Obeyond Wari Walls

oBeyond Wari Walls

o Beyond Wari Walls

Regional Perspectives on Middle Horizon Peru

Justin Jennings, Editor

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Beyond Wari walls : regional perspectives on Middle Horizon Peru / Justin Jennings, editor. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-8263-4867-8 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Huari Indians—Politics and government. 2. Huari Indians—Material culture. 3. Huari Indians—Antiquities. 4. Culture diffusion—Peru—History. I. Jennings, Justin. F3430.1.H83B49 2010 985’.01—dc22 2010025871 s

Contents

Figures vii

Tables ix

C h a p t e r 1 Beyond Wari Walls 1 Justin Jennings

Chapter 2 The Nature of Wari Presence in the Mid–Moquegua Valley: Investigating Contact at Cerro Trapiche 19 Ulrike Matthies Green and Paul S. Goldstein

Chapter 3 Becoming Wari: Globalization and the Role of the Wari State in the Cotahuasi Valley of Southern Peru 37 Justin Jennings

Chapter 4 Wari in the Majes-Camaná Valley: A Different Kind of Horizon 57 Bruce Owen

Chapter 5 Local Settlement Continuity and Wari Impact in Middle Horizon Cusco 79 Véronique Bélisle and R. Alan Covey Chapter 6 Nasca and Wari: Local Opportunism and Colonial Ties during the Middle Horizon 96 Christina A. Conlee

Chapter 7 The Wari Footprint on the Central Coast: A View from Cajamarquilla and Pachacamac 113 Rafael Segura Llanos and Izumi Shimada

Chapter 8 What Role Did Wari Play in the Lima Political Economy?: The Peruvian Central Coast at the Beginning of the Middle Horizon 136 Giancarlo Marcone F.

Chapter 9 The Wari State, Its Use of Ancestors, Rural Hinterland, and Agricultural Infrastructure 155 Frank Meddens and Nicholas Branch

Chapter 10 Piecing Together the Middle: The Middle Horizon in the Norte Chico 171 Kit Nelson, Nathan Craig, and Manuel Perales

Chapter 11 Contextualizing the Wari-Huamachuco Relationship 188 Theresa Lange Topic and John R. Topic

Chapter 12 Moche and Wari during the Middle Horizon on the North Coast of Peru 213 Claude Chapdelaine

Chapter 13 Agency, Identity, and Control: Understanding Wari Space and Power 233 William H. Isbell

Contributors 255

Index 259

vi Chapter 6 o

Nasca and Wari

Local Opportunism and Colonial Ties during the Middle Horizon

Christina A. Conlee

y the mid-twentieth century, when archae- several highland and coastal sites. She documented the ologists had accepted that Wari was an inde- influence of the Nasca ceramic style on the contem- Bpendent and powerful pre-Hispanic society, porary Early Intermediate Period Huarpa style of the research on the Nasca culture of the South Coast of Wari heartland, and on subsequent imperial styles of Peru led to questions about the role and influence of the Middle Horizon. This influence included imagery, Wari in coastal regions. Dorothy Menzel’s (1964) study use of color, slip-painting, and high-temperature firing of Middle Horizon ceramics was one of the first to try (Benavides C. 1971; Cook 1984–1985; Knobloch 1976; and define the relationship between the Wari state Menzel 1964). Conversely, Wari pottery (especially the and the Nasca culture. Menzel recognized early on Chakipampa style) also contributed elements to the local the expansive nature of Wari and the variability in the Nasca style. Menzel’s analysis included pottery excavated extent and type of influence it had in different areas of from the Wari site of Pacheco in the Nazca Valley where the central Andes. She also found that religion played many oversized Robles Moqo–style vessels were delib- a role in Wari expansion and that it was particularly erately broken, interred in adobe chambers, and used as important in Nasca, which had a close relationship offerings in a similar manner to the offering deposit of both politically and ideologically with Wari. “Nasca Conchopata near the capital city of Huari. thus seems to have enjoyed a special privileged position Pacheco, with its impressive pottery, is the best in the new empire, sharing its prestige in the provinces, known Wari site on the South Coast and has been cen- perhaps somewhat in the way in which Greece shared in tral to interpretations of Wari expansion and control in the prestige of the Roman Empire” (Menzel 1964:68). the Nazca region. The site was first investigated by Julio Menzel viewed Nasca as a center of prestige that influ- C. Tello in 1927 after looters had uncovered a series of enced the developing Wari state, and once the state was adobe rooms (Menzel 1964:24). Tello excavated over established she thought Nasca’s prestige among other three tons of ceramics including many oversized urns. groups was enhanced because of its unique connection In 1930 Ronald L. Olson made some additional exca- with Wari. vations and found an abundance of camelid bones and Menzel’s interpretation of the relationship between ceramic sherds of local and Wari nonceremonial types. Wari and Nasca was based primarily on ceramics from Unfortunately, around 1953 Pacheco was bulldozed,

