiction’. In 1995 this honour was bestowed upon John Raulston Saul’s anti-economic polemic The Unconscious Civilization (published in 1996). A taste of Saul’s wisdom: ‘Over the last quarter-century economics has raised itself to the level of a scientific profession and more or less foisted a Nobel Prize in its own honour onto the Nobel committee thanks to annual financing from a bank. Yet over the same 25 years, economics has been spectacularly unsuc- cessful in its attempts to apply its models and theories to the reality of our civili- sation’ (Saul 1996, p. 4). See Pusey (1991) and Cox (1995) for examples of patronage of anti-economics by Research Councils and Broadcasting Corporations. 2. Another example of economists’ ‘stillness’: the economists of 1860 did not join the numerous editorial rebukes of Ruskin’s anti-economics tracts (Anthony, 1983). 3. The anti-economist is not to be contrasted with the economist. An economist (that is, a person with a specialist knowledge of economics) may be an anti- economist. The true obverse of anti-economist is ‘philo-economist’: someone who holds that economics is a boon. 4. One may think of economics as a disease (as the anti-economist does), or one may think of economics as diseased. Mark Blaug: ‘Modern economics is “sick” . To para- phrase the title of a popular British musical: “No Reality, Please. We’re Economists”’ (Blaug 1998, p. -
Unconditional Basic Income
Interrogations #3, Sociology 929, Week 4, February 13, 2018 Unconditional Basic Income 1. Wendy Does basic income undermine access to necessary public goods? Based on the state of public services in the United States, combined with political dynamics on the local, state, and federal levels, I worry that if UBI is implemented in the United States, the program will take on a much more libertarian character. This problem is addressed in OCAP’s paper, “Basic Income: Progressive Dreams Meet Neoliberal Realities,” as well as Barbara Bergmann’s chapter in Redesigning Distribution, “A Swedish- Style Welfare State or Basic Income: Which should have priority?” UBI has already been discussed as a policy to advance the libertarian objective of abolishing most public services like education, healthcare, housing, and transportation (see a series of essays from the Cato Institute: https://www.cato-unbound.org/2014/08/04/matt-zwolinski/pragmatic-libertarian- case-basic-income-guarantee). As it stands in the United States, many public institutions are already weak, underfunded, and inefficient. Without a concerted effort to improve these institutions, the provision of a UBI could possibly allow many individuals to turn to private services- whether it is enrolling in a private school instead of a public school, finding a private healthcare service instead of going to the VA, or taking Ubers instead of buses and subways. Rather than moving towards socialism, the UBI could instead fuel the encroachment of capitalism on the goods we consider to be basic and necessary to everyday survival. Furthermore, I believe the tradeoff Bergmann sets up, between funding public services and funding the UBI will play a large role in some localities. -
A Feminist Critique of the Neoclassical Theory of the Family
Chapter 1 8 Karine S. Moe A Feminist Critique of with Equal Employment Opportunity laws. Hersch surveys the relevant laws that prohibit employment discrimination. Connecting economics and the legal context, she uses noteworthy cases to illustrate the arguments employed in the courtroom to the Neoclassical Theory of establish a legal finding of discrimination. the Family Love, commitment, work. The essays in this book illustrate how economics can lead to a better understanding of the balancing act in women's lives. The authors help Marianne A. Berber beginner readers of economics to understand how economics can be applied to realms outside of the marketplace. The essays also challenge more advanced readers to think critically about how women connect the domain of family and care to the domain of labor market work. Gary Becker's A Treatise on the family (1981) was published about 20 years ago, a culmination of much of his previous work.1 It has remained the centerpiece of neo- REFERENCES classical economic theory of the family ever since, and Becker has widely, albeit not entirely accurately, been considered "the father" of what is also widely referred to as Becker, Gary. 1981. A Treatise on the Family. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2 Bergmann, Barbara R. 1995. "Becker's Theory of the Family: Preposterous Conclusions." the "new home economics." Actually, the honor of pioneering research on and Feminist Economics I: 141-50. analysis of the household as an economic unit properly belongs mainly to Margaret Hersch, Joni and Leslie S. Stratton. 1994. "Housework, Wages, and the Division of Reid (1934), who in turn gave a great deal of credit to Hazel Kyrk, her teacher and 3 Housework Time for Employed Spouses." American Economic Review 84:120-5. -
Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch
Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch Stahl, Rune Møller Document Version Submitted manuscript Publication date: 2018 Citation for published version (APA): Stahl, R. M. (2018). Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch. Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen. Ph.d.-serien Link to publication in CBS Research Portal General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us ([email protected]) providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 ECONOMIC THEORY, POLITICS AND THE STATE IN THE NEOLIBERAL EPOCH Rune Møller Stahl Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences University of Copenhagen This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2018 CONTENT Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................................................... 3 Thesis Framework ............................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................ -
Evaluating the Atheoretical Turn in Economics 1
