Revisiting a Definition Toward the Meaning of the New Political Economy
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Lucas on the Relationship Between Theory and Ideology
Discussion Paper No. 2010-28 | November 17, 2010 | http://www.economics-ejournal.org/economics/discussionpapers/2010-28 Lucas on the Relationship between Theory and Ideology Michel De Vroey IRES, University of Louvain Please cite the corresponding journal article: http://dx.doi.org/10.5018/economics-ejournal.ja.2011-4 Abstract This paper concerns a neglected aspect of Lucas’s work: his methodological writings, published and unpublished. Particular attention is paid to his views on the relationship between theory and ideology. I start by setting out Lucas’s non-standard conception of theory: to him, a theory and a model are the same thing. I also explore the different facets and implications of this conception. In the next two sections, I debate whether Lucas adheres to two methodological principles that I dub the ‘non-interference’ precept (the proposition that ideological viewpoints should not influence theory), and the ‘non-exploitation’ precept (that the models’ conclusions should not be transposed into policy recommendations, in so far as these conclusions are built into the models’ premises). The last part of the paper contains my assessment of Lucas’s ideas. First, I bring out the extent to which Lucas departs from the view held by most specialized methodologists. Second, I wonder whether the new classical revolution resulted from a political agenda. Third and finally, I claim that the tensions characterizing Lucas’s conception of theory follow from his having one foot in the neo- Walrasian and the other in the Marshallian–Friedmanian universe. JEL B22, B31, B41, E30 Keywords Lucas; new classical macroeconomics; methodology Correspondence Michel De Vroey, IRES, University of Louvain, Place Montesquieu 3, B- 3458 Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium: e-mail: [email protected] A first version of this paper was presented at seminars given at the University of Toronto and the University of British Columbia. -
The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: a Critique of Received Explanations
The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: A Critique of Received Explanations Joseph T. Salerno or roughly the first three quarters of the nineteenth century, the "liberal school" thoroughly dominated economic thinking and teaching in F France.1 Adherents of the school were also to be found in the United States and Italy, and liberal doctrines exercised a profound influence on prominent German and British economists. Although its numbers and au- thority began to dwindle after the 1870s, the school remained active and influential in France well into the 1920s. Even after World War II, there were a few noteworthy French economists who could be considered intellectual descendants of the liberal tradition. Despite its great longevity and wide-ranging influence, the scientific con- tributions of the liberal school and their impact on the development of Eu- ropean and U.S. economic thought—particularly on those economists who are today recognized as the forerunners, founders, and early exponents of marginalist economics—have been belittled or simply ignored by most twen- tieth-century Anglo-American economists and historians of thought. A number of doctrinal scholars, including Joseph Schumpeter, have noted and attempted to explain the curious neglect of the school in the En- glish-language literature. In citing the school's "analytical sterility" or "indif- ference to pure theory" as a main cause of its neglect, however, their expla- nations have overlooked a salient fact: that many prominent contributors to economic analysis throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries expressed strong appreciation of or weighty intellectual debts to the purely theoretical contributions of the liberal school. -
1. the Damnation of Economics
Notes 1. The Damnation of Economics 1. One example of vice-regal patronage of anti-economics is Canada’s ‘Governor General’s Award for Non-Fiction’. In 1995 this honour was bestowed upon John Raulston Saul’s anti-economic polemic The Unconscious Civilization (published in 1996). A taste of Saul’s wisdom: ‘Over the last quarter-century economics has raised itself to the level of a scientific profession and more or less foisted a Nobel Prize in its own honour onto the Nobel committee thanks to annual financing from a bank. Yet over the same 25 years, economics has been spectacularly unsuc- cessful in its attempts to apply its models and theories to the reality of our civili- sation’ (Saul 1996, p. 4). See Pusey (1991) and Cox (1995) for examples of patronage of anti-economics by Research Councils and Broadcasting Corporations. 2. Another example of economists’ ‘stillness’: the economists of 1860 did not join the numerous editorial rebukes of Ruskin’s anti-economics tracts (Anthony, 1983). 3. The anti-economist is not to be contrasted with the economist. An economist (that is, a person with a specialist knowledge of economics) may be an anti- economist. The true obverse of anti-economist is ‘philo-economist’: someone who holds that economics is a boon. 4. One may think of economics as a disease (as the anti-economist does), or one may think of economics as diseased. Mark Blaug: ‘Modern economics is “sick” . To para- phrase the title of a popular British musical: “No Reality, Please. We’re Economists”’ (Blaug 1998, p. -
