Brief Chronology of the Police Zone Border, Key Dates, and Proclamations

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APPENDIX

1896/97, establishment of a cordon to prevent the incursion of rinderpest into central Namibia and the emergence of the concept of a colonial veterinary border. 1905, German Reichstag demands a resolution confirming that police protection in the colony will be limited to economically useful regions, marking the emergence of the concept of a European settlement border. 1907, a Police Zone boundary for the entire colony is cartographically defined for the first time with a blue line. Proclamation of three game reserves. 1916 (Martial Law Regulation No. 57), the northern section of the German Police Zone border is adopted, with minor adjustments, effectively closing the entire northern part of the colony to “Europeans.” 1919, the Prohibited Areas Proclamation (Martial Law Proclamation No. 15) confirms the closure of the Police Zone border of 1916. 1924, the northern districts are reopened for livestock export (Government Notice No. 94 of 1924), and the Police Zone border becomes a combined veterinary and settlement border. 1925, the Police Zone border is indicated on detail maps (1:500,000) with a thickly drawn redlineforthefirsttime. 1926, the entire Police Zone border is identified as the Red Line on the survey map of 1926 (1:800,000). 1928, the Prohibited Areas Proclamation (Proclamation No. 26 of 1928) provides the first precise written definition of the Police Zone border. The location of the border is determined by the farm borders on-site. 1930 (Government Notice 178 of 1930), first law on the creation of a stock-free zone (applicable to cattle and dogs) between the Police Zone and Kaoko. 1931 (Government Notice 151 of 1931), establishes the legal basis for a stock-free zone (for cattle) outside the Police Zone, extending to the border of Bechuanaland in the east. 204 ● Appendix

1933 (Government Notice 105 of 1933), enlarges the Police Zone in the western Omaruru district. 1935 (Government Notice 37 and 143 of 1935), extends the stock-free zone (applicable to all domesticated animals) in the north, northeast, and northwest. 1938 (Government Notice No. 83 of 1938), the extension of the Epukiro reserve of 1934 is incorporated into the Police Zone. 1938 (Government Notice No. 126 of 1938), the extension of the Otjituo reserve of 1936 is incorporated into the Police Zone. 1941 (Government Notice 84 of 1941), establishes the legal basis for a buffer zone to ward off animal diseases, extending along the entire Police Zone border from the west to the east. 1947 (Government Notice 375 of 1947), comprehensive redeﬁnition of the Police Zone border on the basis of the recommendations of the Lardner-Burke Commission, which are adopted in part (the recommendations include a major shift of the border in the northwest, a decrease in the size of Game Reserves 1 and 2, and the abolition of Game Reserve 4). 1947 (Government Notice 376 of 1947), declaration of a comprehensive Stock-Free Zone with the Police Zone border forming its southern border. 1948 (Government Notice 155 of 1948), minor adjustment in the Stock-Free Zone to relocate the Otjetua water hole in southern Kaoko outside the zone. 1949, minor adjustment in the Red Line in the Grootfontein district to correct an error made in the reformulation of 1947 (Secretary to Administrator, May 14; NAN-SWAA- A3/61 v1). Additional minor adjustments at the Gagarus farm 289 (Outjo), resulting from the decrease in size of Game Reserve 2 to accommodate additional farmland. 1950 (Government Notice 216 of 1950), minor adjustment resulting from enlargement of the Okombahe reserve. 1950 (Government Notice 255 of 1950), minor adjustment in the Grootfontein district, formally incorporating regions with existing farms on the other side of the Omuramba Owambo into the Police Zone. 1953 (Government Notice 2 of 1953), affecting the Kamanjab region (in which approximately 60 new farms are created to the northwest and north; the existing Kaross and Grootberg farms are incorporated into the Police Zone) as well as Otjituo (a minor adjustment shifting the Police Zone border to the actual farm border). 1954 (Government Notice 198 of 1954), expansion in southern Kaokoveld (southwest of Grootberg; approximately 25 farms, including Palmwag, are incorporated into the Police Zone). 1956 (Government Notice 14 of 1956 ), shift of Police Zone border to the Ugab, permitting access to Brandberg (and to the mine at Uis). 1957 (Government Notice 21 of 1957), redeﬁnition of Police Zone. Includes a shift of the Police Zone border in the Tsumeb district, which also moves the Police Zone border away from the Omuramba Owambo. 1958 (Ordinance No. 14 of 1958), the Police Zone border becomes equivalent to a national border with respect to animal diseases [see also §4(5)]. Appendix ● 205

1958 (Ordinance No. 18 of 1958), defines the “Game Parks.” In accordance with §2, Game Reserve 2 becomes the Etosha Game Park, apart from the regions that lie within a Native Reserve. The Etosha Game Park assumes roughly the present-day dimensions of the Etosha National Park. 1958 (Government Notice 130 of 1958), redefinition of the Stock-Free Zone of 1947 to reflect current location of the Police Zone border and the southern border of the Kaokoveld reserve. The redefinition is the outcome of a threatened outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease. 1958 (Government Notice 192 of 1958), reverses some former, outdated redefinitions of the Stock-Free Zone. 1958 (Government Notice 247 of 1958), redefinition of Game Reserve 2, to now comprise Etosha Game Park, the Kaoko Native reserve, and the area outside the Police Zone to the Ugab (but not including the strip of land extending near Sesfontein). 1959 (Ordinance No. 34 of 1959), new ordinance on animal diseases, also replacing Ordi- nance No. 14 of 1958, effectively serving as a legislative decree with broad powers in response to the threat of foot-and-mouth disease. The ordinance also includes a provision for the building of fences where deemed necessary and confirms the Police Zone border’s legal equivalency with an international border. 1959 (Government Notice No. 38 of 1959), enlargement of the Police Zone east of Grootfontein to include 22 farms. 1961 (Government Notice 3 of 1961), minor adjustment in the Police Zone border. 1961 (Government Notice 222 of 1961), additional enlargement in southern Kaoko (Farm No. 741, Outjo District). The Police Zone border is shifted away from the Etosha Pan, and now extends along the border of the settler farms and the Etosha Game Park. The Police Zone is also enlarged in the northeastern Grootfontein district (Horabe block, also called the Nuragas block, to include approximately 50 additional farms); minor adjustments at the Oorblut farm (No. 310) and in the Gobabis District (Rietfontein block, to incorporate approximate 100 farms in the Police Zone). 1961/62, in the wake of the foot-and-mouth outbreak, thousands of kilometers of game- and stock-proof fences are built, including along much of the Police Zone border. 1962 (Government Notice issued on July 31, 1962), minor border adjustments in southeastern Outjo District (Milkberg farm 274 incorporated into the Police Zone). 1962–1964, additional suggestions for further adjustments to the Police Zone border are shelved pending the outcome of the Odendaal Commission. 1964, permission granted for the construction of a fence to extend from the Police Zone border in the west to the coast; the fence is to be located directly north of Torra Bay— Welwitscha (Khorixas) road. 1965, recommendation of the Commission of Enquiry into Stock Disease Control Mea- sures in Regard to Border Areas in South West Africa regarding a coordinated effort to build game- and stock-proof fences. 1966, issuance of the final “farm map” (overview map of “South West Africa”) depicting the Red Line; the Red Line is absent from the 1972 “farm map.” Notes

Introduction 1. Wolfram Hartmann, Jeremy Silvester, and Patricia Hayes, eds., The Colonising Camera. Photographs in the Making of Namibian History (Cape Town/Windhoek/ Athens: UCT Press/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 1. 2. This dichotomy is particularly obvious in a propagandistic publication by the South African government directed to the United Nations. Union of South Africa, South West Africa and the Union of South Africa. The History of a Mandate (New York: Union of South Africa, 1945). See also the annual reports of the South African government to the League of Nations, 1921–1939. Union of South Africa, Report Presented by the Union Government of the Union of South Africa to the Council of the League of Nations Concerning the Administration of South West Africa (Pretoria: The Government Printer, 1921–1939). 3. Hartmann et al., The Colonising Camera, 15. 4. Patricia Hayes, Jeremy Silvester, Marion Wallace, and Wolfram Hartmann, eds., Namibia under South African Rule. Mobility and Containment, 1915–1946 (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998). Hayes, Silvester, and Hartmann also edited the volume The Colonising Camera, mentioned above. 5. This gap is already reﬂected in the third footnote to the introduction, in which the term “Police Zone” is explained incompletely and imprecisely (The Colonising Camera,3). 6. Patricia Hayes encouraged me embark on this project when I discussed it with her in Windhoek in 2000. 7. Examples include Georg P. J. Trümpelmann, “Die Boer in Suidwes-Afrika,” Archives Year Book for South African History 1948, 1–166c; M. J. Oliver, “Inboorlingbeleid” (PhD diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1961); Ernst L. P.Stals, “Die aanraking tussen blankes en Ovambo’s in Suidwes-Afrika 1850–1915,” Archives Year Book for South African History 1968, 1–218. 8. See especially Heinrich Vedder, Das alte Südwestafrika (Berlin: Marin Warneck, 1934). The book was republished in 1963, 1973 and 1981 and translated into Afrikaans (1937) and English (1938). See also Lawrence G. Green, LordsoftheLast Frontier (Cape Town: Howard Timmins, 1952). 9. See, for example, Paul Giniewski, Die Styd om Suidwes-Afrika (Cape Town: Nasionale Boekhandel, 1966); Hans Jenny, Südwestafrika (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1966); 208 ● Notes

Eschel Rhoodie, South West (Johannesburg: Vortrekkerpers, 1967) and Het omstreden land Zuidwest-Afrika (Rotterdam: Nijgh & van Ditmar, 1967). 10. Wellington attempted to analyze Namibia’s past and present from a geographical, economical, and political perspective by using a human-geographical approach. John H. Wellington, South West Africa and Its Human Issues (Oxford: University Press, 1967). Goldblatt first published a brochure, consisting mainly of printed sources, intended to inform the entire Namibian population of the country’s legal status. Israel Goldblatt, The Mandated Territory of South West Africa (Cape Town: C. Struik, 1961). Goldblatt’s concise history of Namibia was published ten years later. Israel Goldblatt, History of South West Africa (Cape Town: Juta and Company, 1971). 11. In the introduction to his history, Goldblatt writes: “It records the significant events, their causes and consequences, but as the one continuous theme throughout this period it the fate of the Black man, the impact upon him must receive special emphasis” (Goldblatt, History of South West Africa,v). 12. See also Christopher Saunders, “Some Roots of Anti-Colonial Historical Writing about Namibia,” Journal of Namibian Studies, 3 (2008), 83–93. 13. Ruth First, South West Africa (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1963). 14. Ronald Segal and Ruth First, South West Africa: Travesty of Trust (London: André Deutsch, 1967). 15. See Hage Geingob, “Experiences as a Student and as a Teacher,” in: Travesty of Trust, ed. Segal and First, 213–21; J. Kozonguizi and A. O’Dowd, “The Legal Apparatus of Apartheid,” in: Travesty of Trust, ed. Segal and First, 118–27; Charles Kuraisa, “The Labour Force,” in: Travesty of Trust, ed. Segal et al., 189–93; Zed Ngavirue, “The Land Theft,” in: Travesty of Trust, ed. Segal and First, 178–88. Ngavirue’s doctoral dissertation on the history of Namibia, submitted at the University of Oxford in 1972, was a milestone with regard to the contributions of African intellectuals from Namibia on the historiography of their country. Zedikia Ngavirue, Political Parties and Interest Groups in South West Africa (Namibia) (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1997). See also Saunders, “Some Roots,” 84. 16. For a Marxist perspective on the missions during the nineteenth century see: Heinrich Loth, Die Christliche Mission in Südwestafrika (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1963). 17. Horst Drechsler, Südwestafrika unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft. Der Kampf der Herero und Nama gegen den deutschen Imperialismus (1884–1915) (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1966). Drechsler’s study was translated into several languages. The book was first translated into English (1980) under the title “Let Us Die Fighting,” with a foreword by Sam Nujoma, leader of the leading Namibian liberation organization SWAPO. Further editions were published in German (1984, 1985), English (1985), Spanish (1985), and French (1986). 18. See the introduction to the first edition Drechsler, Südwestafrika (1966), 7–22. In my work, I use the edition of 1985: Horst Drechsler, Südwestafrika unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1985). 19. See also Helmut Bley, Kolonialherrschaft und Sozialstruktur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1894–1914 (Hamburg: Leibnitz Verlag, 1968). Bley’s book was also translated into English, and several editions were published in both languages. Helmut Bley contributed to the edited volume by Segal and First. Helmut Bley, “German South West Africa after the Conquest 1904–1914,” in: Travesty of Trust, ed. Segal and First, 35–53. 20. Brian Wood, ed., Namibia 1984–1994 (London/Lusaka: Namibia Support Com- mittee/United Nations Institute for Namibia, 1988). Notes ● 209