96 much of the site was destroyed, and it is now covered by large ceremonial center of Cahuachi was also established agricultural fields (Menzel 1964:23). Menzel concluded in this period, and there was a proliferation in construc- that the site was an important ritual location, given the tion of the Nasca lines (geoglyphs). Most archaeologists large offering deposit found there, and that a colony agree that a politically complex polity developed at this of people from the highlands lived at the settlement. time, although there continues to be some debate over Thorough scientific excavations at Pacheco were never whether to classify it as a state, chiefdom, series of chief- undertaken, and the subsequent destruction of the site doms, or a heterarchy (Reindel and Isla 1999; Schreiber makes further investigation, and more detailed interpre- 1999; Schreiber and Lancho 2003; Silverman 2002; tations, difficult. Vaughn 2004). Since Menzel’s initial work, much more has become Middle Nasca (AD 450–550) was a transitional known about Wari both at the capital and in the prov- period during which underground aqueducts were con- inces. Projects in the highlands and the coast have pro- structed in the southern Nazca drainage, and there was vided a wealth of information about many aspects of the movement of people into the middle parts of the val- Wari state. The Nazca region has also been the focus of ley (Schreiber and Lancho 2003). This appears to have archaeological investigations, and recent research has been a period of drought that may have created stress in focused on societies of all time periods, including the the region and led to new innovations (Schreiber and Middle Horizon, and the periods before and after Wari. Lancho 2003; Silverman and Proulx 2002; Thompson This diachronic approach has aided in our understand- et al. 1985). The ceramic style underwent a change in ing of local society and the impact of Wari expansion Middle Nasca from naturalistic to more abstract designs and collapse on people of the region. Menzel’s pioneering (Proulx 1968), and construction stopped at Cahuachi work has been crucial in guiding research on the rela- (Orefici 1993; Silverman 1993). In Late Nasca (AD tionship between Wari and Nasca. Recent research in 550–750) the population aggregated at large settlements Nazca supports many of Menzel’s earlier ideas; however, (Reindel and Isla 1998; Schreiber 1999; Schreiber and new data reveal that the situation was more complicated Lancho 2003; Silverman 2002), and the ceramic style than she initially proposed, and that in Nazca, as in other continued to change with warfare and warriors more areas during the Middle Horizon, there was a diversity of commonly depicted (Proulx 1983; Silverman and Proulx responses to and interactions with the Wari state. 2002). Overall, Late Nasca was a time of reorganization and potentially greater political complexity, and it is during this period that the relationship developed between The Nazca Drainage the Nasca and Wari people (Schreiber and Lancho 2003). and the Middle Horizon By the Early Middle Horizon, Wari had established at Archaeological evidence of human occupation in the least two settlements in the drainage, and large transfor- Nazca drainage goes back to the Middle Archaic (ca. mations occurred in the region. 3500 BC), but it was in the Early Intermediate Period Archaeological surveys conducted in both the (AD 1–750) that the first regionally integrated com- northern and southern Nazca drainage have located plex society developed in the area. Known as the Nasca hundreds of sites of all time periods and have helped to culture, this society developed out of cultural tradi- clarify the nature of Middle Horizon settlement and the tions from the Ica and Pisco valleys during the Early impact of the Wari state (Isla 2001; Reindel and Isla 1998; Horizon (800 BC–AD 1). The Nasca culture of the Early Schreiber 2001a; Schreiber and Lancho 2003; Silverman Intermediate Period is further subdivided into three 2002). Notable differences exist between the northern periods: Early Nasca (AD 1–450), Middle Nasca (AD valleys (Santa Cruz, Grande, Palpa, and Ingenio) and 450–550), and Late Nasca (AD 550–750). During Early the southern valleys (Nazca, Taruga, Las Trancas) in Nasca a new polychrome ceramic tradition developed the number and type of human settlements during the and was widespread over the South Coast of Peru. The Middle Horizon. In the northern drainage there was a