Firmin Oulès and the “New Lausanne School”
Firmin Oulès and the "New Lausanne School" David Sarech (University of Lausanne, Ph.D. Student) In this paper I will present Firmin Oulès’ “harmonized economics” and interrogate the relationship between state and market in his thought. “Harmonized economics” were conceived as the continuation of Léon Walras’ theory. The key concept of the first Lausanne school is the notion of equilibrium. Indeed, Walras forged it in order to “scientifically” demonstrate the superiority of a competition-based economy. However, the mathematical approach he chose, as well as his disdain for the orthodox economy of his time, led him to be misunderstood and he did not receive the recognition he was expecting. Thus the concept of general equilibrium would be forgotten until the mid 1950’s when it would become the core of microeconomics. However, as recent studies in history of economic thought have shown, the concept of equilibrium in Walras’ thought has to be understood in a broader context than a purely economical one. Indeed, the main goal of Walras was to bring an answer to “the social question”. Contrary to Marx, he did not think of it as being a problem of profit distribution between labor and capital. Instead he thought the goal of the economist was to create an economic system were everyone would be able to exert its inner abilities and in which inequalities would be based solely on merit. The incentive created by private property and profit-seeking being the groundwork of a flourishing economy, the equilibrium had to be understood as a tool to establish this idealistic society. -
Adam Smith and the Austrian School of Economics: the Problem of Diamonds and Water
Stefan Poier 1st year Part-time Doctoral Studies Adam Smith and the Austrian School of Economics: The Problem of Diamonds and Water Keywords: Adam Smith, Austrian School of Economics, Value Paradox, Marginal Utility, Decision Making Introduction When end of 2017 Leonardo da Vinci's painting "Salvator Mundi" was auctioned off for over $450 million, it was nearly three times as expensive as the second most expensive painting, a Picasso, and it could have compensated for the state deficit of Lithuania. An absurdly high sum for a piece of wood and oil paint. How do you explain such a price? Neither the amount of time spent working on it, nor the benefits from this work alone could justify it. Why do we often pay high prices for goods with little use, but low prices for things that are sometimes partially vital? Generations of economists and philosophers have tried to resolve this apparent paradox. An explanation for this price is - quite simply - an individual’s willingness to pay this price. The prestige gain of owning one of only fifteen paintings of the probably most important artist and universal scholar of all time can already provide an enormous increase in status. It is the scarcity, the uniqueness of the artwork, which justified the high increase in utility or satisfaction. If there were any number of similar works, no one would pay more than the utility value for it. This – today rational – economic inference was not always granted. It is based on the recognition that the benefits of consumption of a good decreases with the amount consumed (and thus with the saturation of the consumer). -
Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch
Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch Stahl, Rune Møller Document Version Submitted manuscript Publication date: 2018 Citation for published version (APA): Stahl, R. M. (2018). Economic Theory, Politics and the State in the Neoliberal Epoch. Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen. Ph.d.-serien Link to publication in CBS Research Portal General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us ([email protected]) providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 ECONOMIC THEORY, POLITICS AND THE STATE IN THE NEOLIBERAL EPOCH Rune Møller Stahl Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences University of Copenhagen This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2018 CONTENT Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................................................... 3 Thesis Framework ............................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................ -
Schools of Economic Thought (Pdf)