21. The table of contents to the conference volume published in 1988 reads like a “ ‘Who’s who’ of Namibian historiography” (ibid., vi–x). 22. Harold Wolpe, “The Liberation Struggle and Research,” in: Namibia 1884–1984, ed. Brian Wood, 32–37. The article was republished in Review of African Political Economy, No. 32 (1985), 72–78. 23. Terence Ranger, “Trends in African Historiography and the Task Facing Scholars in Namibia,” in: Namibia 1884–1984, ed. Brian Wood, 41–44. 24. Ibid., 42–43. 25. The doctoral dissertation was ﬁnally published in 1999. Tony Emmett, Popular Resis- tance and the Roots of Nationalism in Namibia, 1915–1966 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1999) with an introduction by Patricia Hayes (ibid., xii–xvii). Other prominent examples of resistance historiography include, in order of publication: Zedekia Ngavirue, “Political Parties and Interest Groups in South West Africa: A Study of a Plural Society” (PhD diss., University of Oxford, 1972), published in 1997 (Ngavirue, Political Parties); Mburmba Kerina, Namibia. The Making of an African Nation (New York: Books in Focus, 1981); Alfred T. Moleah, Namibia. The Struggle for Liberation (Wilmington, DE: Disa Press, 1983). 26. In this context, an important work is the dissertation by Wolfgang Werner, “An Economic and Social History of the Herero of Namibia, 1915–1946” (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 1989), which was published in 1998 Wolfgang Werner, “No One Will Become Rich.” Economy and Society in the Herero Reserves in Namibia, 1915–1946 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1998). See also work by Regina Strassegger and Richard Moorsom on the contract labor system. Regina Strassegger, “Die Wanderarbeit der Ovambo während der deutschen Kolonialbesetzung Namibias. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Wanderarbeiter auf den Diamantenfeldern in den Jahren 1908 bis 1914” (PhD diss., University of Graz, 1988); and Richard Moorsom, Underdevelopment and Labour Migration: The Contract Labour System in Namibia (Windhoek: University of Namibia, 1995). 27. Ranger postulated: “It is important to understand how people have done that, to understand their creativity, to understand that what often seems to be false conscious- ness or a false start, doesn’t look like that more closely when one can see its rationality in the historical context” (Ranger, “Trends in African Historiography,” 44). As an example for such an approach, Ranger cited the work of William Beinart, who recounted the history of thousands of laborers from the Cape Colony who labored on behalf of the German colonial power in Namibia. (See also William Beinart, “ ‘Jamani’—Cape Workers in German South West Africa, 1904–1912,” in: Hid- den Struggles in Rural South Africa. Politics and Popular Movements in the Transkei & Eastern Cape 1890–1930, ed. William Beinart and Collin Bundy (London/Berkley: James Currey/University of California, 1987), 166–90.) 28. Patricia Hayes, “A History of the Ovambo of Namibia, c. 1880–1935” (PhD diss., University of Cambridge, 1992), 1–18 (introduction), esp. 4. 29. On the beginnings of “oral history” in Namibian historiography, see: Gesine Krüger, Kriegsbewältigung und Geschichtsbewusstsein. Realität, Deutung und Verarbeitung des deutschen Kolonialkriegs in Namibia 1904 bis 1907 (Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 1999), 17–19. 30. The work with mission sources in Finish archives enabled important contributions to the historiography of northern Namibia. See, for example, Harri Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change in Ovamboland, 1850–1906 (Helsinki: Suomen Historiallinen Seura/Societas Historica Fenncia, 1990), 11–12. 210 ● Notes

31. Robert Gordon cites various examples of fruitful collaboration between the fields of history and anthropology. See Robert Gordon, “The Stat(u)s of Namibian Anthropology: A Review,” Cimbebasia 16 (2000), 1–23, esp. 14–15. 32. See, for example, Robert Gordon, The Bushmen Myth. The Making of a Namibian Underclass (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992); Michael Bollig, “Risk Management in a Hazardous Environment. A Comparative Study of Two Pastoral Communi- ties (Pokot NW Kenya and Himba NW Namibia)” (Habilitation, University of Cologne, 1999); Ute Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om in the Etosha Region (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2007). 33. See, for example, Jan-Bart Gewald, Herero Heroes. A Socio-Political History of the Herero of Namibia 1890–1923 (Oxford/Cape Town/Athens: James Currey/David Philip/Ohio University Press, 1999). See also Jan-Bart Gewald, “Near Death in the Streets of Karibib: Famine, Migrant Labour and the Coming of Ovambo to Central Namibia,” Journal of African History, 44 (2003), 211–39, esp. 213. 34. For an example of such an exception, see: Marion Wallace, Health, Power and Politics in Windhoek, Namibia, 1915–1945 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 2002). 35. Some almost completed dissertations focus on the topic, such as the ones by Martha Akawa (University of Basel), Christian Williams (University of Michigan), and Vilho Shigwedha (University of the Western Cape). 36. On Kavango, see, for example, the work by Andreas Eckl, Herrschaft, Macht und Einfluss. Koloniale Interaktionen am Kavango (Nord-Namibia) von 1891 bis 1921 (Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2004). On Caprivi, see the work by Benett Kangumu, “Contestations over Caprivi Identities: From Pre-Colonial Times to the Present” (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 2008). 37. Jeremy Silvester, introduction to Aawambo Kingdoms, History and Cultural Change. Perspectives from Northern Namibia, by Lovisa T. Nampala and Vilho Shigwedha (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 2006), xi–xviii, esp. xii. 38. Ibid., xviii. 39. See Luise White, Stephan Miescher, and David William Cohen, eds., African Words, African Voices. Critical Practices in Oral History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001). For additional recent studies taking this oral history approach, see, for example: Caspar W. Erichsen, The Angels of Death Has Descended Violently Among Them (Leiden: African Studies Centre, 2005); Reinhart Kössler, In Search of Survival and Dignity (Windhoek: Gamsberg Macmillan, 2005). 40. One of the most recent Namibian “oral history” projects, which dealt with family histories and accounts of the war of 1904–1907 and the years that followed, is conceptualized and presented within in an ethnic framework that replicates the one created by South African apartheid policies in Namibia. (See Casper W. Erichsen, ed., “What the Elders Used to Say”. Namibian Perspectives on the Last Decade of German Colonial Rule (Windhoek: John Meinert Printing, 2008).) In fact, the ethnic classification utilized within this publication mirrors that contained in Johan S. Malan’s work, which remains popular even today. (See Johan S. Malan, Peoples of South West Africa—Namibia (Pretoria: Haum, 1980).) 41. As Dag Henrichsen stated in another context, we must take “the periphery as the heart of the matter.” See Dag Henrichsen, “The Periphery as the Heart of the Matter. Contextualizing Namibia at the Basler Afrika Bibliographien,” in: Documenting and Researching Southern Africa, ed. Dag Henrichsen and Giorgio Miescher (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2001), 65–77, esp. 65. 42. My thinking was on this topic is inspired by three international workshops: “Blurred Frontiers—New Perspectives on Southern Africa and Its Border Sites,” held at the Notes ● 211

University of Basel, December 14, 2004; “Borders of Empire—Workshop on Border Issues in Southern Africa,” held at the University of the Western Cape, October 21, 2005; and “The Namibian-Angolan Border: New Issues and Theoretical Insights,” held at the Basler Afrika Bibliographien, December 16–17, 2005. I extend my thanks to all the participants in these workshops and especially to my colleagues who helped organize them, including Gregor Dobler, Patrick Harries, Patricia Hayes, Dag Henrichsen, Lorena Rizzo, Peter Vale, and Leslie Witz. 43. As Jürgen Osterhammel wrote on the growing fascination for borders in the human- ities: “Die Vorstellung von ‘Grenzen’—mit dem semantischen Feld Begrenzung, Entgrenzung, Grenzüberschreitung—gehört zu den schillerndsten Metaphern- Konzepten in den heutigen Sozial- und Kulturwissenschaften, zugleich zu denen, von welchen man sich neuerdings Orientierungen in der Gegenwart zu erhoffen scheint” (Jürgen Osterhammel, “Kulturelle Grenzen in der Expansion Europas,” Saeculum, 46 (1995), 101–38, here 108). On the history of border studies, see also: Vladimir Kolossov, “Theorizing Borders. Border Studies: Changing Perspectives and Theoretical Approaches,” Geopolitics, 10 (2005), 606–32. 44. By taking the spatial dimension of borders seriously, my approach accords with that of scholars who are concerned that the “boom” in the use of borders as an epis- temic concept might dilute the qualitative usefulness of the concept itself. See the unpublished position paper by Karen Hagemann, Stefan Berger, Sharif Gemie, and Chris Williams, “Creating and Crossing Borders: The State, Future and Quality of Border Studies” (unpublished manuscript, Centre for Border Studies, University of Glamorgan, January 2004). 45. Christoph Marx, “Grenzfälle. Zur Geschichte und Potential des Frontierbegriffs,” Saeculum, 54, No. I (2003), 123–43, esp. 123. 46. So did Marx (ibid., 127) referring to: Hermann Giliomee, “Processes in Development of the Southern African Frontier,” in: The Frontier in History. North America and South Africa Compared, ed. Leonard M. Thompson and Howard Lamar (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), 76–119. 47. Osterhammel, “Kulturelle Grenzen,” 113. 48. Martin Chatﬁeld Legassick, “The Griqua, the Sotho-Tswana and the Mission- aries, 1780–1840: The Policies of a Frontier Zone” (PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1969); and Martin Legassick, “The Frontier Tradition in South African Historiography,” in: Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa, ed. Shula Marks and Anthony Atmore (London: Longman Group, 1980), 44–79. 49. Igor Kopytoff’s work is a well-known example. See Igor Kopytoff, “The African Frontier. The Making of African Political Culture,” in: The African Frontier. The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies, ed. Igor Kopytoff (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987). On the topic of frontiers beyond colonial history, see also Marx, “Grenzfälle,” 129ff. 50. Osterhammel, “Kulturelle Grenzen,” 110. 51. For a European example, see: Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkley/Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989). Osterhammel refers in this context to the father of German geography, Friedrich Ratzel, who argued in the nineteenth century that border zones often slowly coa- lesce into linear boundaries (Osterhammel, “Kulturelle Grenzen,” 110–11). In the African context, for example, Paul Nugent has argued that the borders between African states should not simply be understood as European colonial constructs, but also as the outcome of local power relations in which Africans played an active 212 ● Notes

role. (Paul Nugent, “Colonial Power and African Agency in the Making of African Borderlands,” Keynote address for workshop “Blurred Frontiers: New Perspectives on Southern Africa and Its Border Sites,” held at the University of Basel, December 14, 2004.) 52. Research on territorial borders in Africa has focused primarily on international borders. This is also reflected in the agenda of the African Borderlands Research Network (ABORNE). Work on inner-state borders is much less common. For a recent work with such a perspective, see: Gregor Dobler, “Boundary Drawing and the Notion of Territoriality in Pre-colonial and Early Colonial Ovamboland,” Journal of Namibian Studies, 3 (2008), 7–30. 53. Osterhammel, “Kulturelle Grenzen,” 109–10. 54. Ibid. 55. Ibid. For example, since the nineteenth century, scholarly research on the history of the Germanic limes, which was called “Limesforschung,” long had a military focus and ignored the border’s permeability and its gradual establishment. In fact, a path cut into the forest and used as a road preceded the Limes as a fortification. The fortifications were gradually built later along this forest path; see Egon Schallmayer, Geschichte einer Grenze (Munich: Beck, 2006), 35–42 and 72–73; Martin Kemkes, Jörg Scheuerbrand, and Nina Willburger, Der Limes. Grenze Roms zu den Barbaren (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2006), 164–65. 56. J. M. Coetzee, Waiting for the Barbarians (London: Secker & Warburg, 1980) Coetzee narrates the ambivalent and melancholic experiences of an aging colonial official as both perpetrator and victim. The official is serving in a small town at the border of the empire, at an invisible border behind which begins the wilderness and the unknown vastness of the land of the barbarians. 57. The usefulness of such a comparative perspective received mention at the workshop held at the University of the Western Cape in Cape Town on October 21, 2005, which included participants from a number of southern African countries (“Borders of Empire—Workshop on Border Issues in Southern Africa”). 58. Patricia Hayes, “The African Threshold,” lecture at the University of Basel, May 22, 2000. I am grateful to Patricia Hayes for providing me a manuscript of her lecture. 59. Ibid. 60. Other sources such as photographs or diaries are less important to this work and receive no direct discussion. 61. I also make use of some documents from the archives of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Windhoek, the Basler Afrika Bibliographien in Basel, and from private collections. 62. See, for example: Ann Laura Stoler, “Colonial Archives and the Arts of Gover- nance,” in: Refiguring the Archive, ed. Carolyn Hamilton, Verne Harris, Jane Taylor, Michele Pickover, Graeme Reid, and Razia Saleh (Cape Town: David Philip, 2002), 83–100. 63. For one practical example, my work draws from the records of the colonial veterinary service, which I used to understand its organization and purpose, particularly with respect to the veterinary border; however, I did not aim to write a history of the veterinary service in Namibia. The same holds for other topics such as settlement history, game reserves, and even migrant labor. 64. I am grateful to the National Archives of Namibia for permitting me to make digital copies of some of their maps. I also consulted the map collection of the Scientific Society in Windhoek. In addition, I am very grateful to Hartmut Leser, professor emeritus of geography at the University of Basel, who donated several historical maps Notes ● 213