97 dramatic decrease in sites, and the majority of those iden- it did create opportunities for local leaders to obtain tified are cemeteries with little evidence for habitation power in new ways (Conlee 2006). (Browne 1992; Reindel and Isla 1998; Silverman 2002). The presence in Nasca of what are interpreted to Sites documented in the north date to early in the Middle be intrusive Wari sites and the dramatic shifts in local Horizon and contain Loro ceramics, the local style with settlement patterns have led most researchers to con- Wari influence dating to Epochs 1 and 2 (Reindel and sider that Nasca was incorporated into the Wari state; Isla 1998). Despite the low density of Middle Horizon however, the nature of this integration remains debat- sites in the northern drainage, new mortuary practices able. The discovery of an offering deposit at Maymi in have been identified here, suggesting a new political and the South Coast Pisco Valley (Anders 1990), similar in social order that was imposed by Wari (Isla 2001). The some ways to the one found at Pacheco, has contributed site of Tres Pallos in the Ingenio Valley, which has been to the view that the Wari presence on the South Coast destroyed (much like Pacheco), contains the remains of was religious in nature. During the Early Intermediate tombs and Wari ceramics, and it may have been a Wari Period, Nazca was the center of a prestigious and pow- center (Isla 2001:556). erful ideology that was manifested in the widespread It is in the southern Nazca drainage that the clear- Nasca polychrome pottery, geoglyphs, trophy heads, est evidence of the Wari presence is found. The offering and ceremonial center of Cahuachi. The adoption of deposit site of Pacheco is located in the Nazca Valley Nasca iconography by Huarpa and Wari potters empha- not far from the large Early Nasca ceremonial center of sizes that a shared belief system existed between the Cahuachi, and Schreiber (2001a, 2001b), building on two regions. There is no evidence of the kind of intense, Menzel’s interpretation, thinks it was a Wari adminis- direct Wari political rule as there was in some areas of trative center. In the upper Nazca Valley, in the Tierras the highlands where large, standardized administrative Blancas tributary at 1,350 m, Schreiber has identified, and centers were built and extensive agricultural projects excavated, a small Wari enclosure called Pataraya associ- were developed (Schreiber 1992). Pacheco and Pataraya ated with agricultural terraces (Schreiber 2001a, 2001b). were both small sites, and at Pacheco the nature of Wari Throughout the southern drainage Wari ceramics are presence remains unclear. However, the establishment of found in both burial contexts and as surface artifacts at these sites and the dramatic changes in local settlements habitation sites (Schreiber 1992). indicate there was more than just a shared religious tradi- During the Middle Horizon the population tion between the regions. Economic incentives may have decreased in the southern drainage but not as drastically played a role in Wari’s interest in Nazca and other areas as in the north. Habitation sites, as well as cemeteries, of the South Coast, where crops that were desired by the have been documented in each of the southern valleys. state, such as cotton and coca, were grown and whose The majority of the Middle Horizon domestic sites in cultivation involved local people (Conlee and Schreiber the south are small with the exception of Huaca del Loro 2006; Schreiber 2001b). in the Las Trancas Valley, the approximately 15 ha site In general, the archaeological data support Menzel’s where the local Loro ceramic style was defined (Strong view of a close relationship between the Nasca people and 1957). The concentration of local people in the far south the Wari state; however, the connection was not uniform is thought to represent a small centralized polity that throughout region. Wari appears to have invested in never came under direct rule by the Wari state (Schreiber some areas, in particular the Nazca Valley of the south- 2001a). The establishment of a local center a consider- ern drainage, and not in others. Likewise, local response able distance from the Wari-related settlements suggests to Wari varied from abandonment of settlements in the resistance to the state that may have been initiated by north, population aggregation in the far south, emula- local leaders (Conlee and Schreiber 2006; Schreiber tion through adoption of the Wari style at some settle- 2001a). The resettlement of people into this area of the ments, and possibly direct incorporation in parts of the valley may not have been entirely out of choice; however, Nazca Valley.

98 Christina A . Conlee town of Nasca, in an area of abundant agricultural land and good access to water. Recently, occupation at this large settlement that spans over 30 ha was discovered to extend back to the Middle Archaic (ca. 3500 BC), although the majority of the site dates from the end of the Early Horizon (100 BC) through the end of the Late Horizon (AD 1532) and includes domestic areas and cemeteries. The Middle Horizon domestic area is approximately 2 ha in size and consists of narrow terraces on which were constructed small stone structures. There are also roughly 5 ha of Middle Horizon mortuary structures, although overall area estimates are difficult because these tombs are mixed with earlier ones, and all are heavily looted. There is a concentration of tombs just east of the Middle Horizon habitation area, and others are found scattered Figure 6.1 Map of the Nasca drainage with the sites among later and earlier domestic areas. At La Tiza the of La Tiza and Pajonal Alto. Middle Horizon habitation is the smallest of any time period (except for the Archaic, which has not yet been fully investigated). It is substantially smaller than that of the Early Intermediate Period, when habitation and cemetery areas covered approximately 12 ha, and the Late Middle Horizon Burial Practices in the Intermediate Period, when habitation alone spanned Nazca Drainage at least 10 ha. The ceramics from the Middle Horizon Investigations at two sites in the southern drainage, La domestic contexts and tombs date to Epochs 1 and 2. Tiza and Pajonal Alto, provide important information The local Loro ceramic style predominates; however, the on the Middle Horizon in the Nazca region and local Wari imperial styles of Viñaque and Chakipampa have people’s relationship with the Wari state (Figure 6.1). also been found, usually associated with the tombs. Two Both settlements are multicomponent with local Middle calibrated radiocarbon dates from the Middle Horizon Horizon habitation as well as burials. The focus here is habitation area (from two different structures) of AD on the burials of the Middle Horizon that include both 653–774 and AD 664–829 (2σ, CALIB5.0, Struvier et a new type and an older burial tradition. Mortuary prac- al. 1993) corroborate the ceramic data. There is no evi- tices are a key component of the archaeological record dence of occupation (either habitation or burials) after and can provide insight into past populations’ religious AD 900, and reoccupation of La Tiza did not occur until beliefs, as well as various aspects of social and political about AD 1200 when new domestic areas dating to the organization. Late Intermediate Period were established. During the Middle Horizon a new type of elite tomb was used for burial at La Tiza and was constructed La Tiza partially aboveground and built of stone walls with fea- Several years of research and excavation at the site of La tures such as doorways and possibly niches. In addition, Tiza have identified a local Middle Horizon habitation some of these tombs were plastered and painted on the area, new elite mortuary practices, and the continuation exterior. All of these tombs are looted, but many have of traditional burials dating to this time period. La Tiza partially intact architecture and burials. Looters have is located in the central Nazca Valley, near the modern left behind a variety of artifacts and in some cases have