SCHOOLS OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT A BRIEF HISTORY OF ECONOMICS This isn't really essential to know, but may satisfy the curiosity of many. Mercantilism Economics is said to begin with Adam Smith in 1776. Prior to that, nobody thought of economics, or markets, as an object of study. It is not that they didn't pay attention to economic matters, it is simply that they didn't think of it in any systematic or coherent manner. It was all just off-the-cuff intuition and policy proposals by a myriad of merchants, government officials & journalists, principally in Britain. It is common to denote the period before 1776 as "Mercantilism". It wasn't a coherent school of thought, but a hodge-podge of varying ideas about improving tax revenues, the value & movements of gold and how nations competed for international commerce & colonies. Mostly protectionist, 'war-minded', and all haphazardly argued. (the principal features of the Mercantilist school are discussed in our "Gains from Trade" handout). There was some opposition to Mercantilist doctrines, notably among French and Scottish thinkers (e.g. Pierre de Boisguilbert, Francois Quesnay, Jacques Turgot and David Hume) Classical School The Enlightenment era (mid-1700s) in Europe brought a new spirit of scientific inquiry. Thinkers began looking to apply scientific principles not only to the physical world, but also to human society. In the same spirit that Sir Isaac Newton 'discovered' the "law of gravity" to explain the interaction of natural forces and decipher how the physical world operates, Enlightenment thinkers began trying to discover the "laws" of human interaction, to explain how human society operates. -
Austrian Economic Thought: Its Evolution and Its Contribution to Consumer Behavior
A Great Revolution in Economics –Vienna 1871 and after Austrian economic thought: its evolution and its contribution to consumer behavior Lazaros Th. Houmanidis Auke R. Leen A great REVOLUTION In economics —VIENNA 1871 and after AUSTRIAN ECONOMIC THOUGHT: ITS EVOLUTION AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO CONSUMER BEHAVIOR Lazaros Th. Houmanidis Auke R. Leen The letter type on the cover is of Arnold Böcklin (Basel 1827-1901 Fiesole). It is a typical example of the Art Nouveau (Jugendstil) style—the fashionable style of art in Vienna at the end of the 19th century (the time older Austrianism came in full swing). In a sense, Böcklin’s work represents the essence of Austrianism: “Never was he interested in the accidental; he wanted the everlasting”. Cereales Foundation, publisher Wageningen University P.O. Box 357, 6700 AJ Wageningen, The Netherlands E [email protected] Printed by Grafisch Service Centrum Van Gils B.V. Cover design by Hans Weggen (Art Director Cereales) © 2001 Lazaros Th. Houmanidis and Auke R. Leen ISBN 90-805724-3-8 In the memory of our beloved colleague JACOB JAN KRABBE PREFACE A Great Revolution in Economics—Vienna 1871 and after is about the revolution in economic thought that started in Vienna in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. After a time of trying to save the objective value theory the time was there for a new awakening of economic thought. In Vienna, for the first time by the 1871 publication of Menger’s Grundsätze, value become subjective, and the market a process with a sovereign consumer. This book is about this awakening that proved to be more than a plaisanterie viennoise. -
David Ricardo. Life, Original Ideas and the Greek Translation of His Works
DAVID RICARDO: LIFE, ORIGINAL IDEAS AND THE GREEK TRANSLATIONS OF HIS WORKS Manolis Spathis [email protected] David Ricardo was born in 1772 in London. His family was rich and his father was a banker. David Ricardo’s relations with his family were deeply hurt when he was baptized Christian while his family were Jewish. Before his 25th year of age, Ricardo already had the reputation of a millionaire and a great banker. After he had accumulate a satisfying fortune he was not interested in stock market that much. In his mid 20s he had a complete shift in his lifestyle, he dropped the stock market, bought a piece of land and got occupied educating himself. He studied math and physics, he even built a laboratory and collected stones. A couple later he had already been impressed and inspired by Adam Smith’s book An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. This was a period of great turbulence and instability for the British economy due to the long-lasting war with France. This fact boosted the discussion over economics and caused a great deal of tensions between the people affected by the rapid devaluation of the banknotes and the skyrocketing of grain prices. In 1809, ten years after Ricardo’s initial decision to engage with economics, he published a brochure under the title On the High Price of Bullion, introducing a quantitative theory of money and suggesting the withdrawal of a certain amount of money in order to restore its value compared to gold. -
Regarding the Past