on Namibia to the Basler Afrika Bibliographien, and who offered me valuable input on my work with maps and cartography. 65. On the work of Harley, see the posthumously published collection of papers: John Brian Harley (edited by Paul Laxton), The New Nature of Maps. Essays in the History of Cartography (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2002). 66. See, for example: Jeremy Black, Maps and Politics (London: Reaktion Books, 1997), 11–12. 67. In this context, see: Ute Schneider, Die Macht der Karten. Eine Geschichte der Kartographie vom Mittelalter bis heute (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2004). 68. The South African farm map of Namibia displays obvious similarities with the map of the Transvaal drawn in 1899 by Friedrich Jeppe. Part of the map is published in color in Jane Carruthers, “Cartographical Rivalries: Friedrich Jeppe and the Transvaal,” in: Mapping Colonial Conquest: Australia and Southern Africa, ed. Norman Etherington (Crawley: University of Western Australia Press, 2007), 102–22, esp. 121. 69. By consulting a map, I first became aware of the existence of a fourth large game reserve proclaimed under South African rule. Only later did I begin to search for written documentation of this game reserve. 70. The production of the three other maps required less authorial work. 71. Some of the interviews were conducted during earlier or later visits to Namibia. 72. I was accompanied on all these visits by Lorena Rizzo, who was working on a history of Kaoko. She also collaborated in nearly all the interviews. 73. Ute Dieckmann was very helpful in introducing me to former residents of what is today the Etosha National Park. 74. I interviewed people who own or owned farms, as well as people who work or worked there; rich and poor people from both sides of the fence; powerful and powerless people; a top official of the colonial government and a current minister in the post- colonial government; former police officers and auxiliary police, as well as individuals who suffered at the hands of the police; descendants of settler and African families; victims, opportunists, collaborators, and victors of the colonial regime. 75. I made notes both during and after the interviews. 76. For some of the interviews, a photo album I compiled proved very useful. The album displayed 45 photographs from the National Archives of Namibia and from private collections. The images all referred in some fashion to the inner-Namibian border, depicting subject such as border markers, police posts, buildings, vehicles used to cross the border, people who lived close to the border or who crossed the border, arrests at the border region, images of hunting, and images depicting the inoculation of cattle. The album was usually received with great interest and elicited a variety of responses. When requested, I made copies of individual photographs and provided them to the person interviewed. 77. Stephan F. Miescher, MakingMeninGhana(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005), 14. 78. My concern was not the authenticity or the ethical value of a specific source of information. (For a brief discussion of oral history in African historiography, see: David William Cohen, Stephan F. Miescher, and Luise White, “Introduction: Voices, Words, and Historiography,” in: African Words, ed. Luise White et al., 1–27.) 79. The enormous importance of oral testimony (interviews) to research is also stressed by Patrick Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity. Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1860–1910 (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1994), xvi. 214 ● Notes

chapter 1 1. A discussion of animal diseases in southern Africa can be found in Herbert P. Schneider, Animal Health and Veterinary Medicine in Namibia (Windhoek: AGRIVET, 1994). 2. Several authors discuss the rinderpest outbreaks of the late-nineteenth century in southern Africa; see, for example, Charles van Onselen, “Reactions to Rinderpest in Southern Africa 1896–97,” Journal of African History, XIII, 3 (1972), 473–88; Pule Phoofolo, “Epidemics and Revolutions,” Past and Present, 138 (1992), 112–43; Maurice K. K. Mutowo, “Animal Diseases and Human Populations in Colo- nial Zimbabwe,” Zambezia, XXVIII (2001), 1–22; Daniel Gilfoyle, “Veterinary Research and the African Rinderpest Epizootic,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 29 (2003), 133–54. 3. “Bericht über eine Konferenz zur Rinderpest in Vryburg, Bechuanaland, des deutschen Konsuls v. Schuckmann vom 6. September 1896” [copy] (NAN-ZBU- 2385-V III 5 v3). 4. Africans were seen as potential carriers of the disease in part because they lived in close proximity to their livestock. This perception of a speciﬁc group of people as potential transmitters of disease has a long tradition in Europe. See, for example, Patrick Kury, Barbara Lüthi, and Simon Erlanger, Grenzen setzen. Vom Umgang mit Fremden in der Schweiz und den USA (1890–1950) (Cologne: Böhlau, 2005). 5. On rinderpest in general, see Angela von den Driesch, Geschichte der Tiermedizin. 5000 Jahre Tierheilkunde (München: Callway, 1989), 178–82. 6. For a discussion of simple vaccines, see Driesch, Geschichte der Tiermedizin, 181. 7. Gilfoyle, “Veterinary Research,” 136. 8. “Verordnung betreffend Massregeln zur Verhütung der Einschleppung der Rinderpest; gez. der Kaiserliche Landeshauptmann Leutwein, Windhoek 22. Juni 1896” (NAN-ZBU-1311-O III c 1 v1). 9. See, for example, Helmut Bley, Kolonialherrschaft und Sozialstruktur in Deutsch- Südwestafrika 1894–1914 (Hamburg: Leibnitz Verlag, 1968), 18–73. 10. See Theodor Leutwein, Elf Jahre Gouverneur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Berlin, 1908 [Facsimile Reprint Windhoek: Namibia Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft 1997]), 15, 37, 119; and Horst Drechsler, Südwestafrika unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1985 [new edition of 1966]), 59, 103. 11. In the late-nineteenth century, approximately 250,000–300,000 Africans lived in Namibia. See Udo Kaulich, Die Geschichte der ehemaligen Kolonie Deutsch- Südwestafrika, 1884–1914 (Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang, 2001), 36–38. 12. On Hendrik Witbooi, see Werner Hillebrecht, “Hendrik Witbooi,” in Namibia- Deutschland. Eine Geteilte Geschichte. Widerstand-Gewalt-Erinnerung, ed. Larissa Förster et al. (Wolfratshausen: Edition Minerva, 2004), 144–53. See also Brigitte Lau, Southern and Central Namibia in Jonker Afrikaner’s Time (Windhoek: National Archives, 1987); Gustav Menzel, “Widerstand und Gottesfurcht” (Cologne: Rüdiger Köpke Verlag, 2000); and Annemarie Heywood, Eben Maasdorp, Brigitte Lau, eds., The Hendrik Witbooi Papers (Windhoek: National Archives, 1989). 13. Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 72. 14. On the wars against Witbooi, see Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 71–85, and Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 15–59. 15. The wording of this contract is reproduced in Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 57–58. 16. See Jan-Bart Gewald, Herero Heroes. A Socio-Politcal History of the Herero of Namibia 1890–1923 (Oxford/Cape Town/Athens: James Currey/David Philip/Ohio Univer- sity Press, 1999), 29–60. Notes ● 215

17. For a map, see Gewald, Herero Heroes, 62. 18. Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 78–79. 19. For a description of one of the ﬁrst forced auctions, which was conducted in November 1985, see Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 95–96. 20. The rebellion was spearheaded by Mbanderu und Khauas Khoi; see Gewald, Herero Heroes, 102–08, and Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 97–125. 21. Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 102–3. 22. According to Drechsler (Südwestafrika, 101), 12,000 cattle were seized from Mbanderu alone. 23. According to Kaulich (Die Geschichte, 353), the white population in the colony comprised 1,774 people (917 men, 232 women, and 652 children). Of the 917 men, 231 were listed as “farmers/settlers.” 24. Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 99. 25. Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 79. 26. The march took place in 1895. Although the contract was largely symbolic in nature, it served to usefully legitimize later actions. See Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 87. 27. A border post to British Bechuanaland was ﬁrst established at the water hole Olifantskloof in 1895. Two years later, after it became clear that Olifantskloof was situated on British territory, the border post was relocated to Oas, two kilometers to the west. See Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 78. 28. See Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 120. 29. Leutwein to von Lindequist, September 30, 1896 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v3). 30. See NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v2 and v3 (Rinderpest Specialia). 31. See “Bericht über eine Konferenz zur Rinderpest in Vryburg, Bechuanaland, des deutschen Konsuls v. Schuckmann vom 6. September 1896” [copy] (NAN-ZBU- 2385-V III 5 v3). Von Schuckmann did not employ the term “neutral zone,” but the term is employed in other German documents such as: “Instruction an Station Okaukuejo” [copy]: Attachment Kaiser to Leutwein, January 28, 1896 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v2). 32. V. Lindequist to Leutwein, November 7, 1896 [draft] (NAN-ZBU-2385 V III 5 v3). 33. See, for example, v. Lindequist to Reichskanzler Fürsten zu Hohenlohe- Schillingsfürst, January 12, 1897 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v2). 34. The place names are listed as they are described in German archival records dating from 1896/97 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 vols. 2 and 3); the place names in brackets derive from the “Kriegskarte von Südwestafrika 1904” (Reprint by National Archives of SWA/Namibia 1987). Square brackets with a question mark indicate possible discrepancies, for example, when it is unclear whether the place name indicated on the “Kriegskarte” corresponds to the location mentioned in the archival record. 35. Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 36–38. 36. Letter to Reichskanzler, no place and no date (presumably Grootfontein 1897) (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v3). 37. See v. Lindequist to Jan Uichamab, January 2, 1897 [draft]; to Leutwein, February 17, 1897 [draft]; to Reichskanzler, February 20, 1897 [draft] (NAN-ZBU- 2385-V III 5 v3). 38. Von Lindequist to Reichskanzler, January 12, 1897 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v2). 39. Von Lindequist to Leutwein, January 7, 1896 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v3). 40. See von Lindequist to Reichskanzler, January 12, 1897 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v2). 216 ● Notes

41. Between four and ten German soldiers were stationed at the outposts. The stations at Ondondowa, Goas, Palmitfontein und Omaruru (on the Huab) were staffed only by African auxiliary troops. 42. See von Lindequist to Leutwein, November 26, 1896 and “Aufruf an die Boeren des Grootfonteiner Distrikts,” Grootfontein, January 10, 1897 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v3). 43. Von Lindequist to Reichskanzler, February 20, 1897 [draft] (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v3). 44. See, for example, “Instruktionen für die Station Okaukuejo vom 21. Nov. 1896 von Hauptmann Kaiser” (ZBU-2385-V III v3). See also: “Die Verordnung betreffend Massregeln zur Verhütung der Einschleppung der Rinderpest gez. der Kaiserliche Landeshauptmann Leutwein, Windhoek 22. Juni 1896” and “Zusatzverordnung vom 30. September 1896” (NAN-ZBU-1311-O III c 1 v1). 45. See Hauptmann Kaiser to Leutwein, November 28, 1896 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v2), which also contained a draft map, a copy of “Instruction für die Station Okaukuejo” (Attachment 1), and a copy of a letter by Kaiser dated November 21, 1896, to the missionaries Wulfhorst (Onkuanjama) and Rautanen (Ondonga). 46. Hauptmann Kaiser to Leutwein, November 28, 1896 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v2). 47. The water hole Okaokana is indicated as Okahakahana on later maps. The water hole that Kaiser called Okahakahana or Otjohaka corresponds to the Otjihaka water hole, located 150 kilometers west of Okaukujo. 48. In addition to their main purpose of halting the advance of rinderpest, the cordon outposts—or at least the Okaukuejo outpost—were also intended to prevent muni- tions and weapons smuggling. See “Instruction für die Station Okaukuejo” [copy], Attachment 1 Hauptmann Kaiser to Leutwein, November 28, 1896 (NAN-ZBU- 2385-V III 5 v2). 49. Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 126–127. Leutwein was most likely referring here to the Skaap River (German: Schafﬂuss), also called the Mantjes Rivier, northeast of Windhoek. (See “Kriegskarte von Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1904.”) 50. See Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 126–27; Paul Rohrbach, Deutsche Kolonialwirtschaft. Band 1: Südwestafrika (Berlin-Schöneberg: Buchverlag der Hilfe, 1907), 73–274. This explanation mirrored the contemporary belief that Africans were responsible for the incursion of rinderpest into the colony. 51. Annual Report Nordbezirk 1896/97, by von Estorff, Outjo, June 28, 1987 (NAN- ZBU-A VI a3 v2). See also Wilhelm Külz, Deutsch-Südafrika im 25. Jahr Deutscher Schutzherrschaft (Berlin: Wilhelm Süsserott, 1909), 278. 52. Both Rohrbach (Deutsche Kolonialwirtschaft, 273–274) and Külz (Deutsch- Südafrika, 278) believed the disease was initially transmitted by infected wildlife. 53. According to the German military ofﬁcer in Outjo, von Estorff, life along the defense line became “zu einer langen Kette von Leiden,” Annual Report Nordbezirk 1896/97, Outjo, January 28, 1987 (NAN-ZBU-A VI a3 v2). See also Rohrbach (Deutsche Kolonialwirtschaft, 273) and Christoph-Friedrich Kutscher, ed., Ludwig von Estorff. Wanderungen und Kämpfe in Südwestafrika, Ostafrika und Südafrika, 1894–1910 (Wiesbaden: Wiesbadener Kurier Verlag, 1968), 66–67. On the regions of Namutoni and Grootfontein, see Martti Eirola, The Ovambogefahr: The Ovamboland Reservation in the Making. Political Responses of the Kingdom of Ondonga to the German Colonial Power 1884–1910 (Rovaniemi: Societas Historicae Finlandiae Septentrionalis, 1992), 81. Notes ● 217