Nasca and Wari 99 not disturbed the lowest levels. Several tombs that have may represent a symbolic preparation of the ground, now been cleaned and excavated have yielded a surpris- which was covered with a level of fill that contained an ing amount of material and information. abundance of camelid coprolites. On top of the fill was a Three separate tomb forms have been identified compact mud surface that was probably the floor of the and recorded, and all are associated with elaborate grave tomb on which the burials were placed. goods (Table 6.1). The first type (Tomb Type 1) consists Tomb 2 is located not far from Tomb 1 and was of small, round structures that measure approximately a slightly larger and had more of a D shape. Artifacts meter in diameter with depths between 60 cm and 1 m. associated with this tomb included fragments of tex- The walls consist of large, shaped stones at the base and tiles and most notably nine animal and human copper smaller, flat stones at the top, a type of construction that figures (Figure 6.3). A burned area was also identified, is also found in Tomb Type 2 (Figure 6.2). Tomb Type 1 is on top of which the tomb was constructed. Tomb 5 was the smallest type and is found dispersed around Middle located on a bedrock ridge to the east of Tombs 1 and 2, Horizon domestic terraces. Three tombs of this type surrounded by several other Middle Horizon tombs. It have been excavated and recorded (Tombs 1, 2, and 5). contained several fragments of textile including part of The roofs of all the tombs have been destroyed, and their a bag, two tupu pins, a grinding stone, and a few Middle shape and material are unknown. Tomb 1 contained Horizon ceramics mixed in with some Nasca sherds. Middle Horizon Loro ceramics, a few folded pieces of There was evidence of white plaster on a small area of copper, a carved stone ornament, a needle with cotton the exterior. All of these tombs (as well as all of those of fibers, large quantities of obsidian flakes, and part of an the other two types) contained metal objects, and it has obsidian biface. There is a possible door on the eastern been noted that metal artifacts were much more com- side. The lowest levels of this tomb were undisturbed monly used in Middle Horizon burials than in those and exhibit the preparation taken in its construction of other time periods in the Nazca region (Isla 2001; (Noriega and Conlee 2005). A burned area at the base Menzel 1968). Fragments of human bone were found

Table 6.1 Middle Horizon looted tombs excavated at La Tiza

Tomb # Type Diam/Size (m) Depth (m) MNI Features Grave Goods Tomb 1 1 1.00 0.60 Unknown Possible door Loro pottery, folded copper, ornament, needle, obsidian flakes, obsidian biface

Tomb 2 1 1.50 1.00 6 Textile fragments, copper animal and human figurines

Tomb 3 2 2.90 1.25 3 Plaster and paint Loro pottery, shell bird pendants, copper ornaments, shell beads, textile fragments

Tomb 4 3 2.60 × 2.10 0.90 2 Possible door, Loro pottery, weaving implements, plaster and paint spindle whorls, miniature bottle, shell beads, copper llama head

Tomb 5 1 0.80 0.90 3 Plaster Loro pottery, textile fragments, tupu pins, grinding stone

Tomb 6 3 2.70 × 2.40 1.30 6 Plaster and paint Loro and Viñaque pottery, partial mummy bundle, Spondylus shell, textile fragments, shell beads, worked bone, spindle whorls

100 Figure 6.2 Profile view of Tomb 5 showing the construction technique used in Tomb Type 1 and Tomb Type 2.

Figure 6.3 A sample of artifacts found associated with the elite Middle Horizon tombs at La Tiza.

associated with all three tombs, and while Tomb 1 did not have enough intact bone to estimate a minimum number of individuals (MNI), Tomb 2 had a MNI of six, which included four adults, one child, and one adolescent (Michele Buzon, personal communication 2009). Tomb 5 had a MNI of three, which included one adult, one child, and one adolescent (Sarah Cross, personal communication 2008). Tomb Type 2 has construction similar to Type 1 with a round shape, large stones at the base, and small, flat stones at the top (see Figure 6.2), but it is larger in diameter (Figure 6.4). Only one of these (Tomb 3) has been excavated, and it was 2.90 m in diameter with a depth of 1.25 m. This tomb was located to the west of the smaller round tombs in an area of Late Intermediate habitation. Associated artifacts included shell bird pendants, copper ornaments, shell beads, textile fragments (including part of a belt or headband), and Middle Horizon ceramics (primarily Loro) mixed with Late Intermediate ceramics from the domestic terraces (see Figure 6.3). Pieces of white mud plaster that were painted red were found on the exterior of the tomb. Judging from the skeletal remains associated with the structure, there were at least three adult individuals interred in the tomb (Sarah Cross, personal communication 2008). The third tomb type is square to rectangular in shape and constructed with double-coursed stone walls (see Figure 6.4). Two tombs of this type were excavated, both of which were located on the ridge east of the Middle Horizon habitation terraces where several aboveground tombs were constructed on bedrock. Both Figure 6.4 Tomb 3 representing Tomb Type 2 (upper) tombs were located in an elevation of the site lower than and Tomb 4 representing Tomb Type 3 (lower). the round tombs. Tomb 4 (2.60 × 2.10 m) was almost a meter deep and had a doorway on the east side. It contained many grave goods including weaving implements, spindle whorls, a miniature bottle, small shell in cotton batting and textiles was found inside the tomb. beads, a copper llama head, and Loro pottery. Remnants There was also a complete skull of a female aged twenty- of white plaster were found on the exterior along with five to thirty-five years old (Conlee et al. 2009). Several red and yellow paint. It was estimated that at least two pieces of worked Spondylus and many fragments of tex- adults were buried inside. Tomb 6 (2.7 × 2.4 m), located tiles were found associated with the tomb (see Figure nearby, was also square, plastered white, painted red and 6.3). In addition, there were polishing stones, spindle yellow, and 1.3 m deep. This was the most heavily looted whorls, shell beads, and worked bone. There were sev- of all the tombs, and there was no intact floor. A partial eral types of Middle Horizon 1 and 2 ceramics includ- mummy bundle that consisted of part of a torso wrapped ing Loro and Viñaque. The remains of disturbed skeletal