Form and Function: Evaluating the Atheoretical Turn in Economics Meredith M. Paker Nuffield College University of Oxford meredith.paker@nuffield.ox.ac.uk Prepared for Philosophy and Methodology of Economics Economic and Social History June 2017 1 Introduction Since the late 1990s, research in economics has increasingly employed “atheoretical” exper- imental and quasi-experimental methods.1 As laboratory and field experiments became more accepted in the discipline, paralleling the rise of behavioral economics, statistical quasi-experimental methods were developed and standardized. These tools, including difference-in-difference, regression discontinuity, and instrumental variable approaches, have made quasi-experimental analyses of natural or institutional variation more ac- cessible, popular, and persuasive. Experimentally-based approaches are now common throughout the discipline and are especially prominent in empirical microeconomic re- search, where they have displaced structural and theory-driven work in fields such as labor, education, and public economics.2 Two main reasons are often cited for the growth of work in experimental economics. First, experimentally-based methods are seen as “atheoretic” when compared with tradi- 1. “Economists are prone to fads, and the latest is machine learning,” The Economist, November 2016, http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21710800-big-data-have-led- latest-craze-economic-research-economists-are-prone, In addition to an increase in machine learning methods, the figure shows a remarkable upward trend in laboratory, randomized control trial, difference-in-difference, and regression discontinuity approaches. 2. John Rust, “Comments on ‘Structural vs. Atheoretic Approaches to Econometrics’ by Michael Keane,” Journal of Econometrics 156, no. 1 (2010): p. 21. 1 tional structural methods that make a priori parametric assumptions.3 Second, structural modeling is difficult, time consuming, and less likely to be appreciated by academic jour- nals looking for intuitive and easily-explained work. -
David Ricardo. Life, Original Ideas and the Greek Translation of His Works
DAVID RICARDO: LIFE, ORIGINAL IDEAS AND THE GREEK TRANSLATIONS OF HIS WORKS Manolis Spathis [email protected] David Ricardo was born in 1772 in London. His family was rich and his father was a banker. David Ricardo’s relations with his family were deeply hurt when he was baptized Christian while his family were Jewish. Before his 25th year of age, Ricardo already had the reputation of a millionaire and a great banker. After he had accumulate a satisfying fortune he was not interested in stock market that much. In his mid 20s he had a complete shift in his lifestyle, he dropped the stock market, bought a piece of land and got occupied educating himself. He studied math and physics, he even built a laboratory and collected stones. A couple later he had already been impressed and inspired by Adam Smith’s book An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. This was a period of great turbulence and instability for the British economy due to the long-lasting war with France. This fact boosted the discussion over economics and caused a great deal of tensions between the people affected by the rapid devaluation of the banknotes and the skyrocketing of grain prices. In 1809, ten years after Ricardo’s initial decision to engage with economics, he published a brochure under the title On the High Price of Bullion, introducing a quantitative theory of money and suggesting the withdrawal of a certain amount of money in order to restore its value compared to gold. -
The Enduring Debate Over Unpaid Labour
TheInternational enduring Labour debate Review, over unpaid Vol. 138 labour (1999), No. 3 287 The enduring debate over unpaid labour Lourdes BENERÍA * onceptual and theoretical norms are at the root of statistical biases leading C to the underestimation of women’s work in labour force and national accounting statistics. Initially viewed as a way of making women’s work more visible, the effort to account for women’s work has gradually evolved to in- clude all unpaid work by whomever it is performed (men, women, children). The evolution of this effort illustrates how the questions raised by feminists have a relevance transcending feminism and challenging basic tenets in conven- tional economic thinking. Ester Boserup, in her classic 1970 book, Woman’s role in economic devel- opment, pointed out that “the subsistence activities usually omitted in the statis- tics of production and income are largely women’s work” (Boserup, 1970, p. 163). She was a pioneer in emphasizing the time-consuming character of these activities which, in rural economies, include physically demanding tasks such as fetching wood and carrying water as well as food production and the “crude processing of basic foods”. Even earlier, Margaret Reid, in her 1934 book, Economics of household production, expressed concern about the exclusion of domestic production from national income accounts and designed a method to estimate the value of home- based work. Then, from the late 1960s, the international women’s movement prepared the ground for a new look at the estimation of women’s economic activities. The issue was then seen as symbolizing society’s undervaluation of women and of their contribution to social well-being. -
Revisiting a Definition Toward the Meaning of the New Political Economy
International Journal of Innovation, Creativity and Change. www.ijicc.net Volume 10, Issue 10, 2020 The Meaning of Political Economy: Revisiting a Definition toward the Meaning of the New Political Economy Mohd Syakir Mohd Rosdia*, Richard Jacksonb, aCenter for Islamic Development Management Studies, 11800 Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang, Malaysia, bNational Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Otago, New Zealand, Email: a*[email protected]/[email protected] The aim of this article is to examine the meaning of political economy. Although it is clearly defined, scholars throughout history have been challenged to distinguish the science of political economy and the sciences of economics and politics as separate disciplines. There are two problems. Firstly, we need to recognize accurately the scholars in political economy. Secondly, there has been a clash of ideas as many scholars built a framework of understanding in political economy. Many scholars mixed their ideas to build a specific framework of meaning of political economy. Some scholars approached political economy from an economic perspective, others from a political perspective. Based on a literature review and textual analysis, this paper will re-evaluate the meaning of political economy that recognises the need to focus on both the definition and the history of the field. It can be difficult to recognize the contribution of economic scholars such as Smith and Ricardo or political scholars such as Marx in the field of political economy. However, it has been established that they contributed to an ideology that developed the understanding of classical political economy. Adjusting for a political scholars’ perspective and economical scholars’ perspective, the pathway from the classical political economy into the new political economy is still to infer the meaning of political economy.