54. This contradiction is particularly evident in Joseph Irle, Die Herero. Ein Beitrag zur Landes-, Volks-und Missionskunde (Gütersloh: C. Bertelsmann, 1906). On page 114, Irle states that some 95 percent of Herero cattle were lost, whereas on page 219, he states that 30 percent of Herero herds were rescued by the inoculation program. Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive study of rinderpest in late-nineteenth century Namibia. 55. Rohrbach, Deutsche Kolonialwirtschaft, 274. 56. Ibid., 275. 57. See, for example, Carl Schlettwein, Der Farmer in Südwestafrika (Wismar: Hinstorff, 1914), 44. 58. On the response in the settlements of Otjimbingwe, Otjosazu, and Omaruru, see Gewald, Herero Heroes, 114. For additional discussion of the local strategy to prevent infection through isolation of herds, see also Schlettwein (Der Farmer, 44) and Rohrbach (Deutsche Kolonialwirtschaft, 274–75). 59. “Verordnung betreffend die unter den Namen ‘Longsiekte’ bekannte Krankheit des Rindviehs” of March 1, 1887. 60. The work of Daniel Gilfoyle (“Veterinary Research,” 133–54) is of special relevance here. 61. Gilfoyle (“Veterinary Research,” 139) discusses the work of German and French scientists. 62. Gilfoyle, “Veterinary Research,” 140. See also Thelma Gutsche, There Was a Man: The Life and Times of Arnold Theiler K.C.M.G. of Onderstepoort (Cape Town: Howard Timmins, 1979); see esp. 80–115 for a discussion of rinderpest. 63. Ibid., 142–43. 64. Ibid., 142. 65. Ibid., 143–44. 66. Both the Edington and the Koch methods were recommended by authorities in the Cape Colony, as Gilfoyle (“Veterinary Research,” 144) put it: “like competing advertisements for patent medicines.” 67. Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 127. 68. Herbert Schneider, Analyse der Tiergesundheitssituation in Südwestafrika/Namibia- Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Giessen: Eigenverlag, 1977), 14. 69. Leutwein, Elf Jahre, 127. 70. On the inoculation method, see Schneider, Analyse, 140. 71. The Edington method was similar, but Edingtion calculated that only 4 percent of a herd was required to produce the vaccine. See, for example, Gilfoyle, Veterinary Research, 143–44. 72. On the vaccine trials in the Cape Colony, see Gilfoyle (“Veterinary Research,” 143); on the trials in Namibia, see Gewald (Herero Heroes, 116.) 73. Gewald (Herero Heroes, 117–19) mentions several examples of resistance against stock requisitions. 74. Schneider (Tiergesundheitssituation, 139) here quotes verbatim from Külz (Deutsch- Südafrika, 279). 75. A possible explanation for the late start of the inoculation campaign can be found in Gewald, Herero Heroes, 115–16. 76. According to Irle (Die Herero, 302), most of the cattle of Kambazembi were inoculated with good results by the German military physician (Stabsarzt) Kuhn in cooperation with Africans. 77. Gilfoyle, “Veterinary Research,” 151. 78. Schlettwein, Der Farmer, 45. 218 ● Notes

79. The price of a trek ox increased from 60 to 150–200 Mark, according to Rohrbach (Deutsche Kolonialwirtschaft, 275–76). 80. See Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 441–43. 81. See, for example, Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 24, 140. 82. Irle, Die Herero, 302. 83. On the “human pest,” see Irle, Die Herero, 127. 84. For a possible explanation, see Gewald, Herero Heroes, 120–21. 85. Gewald, Herero Heroes, 130–33. 86. Ibid., 134–35. 87. This perception, already mentioned in contemporary literature (Schlettwein, Der Farmer, 144), is discussed in detail by Gewald (Herero Heroes, 144): “[I]nformants told me that the Rinderpest has been induced by Kahimemua Nguvauva or that the disease had been created by the Germans.” The same belief was prevalent in other areas of southern Africa; see Phoofolo, “Epidemics,” 112–43. 88. See, for example, Patricia Hayes, “A History of the Ovambo of Namibia, c 1880– 1935” (PhD diss., University of Cambridge, 1992), 102. In late August 1897, the ﬁrst cases of rinderpest were recorded in Uukwambi and Ondonga; see Harri Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change in Ovamboland, 1850–1906 (Helsinki: Suomen Historiallinen Seura/Societas Historica Fennica, 1990), 164. 89. There is unfortunately no historical literature on the transmission of rinderpest to Owambo. 90. Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 164. No ﬁgures exist for the precise extent of the loss. 91. Hayes, “History,” 102. 92. Ibid. 93. For details on rinderpest in Oukwanyama, see ibid., 102ff. 94. Ibid., 103. 95. Ibid., 104. 96. Emmanuel Kreike, Re-Creating Eden. Land Use, Environment, and Society in Southern Angola and Northern Namibia (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 2004), esp. 37–41. 97. Ibid., 41. 98. On the argument of the political stability, see Siiskonen (Trade and Socioeco- nomic Change, 170) and Hayes (“History,” 104–5). The favorable conditions for crop-based agriculture applied more to north-eastern and north-central Namibia, including areas such as Oukwanyama and Ndonga, and less to northwestern areas such as Uukwaluthi and Ongandjera. 99. Siiskonen (Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 169–70) bases this conclusion on the assessment reached by the German consul in Luanda, Dobritz. 100. According to Michael Bollig’s estimates, cattle losses in southwestern Angola approached 90 percent. See Michael Bollig, “Power and Trade in Precolonial and Early Colonial Kaoko 1860s–1940s,” in Namibia under South African Rule: Mobility & Containment 1915–1946, ed. Patricia Hayes et al. (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 175–93, esp. 181–82. 101. N. J. van Warmelo, Notes on the Kaokoveld (South West Africa) and Its People (Pretoria: Republic of South Africa, 1962 (1951)), 53. The author’s discussion is based on interviews conducted in Sesfontein in 1947 (NAN-A.591-Van Warmelo Accession, 15, “Material on Kaoko including Sesfontein”). 102. These stations include Otjituo, Neitsas, Ondera, Namutoni, and Okaukuejo. See H. Rafalski, Vom Niemandsland zum Ordnungsstaat. Geschichte der ehemaligen Notes ● 219

Kaiserlichen Landespolizei für Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Berlin: Emil Wernitz, 1930), 136–37. 103. The three stations are mentioned in Rafalski, Vom Niemandsland, 139–40, 145. The annual reports of the Grootfontein District, established in 1900, refer only to “die kleine Polizeistation Otjituo” (Annual Report Grootfontein 1901/02; NAN-ZBU- 149 A VI a 3 v6). 104. Annual Report Grootfontein 1901/02 (NAN-ZBU-149 A VI a 3 v6). 105. Rafalski, Vom Niemandsland, 144. 106. Annual Report Nordbezirk 1900/01 (NAN-ZBU-A VI a 3 v6). 107. See Annual Report Nordbezirks 1897/98 (NAN-ZBU-147 A VI a 3 v3). See also Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 108–11, and Lorena Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism in Kaoko (northwestern Namibia) between the 1870s and 1940s” (PhD diss., University of Basel, 2009), 77–83. 108. Kambatta fled to Ongandjera (Annual Report Nordbezirk 1897/98; NAN-ZBU- 147 A VI a 3 v3). 109. Bezirkshauptmannschaft Outjo to Gouvernement, September 1, 1898 (NAN- ZBU-2030 W II d 25 v1). 110. Annual Report Nordbezirk 1899/1900 (NAN-ZBU-148 A VI a 3 v5). 111. The station staff was supposed to prevent weapons and ammunition smuggling at Swartbooisdrift on the Kunene, intercept hunting expeditions from southern Angola, and explore the area (Annual Report Nordbezirk 1900/01; NAN-ZBU-149 AVIa3v6). 112. On the completion of the building, see the Outjo Annual Report 1902/03, Zessfontein district (NAN-ZBU-150 A VI a 3 v8). 113. On this treaty and a similar one with Jacques Krueger of Gaub, see Robert Gordon, The Bushman Myth. The Making of a Namibian Underclass (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 49–50. 114. Dag Henrichsen discusses this trade in great detail, focusing on central Namibia. See Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation im vorkolonialen Zentralnamibia. Das Herero- und Damaraland im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD diss., University of Hamburg, 1997), esp.77–80, 138–41. 115. See Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 139; and Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 77, 81. 116. Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 139–40. 117. In general, I employ the term “African” or “Africans” rather than ethnic labels. One exception are the so-called “bushmen,” a group who played a prominent role in the history of the Red Line who receive frequent mention in the colonial records (German: “Buschleute”; Afrikaans “boesman”); as an aid to understanding the contemporary argumentation, I frequently employ this term in my work. 118. See Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 141; and Gordon, Bushman Myth, 25ff. 119. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 26 (based on an estimate by Carl Hugo Hahn). 120. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 27. 121. Ibid., 27–28. 122. Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 140. 123. Trading caravans could consist of dozens of people who marched hundreds of kilometers carrying goods and driving stock. See, for example, Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 76–77. 124. For a description of the path from Ondonga through Namutoni to the Otavi Moun- tains, see the diary entry by Carl Hugo Hahn for July 6, 1857, in Brigitte Lau, ed., 220 ● Notes

Carl Hugo Hahn Tagebücher 1837–1869, Part IV 1856–1860 (Windhoek: National Archives, 1985), 1026. 125. See Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 41–52. 126. The literature generally refers to “European traders,” even though these traders did not necessarily come from Europe. 127. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 33ff, esp. 34. 128. Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 239–51. See also E. L. P. Stals and Antje Otto-Reiner, Oorlog en Vrede aan die Kunene: Die verhaal van kaptein Vita (“Oorlog”) Tom of Harunga 1863–1937 (Windhoek: Capital Press 1999), 16–22. 129. Gordon (Bushman Myth, 39) writes based on the work of Bernabé de la Bat that elephants had disappeared from the Etosha Pan by 1881. 130. Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 140–46. 131. See Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 41–52. 132. Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 136, 143–45. 133. Ibid., 142–43; however, Siiskonen does not mention the trade route over Otjivasandu. 134. Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 224–25. 135. Examples include well-known traders such as Charles John Anderson, Axel Wilhelm Eriksson, Thure Gustav Een, and Anders Ohlsson, as well as the mission trading company. See Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 216–38. 136. Gordon provides information on these trade routes; see Gordon, Bushman Myth, 34. See also the map provided by Hans Schinz in Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Forschungsreisen durch die deutschen Schutzgebiete Gross-Nama-und Hereroland nach dem Kunene, dem Ngami-See und der Kalahari 1884–1897 (Oldenburg/Leipzig: Schultze, 1891), depicting two possible eastern routes. 137. Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 158–62. 138. See Schinz, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, 354–77 for a detailed account of his travels from Grootfontein to Lake Ngami. Note that the map that accompanies the book is frequently inaccurate and occasionally contradicts the text. 139. Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 158–62. 140. Ibid., 161. 141. Ibid., 146. 142. T. G. Een, Memories of Several Years in South-Western Africa (1866–1871) (Trans- lated and edited from the original Swedish edition of 1872 by Ione and Jalmar Rudner) (Windhoek: Namibia Scientific Society, 2004), 121. 143. Een, Memories, 77, 80, 121. 144. Schinz, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, 339. 145. P. Serton, ed., The Narrative and Journal of Gerald McKiernan in South West Africa 1874–1879 (Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society, 1954), 165–68. 146. According to Gerarld McKiernan, “About 15,000 lbs of Kaffir-corn was carried away and their villages left in ashes. ...However, they were pretty severely punished; about 20 of them killed, loss of grain and villages, and being obliged to abandon their country.” (See Serton, The Narrative, 167, 168.) 147. Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 77–80. 148. There were only three main routes from central Namibia to Owambo: one leading through Namutoni and two through Okaukuejo. The route in the far west (through Otjivansandu) led to Angola and bypassed Owambo. 149. It took at least ten days to travel the 300 kilometers from Olukonda in Owambo to Grootfontein, a route with no topographical challenges, by ox-wagon. During Notes ● 221

the rainy season, the duration of the trip could increase dramatically. See Schinz, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, 345. 150. There are many indications that the population living along the key routes was fairly heterogeneous and international. For example, in 1896, the residents of Otjivansandu, south of Okaukuejo, included the Englishman Thomas Smith, the “Bastard” Hendrik Forbes, and “Hottentots and Bushmen”; Okaukuejo was inhabited by “some Bastards with stock and Hottentots and Bushmen.” See Kaiser to Leutwein, November 28, 1896 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5). 151. Schinz provides several examples for the route from Outjo to Okaukuejo; see Schinz, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, 208–12. 152. von Lindequist, December 26, 1896 (NAN-ZBU-2385-V III 5 v3). 153. Ibid. 154. Annual Report Bezirkshauptmannschaft Outjo, August 3, 1898 (NAN-ZBU-147- AVIa3v3). 155. Annual Report Nordbezirk 1900/1901; NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 Band 6. For a discussion of Aribib’s role, see Gordon, Bushman Myth, 50–51; and Ute Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om in the Etosha Region. A History of Colonial Settlement, Ethnicity and Nature Conservation (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2007), 71–72. 156. The military outposts were often poorly equipped and had a relatively small sphere of influence. The 1902/1903 annual report of the Okaukuejo district, for example, complains about the scarcity of horses suitable for patrols (NAN-ZBU-150-A VI a 3v8). 157. According to the Outjo district 1901/02 annual report, 134 adult white males lived in the district on January 1, 1901. Only 14 were farmers (NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v6). The number of farmers increased to 26 the following year (NAN-ZBU-149- AVIa3v7). 158. See Annual Reports for the Okaukuejo district 1901/02 (NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v7) and 1902/03 (NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v8). 159. William Chapman, “An Account of the Entry of the Trek-boers into Angola” (NAN-A232). 160. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 40. 161. The territory was bordered on the north by the Etosha Pan and the river, which flowed to the east. To the west, the territory extended to the line leading from Okahakana to Okaukuejo to Ombika; to the south, it ended at Naidaus, somewhat north of Outjo. See Schinz, Deutsch-Südwestafrika, 348. 162. Ibid., 352. 163. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 40–41. 164. Ibid., 40, 42. 165. Ibid., 28–32; and Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation,” 210–11. 166. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 40–42. 167. Annual Report Grootfontein district 1900/01 (NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v6). 168. “Verordnung des Kaiserlichen Gouvernements von Deutsch-Südwestafrika, betr. Massregeln gegen die Rinderpest” of April 12, 1899. 169. A new outbreak of rinderpest in the Grootfontein district in August 1899 led to the closure of the border. (“Verordnung des Kaiserlichen Gouvernements” of August 10, 1899.) Further outbreaks were successfully contained by inoculation and isolation of potentially infected herds. (Annual Report Nordbezirk 1900/01 and Grootfontein district 1900/01; NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v6.) 170. Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 169–73. 222 ● Notes