102 Christina A . Conlee Figure 6.5 Local Middle Horizon burial from La Tiza and associated Loro bowl.

material in this tomb have an MNI of six, including the radiocarbon date of AD 661–859 (2σ, CALIB5.0, adult female, one infant, two children, one adolescent, Struvier et al. 1993) was obtained from a hearth asso- and one older adult. ciated with the burial. This type of burial in a pit with In addition to the elaborate aboveground tombs the individual placed in a seated and flexed position was constructed in the Middle Horizon, there was also a con- the most common type of burial in the region from the tinuation of local burial practices at La Tiza. A Middle beginning of the Nasca culture through the end of the Horizon individual was found buried in a pit inside of Late Intermediate, a period of almost fifteen hundred a domestic structure in a seated, flexed position facing years. At La Tiza, burials from the Nasca culture, Middle south with a complete Loro polychrome bowl (Figure Horizon, and Late Intermediate have been found in this 6.5). It is interesting to note that the fill associated with style, indicating that it is the most traditional and endur- the body contained an abundance of camelid coprolites ing burial practice in the region. During the Middle similar to those found in Tomb 1. The individual was a Horizon at La Tiza, this traditional regional burial style male between thirty and forty years old. A calibrated was practiced along with the new elite burials.

Nasca and Wari 103 Pajonal Alto except that the settlement was much smaller during this The small village of Pajonal Alto, located in the Taruga period than it was in the later Late Intermediate and Valley, one valley to the south of La Tiza (see Figure Late Horizon. 6.1), also contains Middle Horizon habitation and buri- One Middle Horizon burial, a child aged three to als. This settlement was first inhabited during a transi- five years old, was found underneath a midden that dated tional period between Late Nasca and the Early Middle to the Late Intermediate and Late Horizon. The child Horizon and was occupied through Middle Horizon was placed in a seated position facing west and was buried Epochs 1 and 2. The village was subsequently aban- with large fragments of a ceramic vessel (Figure 6.6). This doned and then reoccupied in the middle of the Late was a typical local burial practice for children beginning Intermediate Period (ca. AD 1300), and the majority of in Early Nasca and is known to have continued through the habitation dates from this period through the Late the Late Intermediate Period. There were several indica- Horizon (Conlee 2003). There is evidence for a small tions that the child was not healthy at the time of death. domestic area in the Middle Horizon, and two adjacent Cribra orbitalia, a porosity of the bone that is usually a cemeteries appear to contain some burials dating to this result of infection, was found in the eye orbits, and one of period. Only one unit was excavated at the village that the lesions was active at the time of death. Periostitis was contained Middle Horizon domestic debris, although present on the long bones, and almost all of these lesions pottery of this period was found in several areas on were active at the time of death. The distribution of these the surface and in sections of the eroded river cut on reactions probably indicates the effects of a nonspecific the southern edge of the site (Conlee 2000). Because generalized disease and not injury or localized infection of the limited Middle Horizon domestic contexts that (Conlee 2000; Kellner and Conlee 1998). There were also were excavated, no general conclusions could be made carious lesions and an abscess in the deciduous teeth of

Figure 6.6 Middle Horizon child burial from Pajonal Alto.