Regarding the Past Proceedings of the 20th Conference of the History of Economic Thought Society of Australia University of Queensland 11-13 July 2007 Edited by Peter E. Earl and Bruce Littleboy This book comprises complete texts and/or abstracts of refereed papers presented at the 20th Conference of the History of Economic Thought Society of Australia held at The Women’s College, University of Queensland, 11-13 July 2007. © Selection and editorial material Peter E. Earl and Bruce Littleboy; individual chapters, the respective contributors Published by The School of Economics University of Queensland St Lucia, Brisbane QLD 4072 Australia ISBN: 9781 8649 98 979 (pbk); 9781 8649 98 955 (CD-ROM) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in Australia by the University of Queensland Printery Contents List of Contributors v Introduction Peter E. Earl and Bruce Littleboy vii 1 History for Economics: Learning from the Past 1 Alexander Dow and Sheila Dow 2 Theories of Economic Development in the Scottish Enlightenment 9 Alexander Dow and Sheila Dow 3 Ethical Foundations of Adam Smith’s Political Economy 25 James E. Alvey 4 Smith and the Materialist Theory of History 44 Jeremy Shearmur 5 Post-Keynesianism and the Possibility of a Post-Keynesian Politics 62 Geoff Dow 6 George Stigler’s Rhetoric – Dreams of Martin Luther 78 Craig Freedman 7 Why is the Austrian School’s Methodology Problematical? 103 Troy P. -
Food Safety Versus an Individual in the Theory of Economics
p-ISSN 0044-1600 e-ISSN 2392-3458 Problems of Agricultural Economics www.zer.waw.pl 3(352) 2017, 41-59 Translation from Polish StaniSław KowalczyK DOI: 10.5604/00441600.1245845 Institute of Agricultural and Food Economics – National Research Institute Warsaw FOOD SAFETY VERSUS AN INDIVIDUAL IN THE THEORY OF ECONOMICS one knows little of little life unlesshe has a theoretical system by which to interpret it. (J.K. Galbraith, the new industrial State, 1967) Abstract the paper attempts to define theoretical grounds for the phenomenon of food safety. Usually, food safety refers to two key areas: the presence of foreign substances in food and food falsification.t he former describes food safety in terms of health, the latter in terms of economic aspects. the focal point of the analysis is the “individual”, whose status is very different in respective theories of economics. the discussions compared the approach to the role and character of the individual in all major schools of economic thought ranging from classical liberalism, Keynesian school, Schumpete- rian school to neo-institutional and behavioural schools. the author con- cludes that what best explains the behaviour of individuals in its market activity as regards food safety is the neoclassical approach. Finally, the paper formulates the prerequisites to provide consumers with the desired food safety status. Keywords: food safety, individual in the theory of economics, food quality, schools of economic thought, technostructure. JEL codes: A11, L66, Q18. Problems of Agricultural Economics 42 Stanisław Kowalczyk Food safety today According to Galbraith, there is little in theory that cannot be tested in life. -
Economic History
History of Economic Thought Ed. by Dr. Edilberto Segura Throughout history, economists have been concerned with the workings of an economy. A typical representation of the workings of an economy would include three markets, goods markets, labor markets, and capital markets, as follows: The concerns of economists over time included questions such as: What determines prices in these three markets (good prices, labor prices [wages], money price [interest rates])? What determines quantities in these three markets (goods produced/consumed, quantity of labor employment, investment levels)? What should be the organization of production (private sector, collective, government)? What should be the role of the government? How to maintain economic growth and stability?, etc. These questions were addressed by different schools of economic though over time, by the following main schools of economic thought: Ancient Greek Economists (380 BC) The Scholastics (1200 AD) Late Scholastic Period: The Salamanca School (1536 AD) The Mercantilists (1568 AD) The Physiocrats (1768 AD) The Classical School (1776 AD) The Neoclassical School (1870 AD) The Marxist School (1848 AD) The Keynesian School (1936 AD) The Neo-Keynesian School (1937 AD) The Post-Keynesian School (1965 AD) The New Monetarist Chicago School (1970 AD) The New Classical School (1980s AD) The Institutional School (1900 AD) The Economic Development Theories (1930 AD) 2 Ancient Greek Economists (380 BC) The study of Economics started with the ancient Greeks, principally Aristotle (380 BC). They looked at economics from an ethical and moral angle. On the goods market: What is a just or fair price in an exchange of money for goods? In the labor market: Is forced labor without wages (slavery) justified? In the capital markets: Is it fair to charge interest rates? On the issue of "just prices” Aristotle (in his book Ethics) had said that the “just” exchange ratio of goods (i.e.