171. See Annual Report Nordbezirk 190/91 (NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v6); and Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 173–74. 172. Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 177; on African Horse Sickness, see Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 163–67. 173. For an overview of trade between central and northern Namibia following the rinderpest pandemic, see Siiskonen, Trade and Socioeconomic Change, 169–78. 174. “Zusatzverordnung des Kaiserlichen Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Südwestafrika zur Zollordnung” of October 20, 1898. 175. “Zusatzverordnung des Kaiserlichen Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Südwestafrika zur Zollordnung” of August 11, 1900. After the export duty was reduced, the number of exported cattle increased to 1,000 oxen and 231 cows and calves. See Annual Report Grootfontein district 1902/03 (NAN-ZBU-150-A VI a3 v9). 176. The same annual report also mentions the import of wagons filled with corn (See Annual Report Nordbezirk 1899/1900 (NAN-ZBU-148-A VI a3 v5). 177. See, for example, Annual Report Grootfontein district 1902/03 (NAN-ZBU-150- AVIa3v9). 178. Annual Report Okaukuejo district for the period April 1, 1901-March 31, 1902 (NAN-ZBU-149 A VI a3 v7). 179. The company was known as the Otavi-Minen-Gesellschaft; for employment figures, see Annual Report Grootfontein district 1900/1901 (NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v6). In late 1901, mining was temporarily halted and many Africans returned home. See Annual Report Grootfontein district (NAN-ZBU-149-A VI a3 v7). 180. The number of contract laborers is estimated between several hundred and two thousand. See, for example, Tony Emmett, Popular Resistance and the Roots of Nationalism in Namibia, 1915–1966 (Basel: P.Schlettwein Publishing, 1999), 172, whose discussion is based on Robert Gordon, “Variations in Migration Rates: The Ovambo Case,” Journal of Southern African Affaires, 3, No. 3 (1978), 261–94. 181. See “Verordnung für die Frachtfahrer von und nach Walfischbai” of May 17, 1891, and esp. “Verordnung für die Frachtfahrer im südwestafrikanischen Schutzgebiete” of March 12, 1895. 182. See “Verordnung betreffend einer Wege- und Wagenabgabe in Südwestafrika” of December 30, 1895. 183. See “Wegeordnung für das südwestafrikanische Schutzgebiet” of May 15, 1898.

Chapter 2 1. On the outbreak of the war, see, for example, Horst Drechsler, Südwestafrika unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1985 [new edition of 1966]); Jan-Bart Gewald, Herero Heroes. A Socio-Politcal History of the Herero of Namibia 1890–1923 (Oxford/Cape Town/Athens: James Currey/David Philip/Ohio Uni- versity Press, 1999), chap. 5; Susanne Kuss, “Der Herero-Deutsche Krieg,” in Namibia-Deutschland. Eine geteilte Geschichte. Widerstand-Gewalt-Erinnerung,ed. Larissa Förster, Dag Henrichsen, and Michael Bollig (Wolfratshausen: Edition Minerva, 2004), 62–77. 2. See Larissa Förster, “Zwischen Waterberg und Okakarara: namibische Erinnerungslandschaften,” in Namibia-Deutschland. Eine Geteilte Geschichte. Widerstand-Gewalt-Erinnerung, ed. Förster et al. (Wolfratshausen: Edition Minerva, 2004), 164–79. 3. On the genocide issue, see, for example, Jürgen Zimmerer and Joachim Zeller, eds., Völkermord in Südwestafrika (Berlin: Christoph Links Verlag, 2003); for Notes ● 223

additional discussion of the genocide debate within Namibia, see also Christoph Marx, “Entsorgen und Entseuchen,” in Genozid und Gedenken. Namibisch-deutsche Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Henning Melber (Frankfurt: Brandes und Apsel, 2005), 141–61. 4. Drechsler, Südwestafrika, 197. 5. Dag Henrichsen, “Die Hegemonie der Herero in Zentralnamibia zu Beginn der deutschen Kolonialherrschaft,” in Namibia-Deutschland. Eine geteilte Geschichte Widerstand-Gewalt-Erinnerung, ed. Larissa Förster et al. (Wolfratshausen: Edition Minerva, 2004), 44–59, esp. 44. 6. See, for example, Wolfgang Werner, “No One Will Become Rich”. Economy and Soci- ety in the Herero Reserves in Namibia, 1915–1946 (Basel: P.Schlettwein Publishing, 1998), 47–48. 7. “Verordnung des Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Südwestafrika, betreffend Massregeln zur Kontrolle von Eingeborenen,” “Verordnung des Gouverneurs von Deutsch- Südwestafrika, betreffend die Passpflicht der Eingeborenen,” and “Verordnung des Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Südwestafrika, betreffend Dienst-und Arbeitsverträge mit Eingeboren des südwestafrikanischen Schutzgebietes,” as well as “Runderlass des Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Südwestafrika zu den Verordnungen, betreffend die Kontrolle und Passpflicht der Eingeborenen sowie die Dienst- und Arbeitsverträge mit diesen” (Die deutsche Kolonial-Gesetzgebung vol 11, 1907 (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler: 1908), 345–57). 8. Jürgen Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft über Afrikaner. Staatlicher Machtanspruch und Wirklichkeit im kolonialen Namibia (Hamburg: Lit Verlag, 2001). 9. Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 114. 10. “Resolution des Deutschen Reichstags vom 15. Dezember 1905” (NAN-ZBU-L II A 5 v1). 11. See “Sammlung betreffend Resolution der Reichstagssitzung vom 15.12.05” (NAN- ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). 12. Kolonialabteilung des Auswärtigen Amtes, Berlin, to Gouvernement in Windhoek, March 15, 1907 (NAN-L II A 5 v1). 13. The map (scale 1:2,000,000) was published by Dietrich Reimer (Ernst Vohsen), Berlin, edited by M. Moisel, and drawn by H. Nobling and W. Rux. It was probably based on earlier maps and did not achieve the level of accuracy of the so-called Kriegskarte of 1904. The National Archives of Namibia has a copy of the map in its collection (No. 530). 14. Not all of these place names still exist on recent maps. But the places are indicated on the “Kriegskarte,” and place names often survived as farm names. (See “Republic of Namibia. Farm- & Strassenkarte/Plaas- & Padkaart/Farm & Road Map, 1994,” scale 1:1,000,000, compiled and drawn in the office of the Surveyor General, Windhoek, 1994.) 15. See, for example, the declaration by the government titled “Polizeischutz in Südwestafrika” published in the newspaper Windhuker Nachrichten, June 6, 1907 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). 16. The caption says “Grenze des unter polizeilichen Schutz gestellten Gebietes.” The National Archives of Namibia also has a copy in its map collection (No. 238, südlicher und mittlerer Teil). On this map, see also Imre Josef Demhardt, Die Entschleierung Afrikas, Deutsche Kartenbeiträge von August Petermann bis zum Kolonialgeographischen Institut (Gotha: Justus Perthes, 2000), 213. 17. “Wenn schon für die Sicherheit der in den vorbezeichneten auf der in 100 Exemplaren angeschlossenen Skizze [Karte] blau umränderten Gebieten ansässigen 224 ● Notes

Farmer und Ansiedler eine ausdrückliche Gewähr seitens der Regierung in keiner Weise übernommen werden kann, so handeln diejenigen, welche sich ausserhalb derselben niederlassen, vollends auf eigene Gefahr und werden auch beim Anrufen der Hilfe der Regierung auf Beistand nur insoweit rechnen können, als dadurch nicht die in erster Linie für die Besiedlung bestimmten Gebiete gefährdet werden” (Letter by Auswärtiges Amt, Berlin, March 15, 1907; NAN-ZBU- L-II-A 5 v1). 18. The use of the term “Polizeizone” (Police Zone) began several years later, and no later than 1910. (See, e.g., “Protokoll über die Sitzung des Landrats für das deutsch- südwestafrikanische Schutzgebiet vom 21 April 1910” (p. 12); (NAN-ZBU-A-III- d-7 b v2.) 19. See map 2. 20. Distriktamt Gobabis to Gouvernement, June 21, 1907 (ZBU-NAN-L-II-A-5 v1). 21. Typewritten file note (ZBU-NAN-L-II-A-5 v1). 22. “Protokoll über die Sitzung des Landrats für das deutsch-südwestafrikanische Schutzgebiet vom 21. April 1910,” p. 12 (NAN-ZBU-A-III-d-7 b v2). 23. A contemporary comment on the contradiction between the official settlement planning and the settlement practice reads: “Eine schachbrettförmige Verteilung der Farmen in der vom Kolonialamt angegebener Weise halte ich für unzweck- mässig, da das Land nur in Ansehung der Wasserverhältnisse (Quellen) in Farmgrundstücke aufgeteilt werden kann.” (Report by Oberarzt Jungels, “An Bord der Erna Wörmann,” June 19, 1908; NAN-BOU 1 B 10Q.) 24. State secretary, Reichskolonialamt, Berlin, to Gouverneur, Windhoek, July 30, 1910 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v 1). 25. See correspondence with attached sketch map by Bezirksamt Keetmanshoop to Gouvernement, December 14, 1910, and correspendence with attached sketch map by Bezirksamt Rehoboth to Gouvernement, September 19, 1910 (NAN-ZBU-L-II- A5v1). 26. Bezirksamt Lüderitzbucht to Gouvernement, February 17, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-L-II- A5v1). 27. See correspondence with attached sketch map by Bezirksamt Grootfontein to Gouvernement, September 19, 1910 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). 28. See correspondence by Reichskolonialamt to Gouvernement Windhoek, December 15, 1909 “bezüglich Gesuchs von J. Braunger, Bangkok, re Kauf von Farmland am Okavango vom Oktober 20, 1910,” and Gouvernement to J. Braunger, June 10, 1910 [draft] (NAN-ZBU-1058-L II a2). 29. See correspondence with attached sketch map by Bezirksamt Outjo to Gouvernement, September 26, 1910, correspondence with attached sketch map by Bezirksamt Grootfontein to Gouvernement, September 19, 1910, and correspondence with attached sketch map by Distriktsamt Gobabis to Gouvernement, Oktober 3, 1910 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). 30. Distriktsamt Omaruru to Gouvernement, September 12, 1910 (NAN-ZBU-L-II- A5v1). 31. Internal report signed by Inspector of Landespolizei, Windhoek, January 6, 1911. The attachment includes a list of the current number of police officers: 544 men, of whom 56 were listed as not on duty. The list does not include African auxiliary police officers (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). 32. Handwritten correspondence between Gouverneur and Inspector of Landespolizei on a letter by Reichskolonialamt to Gouverneur regarding “Etatsanmeldung für 1912,” July 4, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). Notes ● 225