104 Christina A . Conlee the child. All of these indicators suggest that the child the upper elevations of Las Trancas Valley (Isla 2001; was under a lot of physiological stress. Schreiber 2001b). The use of plaster and paint on the exterior of the tombs at La Tiza appears to be a new practice during the Regional Transformations in Burial Practices Middle Horizon. Isla (2001:565) has noted that some The burials found at La Tiza and Pajonal Alto reflect tombs found at the Middle Horizon sites of Atarco and changes on a broader, regional level that coincided with Huaca del Loro in the southern Nazca drainage had the Wari presence in the Middle Horizon. Elsewhere in white or yellow paint on the walls. Plaster and paint the Nazca drainage, studies by Carmichael (1988, 1995) were commonly used on buildings at the Early Nasca cer- and Isla (2001) have documented transformations in emonial center of Cahuachi (Orefici 1993), although no mortuary traditions in the Middle Horizon. During specific mention of this treatment on Early Intermediate this period traditional burial practices were continued Period tombs has been made. There is evidence of white by some segments of the population, and new forms were plaster being used on the exteriors of compounds at the used by others. Carmichael (1988, 1995) found that burial capital of Huari, and some of the ceremonial buildings form and offering type were consistent throughout the at the city were painted red (Isbell and Vranich 2004). Nasca culture of the Early Intermediate Period, indicat- Other architectural traditions of the Middle Horizon on ing that burial patterns were conservative. Burials in pits, the coast also used white plaster and red and yellow paint most commonly with the individual in a flexed position (Nelson et al., this volume). and accompanied by at least one whole pot, were the most The most dramatic changes in Middle Horizon widespread burial type of the Nasca culture (Carmichael burial practices in the Nazca drainage were in the treat- 1988), and this tradition continues in the Middle Horizon ment of the body and the number of persons interred as seen in the adult male burial at La Tiza. Child burials together. Both Carmichael (1988, 1995) and Isla (2001; in large ceramic vessels (or with large fragments of these) Isla and Reindel 2006) found that during the Early were common in the Nasca culture for children six years Intermediate most tombs contained one individual. Isla of age and younger, and this practice continued in the (2001:578) calculates that 99 percent of the recorded Middle Horizon but was less frequent (Isla and Reindel burials of this period were of a single individual. In the 2006). The Middle Horizon child burial at Pajonal Alto Middle Horizon this changed, and of the tombs that Isla is an example of this tradition. has documented, only 65 percent of tombs contained one The most elaborate type of Nasca culture burials individual, and the rest had two or more people. We do not was in barbacoa tombs that were oval or square cham- know if the multiple burials found in the region, includ- bers with log roofs. These had varying depths, with ing those from La Tiza, were individuals buried together the deepest approximately 8 m reported at the site of at the same time or sequentially interred over many years. La Muña in the northern drainage (Isla and Reindel Even with un-looted contexts and well-controlled dating 2006:385). These tombs were for the highest status this can be difficult to determine. Another important individuals of the Nasca culture, and all those recorded change in the Middle Horizon is the first evidence of contained one individual (Isla and Reindel 2006). mummification in Nazca, and mummy bundles become This tomb type continued to be used into the Middle common. Isla (2001) has observed evidence of mummy Horizon, but the roofs were more substantial, and the bundles in many cemeteries that are associated with the tombs were not filled in, probably in order to more eas- local Middle Horizon Loro culture and in particular ily reenter and inter additional individuals (Isla 2001). dating to Epoch 2. This is a trend that extends to other In addition, archaeologists have identified a new tomb coastal valleys where the large and elaborate mummy type that consisted of square or rectangular tombs with bundles of the falsa cabeza, or false head, type are found. large stone-slab roofs that have been found at the Wari Elaborate mummy bundles were used for the first time site of Pataraya in the upper Nazca Valley and also in on the Central Coast during Middle Horizon 1B and

Nasca and Wari 105 are found at sites including Pachacamac, Nievería, and constructed on the bedrock. Burial goods in the Wari Ancón, with most dating to Epochs 2 and 3 (Angeles and heartland contained similar funerary items to those Pozzi-Escot 2001; Gayton 1927; Kaulicke 1997; Segura found in the tombs at La Tiza and elaborate tombs of the and Shimada, this volume; Uhle 1903). Tung (2007) Middle Horizon documented elsewhere in the Nazca has also reported Middle Horizon mummy bundles at drainage. These items include Spondylus, copper tupu the site of Beringa in the Majes Valley on the far South pins, and shell beads (Isbell and Cook 2002; Isla 2001). Coast. These changing burial practices are reflected at During the Middle Horizon, in many areas that La Tiza where evidence of multiple burials and mummy were interacting with the Wari state, there is a dramatic bundles is found for the first time associated with the change in mortuary practices most often associated with new elite Middle Horizon mortuary structures. the introduction of multiple burials. Isbell (this volume) Multiple burials were also a common practice in has cautioned that the mortuary variation in the Middle the Wari heartland during the Middle Horizon and Horizon is too great to attribute it to centralized Wari replaced the individual graves and cemeteries of the Early political control. However, there appears to have been Intermediate Period (Isbell 2001, 2004; Isbell and Cook some type of new and widespread ideology that expressed 2002; Ochatoma and Cabrera 2001). There is evidence itself in the treatment of the dead. The mortuary vari- that some tombs were reopened and additional bodies ability documented in the Middle Horizon may itself interred, and sometimes bones were removed and per- be the commonality in many places during this time. haps grave goods were changed (Isbell 2004; Isbell and In the Nazca region burial practices were conservative Cook 2002). The capital city of Huari had evidence of throughout the approximately seven hundred years of multiple burials in the Moraduchayuq compound (Isbell the Nasca culture, and new forms were not adopted until et al. 1991) and in the royal subterranean slab tombs in the Middle Horizon associated with Wari influence. the Monjachayuq Sector (Isbell 2004). The elaborate Wari tombs with multiple burials and evidence of reen- try are thought to be indicators of ancestor veneration Middle Horizon Immigrants or worship, which was focused on the deceased elites and Population Movements (Isbell and Cook 2002:287–288). Other Wari sites in Given the presence of Wari sites in the Nazca region, the central highlands contained multiple burials, includ- and the documented changes in settlement patterns and ing Azángaro (Anders 1986), Batan Urqu at the Huaro burial practices, we would expect that there was an influx complex (Zapata 1997), and Jincamoco (Schreiber 1992). of foreigners from the highlands into the Nazca region Multiple burials in tombs associated with Wari ceram- during the Middle Horizon. In addition to using mate- ics are also reported outside of the central highlands rial correlates such as architecture, ceramic style, and during the Middle Horizon. In the Cotahuasi Valley in burial practices to detect immigrant populations, isoto- Arequipa large tombs containing multiple individuals pic analysis of human remains is another way to identify were built at this time, and there is evidence both that local versus foreign individuals. Strontium isotope analy- they were repeatedly reentered with objects and that sis was conducted on burials from La Tiza and Pajonal individuals were moved into and out of these structures Alto and has provided important information about (Jennings, this volume). the origins of populations and migrations in the Nazca The tomb shape and construction technique at La region (Conlee et al. 2009). The burials that were ana- Tiza have some similarities to those found at Conchopata lyzed from La Tiza date to the Nazca culture, the Middle where one Wari tomb type was constructed by excavat- Horizon, and the Late Intermediate Period, and the one ing into bedrock using cracks in the rock, and these burial from Pajonal Alto dates to the Middle Horizon. tombs always contained multiple burials (Isbell 2004; Although strontium isotope analysis is a relatively Isbell and Cook 2002). At La Tiza one concentration of new technique, research has already illustrated the feasi- Middle Horizon tombs is along a ridge where they were bility and the potential of this type of analysis to elucidate