33. Gouverneur to Reichskolonialamt, August 18, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). See also H. Rafalski, Vom Niemandsland zum Ordnungsstaat. Geschichte der ehemaligen Kaiserlichen Landespolizei für Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Berlin: Emil Wernitz, 1930), 121–25. 34. Gouverneur to Reichskolonialamt, 31 March 1913, re “Kauf einer Farm im Distrikt Gobabis ausserhalb der Polizeizone” (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v2). 35. See esp. the ﬁles “Besiedlungssachen; Polizeizone, Polizeischutz” (NAN-ZBU-L-II- A 5 v1 and v2). 36. See correspondence by Farmerverein Gobabis to Gouverneur, February 10, 1912; July 17, 1912; October 10, 1912 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). 37. Gouverneur to Distriktsamt Gobabis, August 1, 1912 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5v1). 38. See correspondence by Deutschen Kolonial Gesellschaft für Südwestafrika, September 10, 1907, copies of correspondence Kaoko-Land- und Minengesellschaft June–August 1907, and correspondence by South African Territories Limited, April 24, 1908 (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A 5 v1). 39. “Verordnung betreffend den Verkehr in und nach dem Ambolande,” Die deutsche Kolonial-Gesetzgebung, vol. 10, 1906, 25–27. Article 2 deﬁned the borders of the Amboland. 40. See articles 7 and 8 of the “Verordnung betreffend den Verkehr in und nach dem Ambolande.” 41. Martti Eirola makes this distinction in The Ovambogefahr. The Ovamboland Reserva- tion in the Making. Political Responses of the Kingdom of Ondonga to the German Colo- nial Power 1884–1910 (Rovaniemi: Societas Historicae Finlandiae Septentrionalis, 1992), 191. 42. Regina Strassegger, “Die Wanderarbeit der Ovambo während der deutschen Kolonialbesetzung Namibias. Unter besonderen Berücksichtigung der Wanderarbeiter auf den Diamantenfeldern in den Jahren 1908 bis 1914” (PhD diss., University of Graz, 1988), 50–54. 43. Georg Hartmann, “Meine Expedition 1900 ins nördliche Kaokofeld und 1901 durch das Amboland. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Zukunftsaufgaben in Deutsch-Südwestafrika,” Beiträge zur Kolonialpolitik und Kolonialwirtschaft (Berlin: Wilhelm Su¨sserott, 1902–1903), 399–430. 44. Eirola (Ovambogefahr, 107, 144–46) provides details on the various plans to conquer the far north. 45. See ibid., chap. 5 (158–97). 46. Ibid., 281. 47. “Kaiserlicher Gouverneur von Deutsch-Ostafrika an Auswärtiges Amt, Kolonialab- teilung, Daressalam, 31 July 1905.” A copy of this letter was sent to Windhoek, March 22, 1906 (NAN-ZBU-L-II A 5 v1). 48. Ibid. 49. “Verordnung des Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Ostafrika, betreffend den öffentlichen Verkehr im deutsch-ostafrikanischen Schutzgebiete, vom 7. März 1906” (Deutsches Kolonialblatt, No 17, 1906, 217–19). 50. Permanently restricted areas were the regions “Usumbura (Sultanate Urundi und Burundi)” and “Bukoba.” Temporarily restricted areas were the regions “Kilwa,” “Lindi,” “Ssongea,” “Langenburg,” “Iringa,” “Mahenge” and “Muansa.” (“Bekanntmachung des Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Ostafrika, betreffend die Sperrung einiger Gebiete für den Verkehr, vom 7. März 1906,” Deutsches Kolonialblatt, No 17, 1906, 219.) 226 ● Notes

51. See Gouvernement, Windhoek, to Auswärtiges Amt, Berlin, 14 September 1906 [draft] (NAN-ZBU-L-II-A-5 v1). 52. See the respective discussion of Michael Pesek with regard to German colonial rule in eastern Africa. Michael Pesek, Koloniale Herrschaft in Deutsch-Ostafrika (Frankfurt/New York: Campus Verlag, 2005), esp. 283–94 (“Die Entropie des kolonialen Staates”). 53. The game reserves were numbered rather than named. The area of Game Reserve 1 was deﬁned as follows:

Das Gebiet östlich von Grootfontein, welches durch folgende Linien begrenzt wird: Im Westen von Buschmanns-Püts über Nuragas nach Daster-Vlei und von dort bis zu einem in der Fortsetzung dieser Linie, 30 km nördlich von Daster-Vlei gelegenen Punkte. Im Norden von letzterem Punkte bis Gasamas und daran anschliessend die Linie Gasamas-Numkaub. Im Osten und Süden von einer 10 km südöstlich des Omuramba und Omatako von Numkaub bis Buschmanns-Püts verlaufenden Linie. (“Verordnung betreffend Bildung von Wildreservaten in dem südwestafrikanischen Schutzgebiet, 22. März 1907” (Die deutsche Kolonial-Gesetzgebung, vol. 11, 1907, 153–54).)

54. The area of Game Reserve 2 was deﬁned as follows:

“Das Gebiet südlich, westlich und nordwestlich der Etoscha-Pfanne in den Bezirken Grootfontein und Outjo, welches durch folgende Linien begrenzt wird: Im Osten und Süden die Westgrenze des Ovambolandes vom Kunene bis Osohama. Von dort nach Koantsab und über Ondowa, Chudob, Obab, Aigab, Vib, Chorub nach Gub. Von Gub über Otjokaware (Kowares) bis Oachab. Von Oachab das Hoarusib-Revier bis zum Meere. Im Westen vom Meere. In Norden vom Kunene bis zur Grenze des Ovambolandes.” (Ibid.)

55. The area of Game Reserve 3 was deﬁned as follows:

“Das im Bezirk Swakopmund gelegene Gebiet, welches begrenzt wird: Im Norden von einer Linie 5 km südlich des Swakop. Im Westen vom englischen Walﬁschbai-Gebiet. Im Süden von einer Linie, welche 10 km südlich des Kuiseb verläuft. Im Ostern von einer Linie von Salem nach Onanis und von dort in südlicher Richtung über Bloomthal bis zum Kuiseb, von dort in südwestlicher Richtung vom Wege zur Hopemine bis zum Kuiseb.” (Ibid.)

56. The ban did not apply to the owners of inhabited farms in the game reserves (ibid.). 57. The Pongola Game Reserve, proclaimed in 1889, was the ﬁrst of a number of wildlife protection areas proclaimed in the Republic of Transvaal in the 1880s and 1890s (Jane Carruthers, The Kruger National Park. A Social and Political History (Pietermaritzburg: The University of Natal Press, 1995), 21–28. Several wildlife protection areas were also proclaimed in the Cape Colony (ibid., 32). In German East Africa, by 1911, the colonial government had deﬁned 15 hunting protection areas, which comprised an area of 20,000 square kilometers (Rolf D. Baldus, “Was Tieren und Menschen hilft. Wildschutz und Nationalparks in Tanzania—der deutsche Beitrag,” Afrika-Post 5 (2003), 5–9). On the legislation process concerning the protection of wildlife and forests in German East Africa, see also Ulrike Notes ● 227

Wanitzek and Harald Sippel, “Land Rights in Conservation Areas in Tanzania,” GeoJournal 46 (1998), 113–28. esp. 114–116. 58. See Ute Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om in the Etosha Region. A History of Colonial Set- tlement, Ethnicity and Nature Conservation (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2007), 74–77, who largely follows the argument made by Bernabé J. G. de la Bat (“Etosha 75 Years,” South West Africa Annual (1982), 11–20) but also emphasizes the importance of game as an economic resource in the proclamation of the game reserves. 59. “Verordnung betreff die Ausübung der Jagd, 4. Januar 1892,” Die deutsche Kolonial- Gesetzgebung, vol. 1, 1892, 314–15. 60. See also “Verordnung zur Jagd vom 15. Oktober 1896,” Die deutsche Kolonial- Gesetzgebung, vol. 2, 1893–1897, 291. 61. See “Verordnung des Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Südwestafrika, betreffend die Ausübung der Jagd im deutsch-südwestafrikanischen Schutzgebiete,” Die deutsche Kolonial-Gesetzgebung, vol. 6, 1901–1902, 526–29. 62. These included elephants, hippopotamuses, rhinoceroses, giraffes, zebras, quag- gas, buffalo, kudu cows, ostrich hens and chicks, vultures, secretary birds, Springhahnvögel, owls, and Nashornvögel (bucerot˘ıdae). Exceptions could be granted on scientific or economic grounds (ibid.). 63. There were no hunting restrictions for animals not mentioned in the 1902 degree, including all predators and carnivores. 64. For an early discussion of a possible game reserve in the Etosha region, see, for example, Annual Report 1902/03, District Okaukuejo (NAN-ZBU-150- A VI a3 v8). 65. “Begründung der Verordnung betreffend Bildung von Wildreservate,” no date (NAN-ZBU-M II C 1). 66. The production of social distinction through hunting is also described for African societies in northern Namibia. See Patricia Hayes, “Northern Exposures: The Pho- tography of C. H. L. Hahn, Native Commissioner of Ovamboland 1915–1946,” in Colonising Camera, ed. Hartmann, et al., 171–87, esp. 181; Patricia Hayes, “A Land of Goshen: Landscape and Kingdom in Nineteenth Century Eastern Owambo (Namibia),” in African Landscapes: Interdisciplinary Approaches, ed. Michael Bollig and Olaf Bubenzer (New York: Springer, 2008), 225–54, esp. 227. 67. See Carruthers, The Kruger National Park, 30–31. 68. See, for example, Robert Delort, Der Elefant, die Biene und der heilige Wolf. Die wahre Geschichte der Tiere (Munich: Hanser, 1987), esp. 104–111. For a short overview of the history of hunting, see also Giorgio Miescher, “Mittelalterliche Jagd als Medium der Distinktion (oder eine kleine Geschichte der Jagd)” (seminar paper, University of Basel, 1996.) 69. See, for example, Hans Wilhelm Eckardt, Herrschaftliche Jagd, bäuerliche Not und bürgerliche Kritik (Göttingen: Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, 1976). 70. “V. Frankenberg u. Proschlitz, Tagebuchblätter aus Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Tagebuch eines deutschen Offiziers der 12. Kompagnie über die Einsätze bei den Eingeborenenaufständen im deutschen Schutzgebiet 1904–1907” [Transcription] (BAB Archives). 71. Frankenberg was the military commander of the station in Oukaukujo from March 1905 to September 1906. 72. His diary contains various descriptions of hunting by officers and soldiers, particularly in the entries dating from May to December 1904, when Frankenberg was stationed in the Waterber region. 228 ● Notes

73. The supply of fresh meat was important in maintaining motivation among the African auxiliary troops (Personal information Dag Henrichsen, November 22, 2006). 74. Diary notes for August 25 and 26, 1908, on a hunting trip with high-ranking German military ofﬁcers. 75. See diary note for August 22, 1906, and annual report district Okaukuejo, March 31, 1906 (NAN-ZBU-153-A VI a3 v13). 76. See diary notes for June 8, 1906, and August 28, 1906. 77. Annual Report district Okaukuejo, March 31, 1906 (NAN-ZBU-153-A VI a3 v13); diary notes, August 12, 1906. 78. See preface by F. K. von Eggelingen in a reprint of the 1922 edition. 79. Julius Steinhardt, Ehombo (Neudamm: J. Neudamm, 1922), 88–89. 80. Steinhardt, Ehombo, 11–12 and 118. 81. Ibid., 192. 82. Ibid., 193. 83. See also Adolf Fischer, Menschen und Tiere in Südwestafrika (Berlin: Safari Verlag, 1936), 118. 84. See Annual Report 1902/03 district Okaukuejo (NAN-ZBU-150- A VI a3 v8). 85. On the strategic location of Game Reserves 1 and 2, see also Robert Gordon, The Bushman Myth. The Making of a Namibian Underclass (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 55. 86. All routes from the German colony to the British enclave Walvis Bay passed through Game Reserve 3. 87. “Begründung der Verordnung betreffend Bildung von Wildreservaten, no date (NAN-ZBU-M II C 1). 88. This area had already been under discussion as a game reserve in 1902, a fact that apparently was not taken into account during negotiations on the Police Zone boundary in Berlin. 89. See Lorena Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism in Kaoko (northwestern Namibia) between the 1870s and the 1940s” (PhD diss., University of Basel, 2009), 77–86. 90. Report by Oberarzt Jungels, “An Bord der Erna Wörmann,” June 19, 1908 [Copy] (NAN-BOU-1 B10Q). 91. The Kaoko-Land-und-Minen-Gesellschaft owned almost the entire area outside the Police Zone in northwestern Namibia in 1907. The private land companies had the right to sell land; as a result, it was legally possible to purchase land and to farm in Game Reserve 2. Settlement on a large scale, though, would have required the suspension of game reserve regulations. See “Bericht über eine Reise zur Erkundung des Kaokofeldes” to Gouvernment, Windhoek, by Bezirksamtmann Schultz, Outjo, November 8, 1912 (NAN-ZBU-1011-J XIII b5 v2). 92. See Gouvernment, Windhoek, to Eduard Zimmermann, Swakopmund, April 18, 1910 (NAN-ZBU-2039 W II K 5) See also Maria Fisch, Der Caprivizipfel während der deutschen Kolonialzeit 1890–1914 (Windhoek: Out of Africa, 1996), 75. 93. Several German settlers were living in the Kavango region. See, for example, Gouvernement to Bezirksamt Grootfontein, September 23, 1911 [Draft] (NAN- ZBU-2039 W II K 5). 94. For a discussion of the literature addressing the German colonial economy and administration, see Udo Kaulich, Die Geschichte der ehemaligen Kolonie Deutsch- Südwestafrika (1884–1914) (Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang, 2001), 15–22. 95. See Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 187, 445, 447. Notes ● 229

96. The enormous expense of fighting a small number of African fighters in southern Namibia played a crucial role in election propaganda. See Henning Melber, “‘...dass die Kultur der Neger gehoben werde!’ Kolonialdebatten im deutschen Reichstag,” in Kolonialmetropole Berlin. Eine Spurensuche,ed.Ulrichvander Heyden and Joachim Zeller (Berlin: Berlin Edition, 2002), 67–72. 97. Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 187ff. 98. The construction of the private railway line from Swakopmund to Tsumeb started already in 1903. Construction of the public railway line from Lüderitz commenced in 1905 and was a response to the war in southern Namibia (ibid., 443–47). 99. See ibid., 458–62, and map on p. 461. Only the first 49 kilometers of the railway line from Otjiwarongo to Okahakana were completed at the end of German rule in Namibia. 100. Ibid., 473. 101. On mail and telegraph communication, see ibid., 474–88, and map on p. 489. 102. On water resource development, see ibid., 435–40. 103. Rafalski, Vom Niemandsland, 55. 104. Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 261. 105. All figures are taken from ibid., table on p. 353. 106. Ibid., 390. 107. The colonial government in Berlin nonetheless continued to pay for at least half the government spending in the colony. See ibid., 191–95. 108. See Die Deutsche Kolonial-Gesetzgebung vol 12, 1908, 397. At first, the term “Sperrgebiet” meant only that the “Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft für Südwestafrika” possessed exclusive prospecting rights. 109. On the establishment of state control over the diamond industry, see Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 392–99; and Israel Goldblatt, History of South West Africa from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century (Cape Town: Juta and Company, 1971), 175–81. 110. See Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 110–11; and Helmut Bley, Kolonialherrschaft und Sozialstruktur in Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1894–1914 (Hamburg: Leibnitz Verlag, 1968), 223–39. 111. Only six out of seven farms were in operation. Famers constituted 20 percent of “white” settlers. 1,587 out of 8,530 “white” men were farmers in 1913 among a total settler population of 14,830 persons. (Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 345, and table on p. 353.) 112. On the banking and credit system in the colony, see ibid., 403–08. 113. On the labor market within and outside the Police Zone, see Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 176–242. 114. See Brigitte Lau and Peter Reiner, 100 Years of Agricultural Development in Colonial Namibia. A Historical Overview of Visions and Experiments (Windhoek: National Archives of Namibia, 1993), 5–8, 59–60; on the import of livestock, see Kaulich, Die Geschichte, 366–79. 115. See Herbert Schneider, Analyse der Tiergesundheitssituation in Südwestafrika/ Namibia—Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Giessen: Eigenverlag, 1977), 14 and 24. 116. “Verordnung des Gouverneurs von Deutsch-Südwestafrika, betreffend die Abwehr und Unterdrückung Viehseuchen. Vom 24. Dezember 1901, mit den Abänderungen der §2 und 13 Absatz 1, durch die Verordnung vom 25. Februar 1902” (Die deutsche Kolonial-Gesetzgebung, vol 6, 1901–1902, 436–46). 117. Ibid., 442. 230 ● Notes

118. Wilhelm Rickmann, Tierzucht und Tierkrankheit in Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Berlin: Schoetz, 1908). 119. Ibid., 68–77. 120. Ibid., 71–72. 121. Ibid., 74. Transvaal was in many respects the role model for German colonial veterinarians. See the report by Paul Knuth of June 29, 1908, of which ten copies were sent to Windhoek in October 1908. “Bericht des Abteilungsvorstehers an der Tierärztlichen Hochschule in Berlin Dr. Knuth über seine Studienreise nach England, Frankreich und Afrika in der Zeit vom 1.6.06 bis Ende Juni 1907” (ZBU-1286-OI a5). See also Robert von Ostertag, who submitted a proposal to the Reichskolonialamt in Berlin that Arnold Theiler, director of the Transvaal veterinary service, be honored (Robert von Ostertag, “Bericht des Geheimen Regierungsrates Professor Dr. Ostertag über die von ihm nach Deutsch-Südwestafrika ausgeführte Reise” (unpublished report, Berlin: Hochschule für Veterinarmedizin, March 7, 1911), 226–227; NAN-ZBU-1287-OI b3 v1.) 122. Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 174–75. 123. See Ostertag, Bericht, 2–6; on the role of police officers, see Ostertag, Bericht, 208–9. 124. Ibid., 4. 125. Some of these instructional leaflets were ordered from Germany. (See files “Veterinärwesen, Verteilung von Merkblättern,” NAN-ZBU-1286-OI a 4.) The leaflets were also produced in the colony by the veterinary service itself. (See, e.g., “Verhütung und Bekämpfung des Ostküstenfiebers,” orginally written in English by A. Theiler and J. M. Christy, and published in Transvaal Agricultural Journal;NAN- ZBU-1310-OIII b1.) The latter leaflet was distributed among the various district offices. (See correspondence to Gouvernement by Distriktamt Omaruru, May 3, 1911, and by Bezirksamt Outjo, May 5, 1911; NAN-ZBU-1310-OIII b 2 v1.) 126. Ostertag, Bericht, 37–38. 127. Cattle imports from Rhodesia and Angola were also banned. On east coast fever, see Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 228–30; and Ostertag, Bericht, 20–21. 128. Ostertag, Bericht, 21–24. 129. Ibid., 18–20. 130. On the duties of government veterinarians, see ibid., 113. 131. Ibid., 102–9. 132. They were stationed at Windhoek (two), Grootfontein, Outjo, Otjiwarongo, Omaruru, Karibib, Gobabis, Rehoboth, Maltahöhe, Gibeon, Lüderitz, Warmbad, Aroab, Swakopmund, and Gammams (two), where the bacteriological institute was located. See Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 15. 133. Ibid., 15, 24–28. 134. Schneider (Tiergesundheitssituation) discusses the history of various animal diseases in Namibia in detail. For the history of lungsickness (contagious bovine pleuropneumonia) in Namibia, see ibid., 68–88. 135. See Lorena Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 112–21. 136. Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 130. 137. See ibid., 143. In 1912, two wanted murderers of a German police officer were able to elude the police near Windhoek. See Kuno F. R. Budack, Raubmord 1912. Die ‘Falk- und Sommer-Morde’. Ein Beitrag zur Kriminalgeschichte von Deutsch-Südwestafrika (Windhoek: Eigenverlag, 1999). 138. See Werner, No One, 51–52. For the period April 1909 to March 1910, the district Outjo stated in its yearly report that the police rounded up over 300 natives. Their Notes ● 231

small livestock, numbering in the several hundreds, were distributed to farmers in the area (NAN-ZBU-157-A VI a 3 v20). This report demonstrates that Africans lived outside colonial control in the veld and that they owned at least some small stock. 139. Several examples of such cross-border escapes are discussed by Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 150–61; and also by John Noyes, Colonial Space. Spatiality in the Discourse of German South West Africa 1884–1915 (Chur: Harwood Academic Publishers 1992), 158–60. 140. According to Zimmerer (Deutsche Herrschaft, 145), the German Eingeborenenreferent (native commissioner) suspected this isolated and inaccessible area of being the place where most free Africans were living. 141. See Gewald, Herero Heroes, 178, 207–8. For Kaoko, see esp. Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 123–27. 142. Eventually the British authorities handed over the remaining members of the “gang” to the German authorities. For a detailed discussion, see Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 150–61. 143. The police blotter on Albrecht Arnhold in the archives of the Basler Afrika Bibliographien contains detailed information on all patrols (“Dienstbuch des Polizeimann Albrecht Arnhold (Kopie),” 114–15, BAB Archiv PA 50). Arnhold was stationed in Namutoni from December 1908 to September 1911 and in Choantsas from July 1912 to February 1914. 144. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 54. 145. Unfortunately, both authors opted for an ethnocentric perspective, limiting the value of their work for a broader regional history. 146. Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 95. 147. Ibid., 96–97. 148. See, for example, Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 142. 149. Gordon based on Zastrow, Bushman Myth, 71. 150. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 57. 151. See ibid., 57–58; and Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 81–82. 152. Quoted in Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 81. 153. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 58. 154. On the numbers of patrols, see Gordon, Bushman Myth, 69; on the overall policy, see Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 82–88. 155. Annual Report 1913/14 Bezirksamt Outjo, May 21, 1914 (NAN-ZBU-160 A VI a 4v3). 156. Ibid. 157. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 78–81. 158. Ibid., 77. 159. Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 90–91. 160. Ibid., 95. 161. The Rietfontein police station, northeast of Gobabis, was located over 150 kilometers outside the Police Zone. 162. Ondera was orginally an outpost on the rinderpest cordon line. Later, it was a military and police station until it was closed in 1911 (Rafalski, Vom Niemandsland, 145). Tsinsabis was an outpost on the rinderpest cordon line and was abandoned after the pandemic ended. Construction of a police station began in 1911; when it was completed in 1913, Tsinsabis replaced Choantsas, which had existed since 1903 (ibid., 141). Neitsas was also an outpost on the rinderpest cordon line, which later became a police station; it was moved to Nuragas in 1912 (ibid., 140). Otjituo 232 ● Notes

was originally a rinderpest cordon station, then a military post, and finally a police post in 1907 (ibid., 139–40). 163. Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft, 212. 164. Statistics taken from Strassegger, “Die Wanderarbeit,” 81–82. Similar figures are provided by Stals, “Blankes en Owambo’s,” 333. 165. Strassegger, “Die Wanderarbeit,” 85–100. 166. The Oshana system (or Cuvelai system) with its intermittently filled water channels and sinks is characteristic of the landscape of Owambo. See, for example, John Mendelsohn, Alice Jarvis, Carole Roberts, and Tony Robertson, Atlas of Namibia. A Portrait of the Land and Its People (Cape Town: David Philip, 2002), 62. 167. Strassegger, “Die Wanderarbeit,” 88. 168. Ibid., 89. 169. Ibid., 63–67. 170. Ibid., 90. 171. Ibid., 92. 172. “Bezirksverordnung vom 17.1.07” mentioned in Bezirksamt Outjo to Gouverneur re “Einfuhr von Vieh aus Ovamboland,” June 2, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-1310-OIII b 1). 173. See Henning, chief veterinarian, in an internal correspondence regarding “Durchführung der Sperre des Ambolandes,” June 5, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 1). 174. Internal report to Gouvernement, June 24, 1908, regarding “Vieheinfuhr aus dem Norden über Okaukuejo für 1906 und 1907, (J.No. 16815)” (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 1). 175. Ludwig Hölzner for H. E. Lenssen, Okaukuejo store, July 14, 1911, to Gouvernement (ZBU-1295-O I i 2 v1). In 1911, missionaries submitted similar requests, in which they asked that people from Owambo be permitted to exchange stock for food in Okaukuejo (Letter by Salma Rainio to Ludwig Hölzner, August 22, 1911; ZBU-1295-O I i 2 v1.). 176. See Bezirksamt Outjo, June 2, 1911, to Gouvernement regarding “Einfuhr von Vieh aus dem Ovamboland” (NAN- ZBU- 1310-O III b 1). 177. See Farmer Diesel, Farm Chamkubis Bezirk Outjo, June 10, 1911, to Gouvernement (NAN-ZBU-1295-O I i 2 v1) and Bezirksamt Outjo, June 2, 1912, to Gouverneur, regarding “Einfuhr von Vieh aus Ovamboland” (NAN-ZBU-1310- O III b 1). 178. This was argued by the representatives of Prion and Schlettwein. Meeting of May 15, 1911, in “Tagungen des Landrats 1911, Verhandlungen (gedruckte Protokolle),” 75 (NAN-ZBU-A III d 8 b v3). 179. “Gutachten betreffend seuchenpolizeiliche Sicherungsmassregeln gegenüber dem Ambolande von Professor Ostertag,” no date, pp. 4–5, sent by Reichskolonialamt to Gouverneur in Windhoek, September 12, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 2 v2). 180. This chief veterinary officer Henning’s argument in his letter to Bezirksamt Outjo, September 3, 1908 (NAN-ZBU-1301-O II b 2 v1); the argument was repeated five years later by Streitwolff in his letter received by the Gouvernment on November 25, 1913 (NAN-ZBU-1301-O II b 2 v1). 181. “Verordnung betreffend die Abwehr des Ostküstenfiebers vom 12. Oktober 1912” (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 1). 182. “Verordnung des Kaiserlichen Gouverneurs vom 22. Juni 1911” (NAN-ZBU-1310- O III b 1). 183. “Bekanntmachung des Distriktsamt Gobabis, 12. Juni 1911” (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 1). Notes ● 233

184. For details on police patrols and on how local “Bushmen” were drawn into police work, see Distriktamt Gobabis, February 6, 1911, to Gouvernment (NAN-ZBU- 1310-O III b 2 v1). 185. Distriktsamt Gobabis, May 31, 1911, to Gouvernement (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 2 v1). 186. The German authorities proposed building a fence along 250 kilometers of the border (from Stoltzenfeld to 50 kilometers north of the Hasuur police station.) The proposal was rejected by the South African government, who proposed instead that the dense farming settlements along the border build fences, with the farmers carrying out the border control. See Gouverneur re “Einzäunung der Südostgrenze” to German consul general in Cape Town, August 29, 1911 [draft], and the response by the consul general, October 23, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-1288-O 1.c.1). 187. The police mentioned the water holes Toasis, Gubuoms, Nuis, Aroroams, Naunas, Kurikas, Sandfontein, Sidonitzaub, Tjunda, and Rietfontein. (Inspection of Landespolizei to Gouvernement, June 23, 1911; NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 2v1.) 188. Distriktsamt Gobabis to Gouvernement, May 31, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 2v1). 189. Distriktsamt Gobabis to Gouvernement, September 7, 1911 (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 2 v2). 190. Telegram by Distriktsamt Gobabis to Gouvernement, January 20 1912, regarding “Aufhebung der Grenzsperre” (NAN-ZBU-O III b 2 v2). 191. Handwritten comment by Henning, May 18, 1911, on a draft letter concerning “Verordnung re Ausdehnung des Einfuhrverbotes auf das Amboland und die östlich gelegenen Gebiete in D.S.W.A” (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 1). 192. In 1911, Ostertag also demanded that the administration of Owambo be taken over and that the military occupy the area. See “Gutachten, betreffend seuchenpolizeiliche Sicherungsmassregeln gegenüber dem Ambolande” (NAN-ZBU-1310- O III b 2 v2). 193. See Streitwolf to Gouvernment, no date, received November 25, 1913 (NAN-ZBU- 1301-O II b 5 v1), and Henning to Bezirksamt Outjo, September 3,1908 [draft] (NAN-ZBU-1301-O II b 2 v1). 194. See, for example, Bezirksamt Grootfontein to Gouvernement, July 14, 1911, report- ing on the difﬁculties in supplying the mission station in Kuringkura at the Okavango (NAN-ZBU-1310-O III b 2 v1). 195. Streitwolf to Gouvernement, no date, received November 25, 1913 (NAN-ZBU- 1301-O II b 5 v1). 196. Ibid. 197. Gouvernement to veterinarian Dr. Bailer Nordetappe Okaukuejo and other ofﬁces, November 27, 1914 (NAN-ZBU-O III d 2 v5).