106 Christina A . Conlee residential mobility in the archaeological record (e.g., indicating that both were born outside of the local area. Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003; Bentley 2006; Burton Because the cranium from the looted tomb could not be et al. 2003; Knudson and Price 2007; Price et al. 2008). directly associated with any particular skeletal material, Strontium is found in rock, groundwater, and soil, and it was not possible to test if the woman had spent much the concentrations vary according to local geology so of her adult life in the local region or if she had very that regions are distinct (Faure 1986). Because the stron- recently moved to Nazca. At present, the precise region tium present in soil and groundwater is incorporated where both individuals were born is unknown. They fall into the plants and animals of a region, the strontium closest in range to the local signature at Chokepukio in composition of an individual’s diet will be reflected in the Cuzco region, but at this time no definite conclusion his or her skeletal material and will mirror the isotopic about their place of birth can be made (Andrushko et al. composition of the geological region in which a person 2009; Conlee et al. 2009). lived before death. Tooth enamel forms during early The presence of a nonlocal adult female buried in childhood and will reflect the isotopic composition of the new elite tomb type suggests that this mortuary the area where a person lived during this time. Through practice may have been brought in by people who were analysis of strontium in teeth and skeletal material it is not originally from the Nazca region. This woman may possible to determine where a person lived as a child and have married into the community, or she may have been as an adult (Bentley 2006). This technique allows for the a member of a larger group that settled in the area. This is identification of first-generation immigrants from geo- similar to a discovery at the Central Coast site of Ancón logically distinct areas. where a young woman from an elite burial was wrapped The local strontium signature of the region around in elaborate textiles, buried with Chakipampa ceramics, the sites of La Tiza and Pajonal Alto was defined by test- and had a strontium signature similar to that of the Wari ing soil, archaeological faunal remains (mice and guinea heartland (Slovak et al. 2009). In contrast, the child at pigs), and modern faunal remains (mice and guinea pigs) Pajonal Alto was buried in a local style despite the fact (Conlee et al. 2009). Using the standard method of fau- that the strontium signature indicates he or she was not nal mean ± 2 standard deviations, the local range based originally from the village. In addition, the evidence of on these samples is 0.70559–0.70727. Fieldwork at La infection and possible malnutrition suggests the child Tiza between 2004 and 2006 resulted in the excavation was under stress, possibly as a result of immigration to of eight intact burials including the Middle Horizon the Nazca region. individual buried in the local style. The skeletal material Previous investigations on Middle Horizon settle- and teeth of each of these burials were analyzed to deter- ments in the Nazca region had indicated this was a time mine their strontium ratios and compare them with the of great change and population movement. This appears local range. Strontium analysis was also conducted on to have been in part initiated by local people, as seen in the teeth of the female individual found in looted Tomb the abandonment of settlements in the northern drain- 6 dating to the Middle Horizon and on the Middle age and a congregation of people in the far south at the Horizon child burial from Pajonal Alto (Table 6.2). site of Huaca del Loro. The new Wari sites in the middle The results of the study have documented that all and upper Nazca Valley along with the new mortuary seven individuals who date to the pre-Wari Nasca culture practices found throughout the drainage also indicate a and the post-Wari Late Intermediate Period at La Tiza foreign intrusion into the region during this period. This fall into the local strontium range (Conlee et al. 2009). foreign influence was not just the result of trade in ideas, The Middle Horizon individual at La Tiza who was commodities, or religious practices but was also the result buried in the local tradition also had a local signature. of foreign people in the region. There was likely settle- However, the other two Middle Horizon individuals, the ment by some Wari people, who may have held admin- child from Pajonal Alto and the woman from the looted istrative or economic leadership positions, and they elite tomb at La Tiza, fall outside of the local range, lived at the Wari sites. There was probably an alliance of

Nasca and Wari 107 Sr 86 Sr/ 87 0.70690 0.70667 0.70662 0.70686 0.70643 0.70655 0.70635 0.70677 0.70747 0.70770 Burial Location Pit inPit domestic structure inPit domestic structure abovePit Burial 6 inPit domestic structure Inside large of olla inPit domestic structure Wall Looted tomb Pit Round stone-lined tomb Sex Male Possible female Juvenile Probable male Juvenile Female Juvenile Female Juvenile Male Age 30–40 0.70640 25–35 0.70612 months 12–18 0.70682 14–15 months 18 0.70643 45+ 0.70655 9–10 0.70691 25–35 3–5 0.70733 22–29 Cultural Affiliation Middle Horizon Middle Horizon Late Intermediate Late Intermediate Late Intermediate Late Intermediate Late Intermediate Late Intermediate Late Intermediate Early Nasca Early Nasca Early Nasca Early Nasca Middle Horizon Middle Horizon Middle Horizon Middle Nasca Material Bone Enamel (P4) Bone Enamel (P4) Bone Enamel (I1) Bone* Bone Enamel (P4) Bone Enamel (C) Enamel (C) Bone Enamel (M1)† Enamel (M2) Bone Bone* Site La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza La Tiza Pajonal Alto Pajonal Alto La Tiza Burial and strontium isotopic information from La Tiza and Pajonal Alto

Burial 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 6 6 7 7 8 8 9 10 10 1 No boneNo sample because head, not the cranium, could not be associated with particular skeletal material. Table 6.2 Source: Conlee et al. 2009. *No tooth samples were available because the burial was headless. †

these Wari people with local elites who benefited from Not everyone in Nazca had ties with the Wari peo- the relationships through acquisition of material goods ple or benefited from their presence. Previous research such as fine Wari pottery,Spondylus , and metal artifacts. in the Nazca region documented dramatic changes in The burial data and strontium analysis also suggest that settlement patterns in the Middle Horizon, including not all of the foreigners were elites. Instead, the influx of a decrease in sites, especially in the northern drainage, people from the highlands may have also included sup- and an aggregation of people in the southern drainage port personnel or people looking for better economic to the far southern Las Trancas Valley away from the opportunities who were not under state supervision. Wari sites in the Nazca Valley. The research at La Tiza and Pajonal Alto corroborates this pattern with smaller Middle Horizon habitation areas than those found in A Reassessment of Nasca and Wari the previous or subsequent periods. Relationships Another important finding from the excavations The changes in mortuary practices in the Middle at La Tiza and Pajonal Alto is that both sites appear to Horizon as documented in this and other studies pro- have been abandoned after Middle Horizon 2, and there vide import insight into the impact the Wari state had is no evidence of occupation at either site after AD 900 on the region. The relationship between the Nasca and until reoccupation between AD 1200 and 1300. This is Wari people was a complicated one. As Menzel noted a pattern that is reflected in the region as a whole where in her analysis, the pottery styles of the two regions most of the evidence for Wari influence comes from reveal a closeness that may represent shared religious Middle Horizon 1 and 2. There is little evidence for a beliefs, economic ties, and political integration. The later Wari presence as has been documented in other Nasca people likely obtained prestige in the Middle areas, and there appears to have been an abandonment Horizon through their connection to Wari as Menzel of most sites after Epoch 2. Interactions between Wari proposed; however, the evidence suggests only certain and Nasca began in the Early Intermediate Period dur- Nasca people benefited from this relationship. There ing the seventh century AD, and this relationship that appear to have been close ties between some segments began early also ended early. This suggests a major dis- of the Nasca population who lived in the Nazca Valley ruption that occurred in late ninth or early tenth cen- of the southern drainage and the Wari state. Here at La tury AD and which impacted all people of the Nazca Tiza new mortuary practices reflect the development of drainage whether they had close ties with Wari or not. new statuses during this period. This new mortuary tra- In the subsequent Late Intermediate Period the elite dition was practiced alongside older local burial styles, burial practices that were new in the Middle Horizon and only certain people were being buried in the new were abandoned, as were the ceramic and artifact styles style. The presence in these new tombs of more elaborate associated with Wari. grave goods suggests the people buried in them were of Research on the transformations that occurred in the high status and had a close connection with the Wari Middle Horizon, and the relationship between the Wari state. Wari appears to have created new opportunities state and people in diverse areas of the central Andes, for local people, and new types of elites emerged. At least has developed greatly in the last fifty years. Menzel’s pio- some of the people buried in these tombs were recent neering work helped to establish the ceramic chronology immigrants to the region as suggested by the strontium for the period and provided a framework to study inter- signature of the woman buried in one of the tombs. actions between Wari and other polities. After several Additional isotopic analysis needs to be conducted in decades of research in Nazca and the Wari heartland, order to make more concrete conclusions; however, the we see that the relationship between the two societies preliminary data indicate that there was not just an appears to have been more complex than initially pro- influx of foreign ideas and artifacts during the Middle posed and mirrors the contemporary view of Wari in Horizon, but also an influx of foreign people. various areas of the Andes. In Nazca, as elsewhere, the

109 complicated interactions between local people and the of Palpa, Department of Ica, Peru. In Ancient America: Wari state helped to create the dynamic and innovative Contributions to New World Archaeology, edited by Nicholas J. Saunders, pp. 17–116. Oxbow Books, Oxford. culture of the Middle Horizon. Burton, James H., T. Douglas Price, Laura Cahue, and Lori E. Wright 2003 The Use of Barium and Strontium in Human Skeletal Tissues to Determine Their Geographic Origin. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 13:88–95. Acknowledgments Buzon, Michele R., Antonio Simonetti, and Robert A. Creaser Funding for the research at La Tiza was supported by 2007 Migration in the Nile Valley during the New Kingdom the National Science Foundation (BCS-0314273), the Period: A Preliminary Strontium Isotope Study. Journal of Archaeological Science 9:1391–1401. John Heinz III Fund Grant Program for Latin American Carmichael, Patrick H. 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