Chapter 3 1. Jeremy Silvester, Marion Wallace, and Patricia Hayes, “ ‘Trees Never Meet’ Mobil- ity & Containment: An Overview, 1915–1946,” in Namibia under South African Rule, ed. Patricia Hayes et al. (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 22. 2. At least some of the most repressive laws, for example those concerning corporal punishment, were repealed. (Silvester et al., “Trees Never Meet,” 23.) 234 ● Notes

3. A detailed analysis of the period 1915–1920 is provided in Tony Emmett, Pop- ular Resistance and the Roots of Nationalism in Namibia, 1915–1966 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1999), 65–88. 4. For a detailed account of the development in Owambo, and especially in Kwanyama, see Patricia Hayes, “A History of the Ovambo of Namibia, c 1880– 1935” (PhD diss., University of Cambridge, 1992), 178–233. 5. Israel Goldblatt, History of South West Africa from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century (Cape Town: Juta and Company, 1971), 206–9. 6. Silvester et al., “Trees Never Meet,” 4, 23. 7. Emmett, Popular Resistance, 68–69. 8. See Annual Report of the Administrator of South West Africa for the year 1916, January 31, 1917 (NAN-ADM-106-3370). For the entire text of the Martial Law Regulations No. 30–33, see A. J. Waters, ed., Martial Law in the Protectorate of South West Africa During Military Occupation by the Forces of the Union of South Africa (as in force on the 1st July 1918”) (Swakopmund: Swakopmund Buchhandlung, 1918), 88. 9. Annual Report of the Administrator for South West Africa for the year 1916, p. 7 (NAN-ADM-106-3370). 10. Waters, Martial Law, 192–93. 11. Martial Law Regulation No. 57, in: Waters, Martial Law, 192–93. 12. Annual Report of the Administrator for South West Africa for the year 1917, p. 18 (NAN-ADM-106-3370/2). 13. Ibid. and appendix to “Work in Connection with the Military Constabulary and Criminal Investigation Department in Regard to Police Duties” (NAN-ADM-106- 3370/2). 14. For information on Ballauf and Zanitti, see ﬁle “Ovamboland-Administration General, Entry of Germans for purpose of illicit trading in stocks and arms and ammunition” (NAN-ADM-57-958/4). 15. Ibid., statements of Jakob Ballauf and Michael Zanitti, recorded in Ondonga January 26, 1916, and statement of Chikongo, recorded on February 4, 1916. 16. Hans Bull Brodtkorb described his experiences, including those with German troops, in a letter to the Administrator of the Protectorate, Tsumeb, October 12, 1915 (NAN-ADM-57-958/5). 17. The names of the three women, as well as a notiﬁcation of their deportation to Olukonda, are mentioned in a letter by Native Affairs Tsumeb to Native Affairs Windhoek, October 8, 1915 (NAN-ADM-57-958/5). 18. Military Magistrate Tsumeb to Secretary for the Protectorate, December 10, 1915, and statement of Martin Eliphas Kadikwa, November 1915 (NAN-ADM-57- 958/5). 19. Bordtkorb to Administrator of the Protectorate, Tsumeb, October 12, 1915 (NAN- ADM-57-958/5). 20. Major Fairlie to Resident Commissioner Ovamboland, February 20, 1916, and Resident Commissioner Ovamboland to Secretary, March 3, 1916 (NAN-ADM- 57-958/5). Soon afterward, Brodtkorb again came to the attention of the Resident Commissioner of the Ovamboland. This time, he had apparently encouraged Martin yaKhadhikwa to provide false testimony and to refuse to appear before the court in Tsumeb. See Resident Commissioner Ovamboland to Assistant Military Magistrate Tsumeb, May 20, 1916 (NAN-ADM-57-958/5). 21. Captain Tytherleigh to Secretary, July 3, 1916 (NAN-ADM-57-958/5). Notes ● 235

22. Secretary to Resident Commissioner Ovamboland, January 22, 1917, and “Certifi- cate for Mr H. Bull Brodtkorb” issued by the Resident Commissioner Ovamboland, February 28, 1917 (NAN-R.C.O.-1/1916/15). 23. Statement Thomas, Military Magistrate Tsumeb, February 27, 1918, p. 1 (NAN- R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4). 24. According to the documents in file R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4, the woman’s name is Johanna, referring most likely to the above-mentioned Johanna Nekoy. Brodtkorb’s workers were described as “Jan, bushman driver and hunter,” “Isaac, driver and hunter,” “Martin (an Ondonga native), hunter,” and “August (bushman).” Jan, Isaac und Martin had previously worked for the Ovamboland Expedition Corps. See statement Jan Vennel, Ovamboland staff, Ondonga, December 17, 1917 (NAN-R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4). 25. Statement Martin, Military Magistrate Tsumeb, Janaury 14, 1918 (NAN-R.C.O.- N◦8-1918-4), and travel permits for Hans Bull Brodtkorb and his people issued by Resident Commissioner Ovamboland, February 28, 1917, and Resident Commis- sioner Ovamboland to Secretary, January 2, 1918 (NAN-R.C.O.-1/1916/15). 26. Statement Jan Vennel, Ovamboland staff, Ondonga, December 17, 1917, and personal correspondence Manning to Gorges, Ondonga, December 18, 1917 (All from NAN-R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4); this file contains copies of the various statements taken by the Military Magistrate Tsumeb. The longest and most informative statement (4 pages) is by Thomas, who at the time lived at the water hole Tivis (Okevi), north of Namutoni. 27. Statement Thomas, Military Magistrate Tsumeb, February 27, 1918; Brodtkorb and his wife sold meat on a weekly basis to Africans traveling to the north (NAN- R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4). 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Statement Thomas (NAN-R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4). 31. Statement Thomas, and statement Martin (NAN-R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4). 32. Statement Thomas (NAN-R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4) and personal correspondence Manning to Gorges, February 20, 1918. 33. See various references in the statements in R.C.O.-N◦8-1918-4. 34. Personal correspondence Manning to Gorges, February 20, 1918 (NAN-R.C.O.- 57-958/5). In 1916, the new colonial authorities confirmed the legal status of the game reserves proclaimed by the German colonial government in 1907. See Annual Report of the Administrator for South West Africa for the year 1916, p. 3 (NAN- ADM-106-3370). 35. On this temporary occupation in 1916, see Office of the Union Forces to Secre- tary for the Protectorate, June 16, 1916. On the reopening on July 7, 1924, see Divisional Inspector SWA Police to Secretary, August 6, 1924 (NAN-SWAA-941- A.82/84). 36. Breyer’s first report dates from June 28, 1918 (NAN-SWAA-2333-A 511/1 v1). 37. The first Game Warden report by Nelson refers to July 1920 (NAN-SWAA-2333- A 511/1 v1). 38. The police post was reopened on May 11, 1924 (Magistrate Grootfontein to Secre- tary, June 6, 1924), but was closed again on June 23, 1925 (Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, July 9, 1925), and finally reopened two years later on April 29, 1927 (Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, May 17, 1927.) (NAN-SWAA-941-A 82/50) 236 ● Notes

39. Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, January 14, 1922 (NAN-SWAA-2238- A 502/8). 40. On the closing of Nurugas in 1919, see Military Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, December 24, 1919 (NAN-ADM-116-3823/8). Attempts to reopen the police station began in 1921 (Deputy Commissioner SWA Police to Dis- trict Commandant Omaruru, December 21; NAN-SWAA-2238-A 502/8) and were finally successful in early 1923 (See Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, March 13, 1923 [NAN-SWAA-2238-A502/8] and Union of South Africa, Report of the Administrator of South West Africa/ Rapport van de Administrateur van Zuidwest Afrika [for the Year 1923], 53.) 41. See, for example, the list provided by Emmett, Popular Resistance, 179. 42. Jan-Bart Gewald, “Near Death in the Streets of Karibib: Famine, Migrant Labour and the Coming of Ovambo to Central Namibia,” Journal of African History,44 (2003), 211–39. 43. Gewald argues this is because the majority of historical accounts are in essence “ethnic histories set within given geographical boundaries” (ibid., 213). 44. Ibid., 230 and 252. 45. It was probably no coincidence that the first Resident Commissioner in Ovamboland, Colonel Pritchard, had professional experience as a recruiter of mine workers in the Transkei (Silvester et al., “Trees Never Meet,” 31, footnote 119). 46. Patricia Hayes describes the “light hand” and the “non-interventionist approach of officials in the north,” which rested upon on the permanent availability of a decisive military force (Hayes, “A History,” 238). 47. See Silvester et al., “Trees Never Meet,” 30–31. 48. Annual Report of the Administrator for the year 1918 re “Native Affairs Policy” (NAN-ADM-107-3376/3)—the expenses for food were later deducted from the migrant workers’ salaries (ibid.). 49. See the petition of the Outjo farmers’ association to the Administrator, May 1, 1918, asking that migrant laborers be forced to take the route via Outjo; see also a report by the Resident Commissioner Ovamboland of June 12, 1918, on the issue (NAN-ADM-116-3823/7). 50. See Richard J. B. Moorsom, “The Formation of the Contract Labour System in Namibia, 1900–1926,” in Forced Labour and Migration. Patterns of Movement within Africa, ed. Abebe Zegeye and Shubi Ishemo (London: Hans Zell, 1989), 55–108. 51. Annual Report of the Administrator for the year 1917, p. 21 (NAN-ADM-106- 3370/2) and Report of the Administrator (for the year1920), 13. 52. See Allan D. Cooper, “The Institutionalization of Contract Labour in Namibia,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 25, No. 1 (March 1999), 121–38. 53. In December 1925, the colonial government stated that it would not recruit outside the Police Zone; the labor organizations were founded soon thereafter (ibid., 125). 54. Annual Report of the Administrator for the year 1918, Magistrate Tsumeb to Secre- tary, January 13, 1919 (NAN-ADM-108-3376/4). The official registered death toll as a result of the influenza pandemic (the so-called Spanish influenza) was 2,338 “Natives” and 223 “Whites.” Report of the Administrator (for the Year 1918), p. 20. 55. Annual Report of the Administrator for the year 1916, pp. 50–53 (NAN-ADM- 106-3370). 56. Officer Commanding D. Squadron 2nd Military Constabulary Grootfontein to Military Constabulatory Windhoek, October 26, 1918 (NAN-ADM-116- 3823/8). For a discussion of these raids, see Robert Gordon, The Bushman Notes ● 237

Myth. The Making of a Namibian Underclass (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 110ff. 57. Military Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, October 7, 1919 (NAN-ADM-116- 3823/8). 58. Ibid. 59. Secretary to Military Magistrate Grootfontein, October 23, 1919 (NAN-ADM- 116-3823/8). 60. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 111–14. 61. Ibid., 115. 62. Ibid., 114, 116. 63. Waters to Gage, Grootfontein, and Waters to Poppe, Tsumeb, January 30, 1919 (NAN-ADM-116-3823/8). 64. Gage to Waters, February 13, 1919 (NAN-ADM-116-3823/8). 65. Secretary to Military Magistrate Grootfontein, July 2, 1919 (NAN-ADM-116- 3823/8). 66. See Wolfgang Werner“No One Will Become Rich.” Economy and Society in the Herero Reserves in Namibia, 1915–1946 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1998), 56–57. A notable exception was the ﬁghting between German troops and troops from Rehoboth in April and May 1915, culminating in the battle at Sam-Chubis on May 8, 1915. See also Klaus Dierks, Chronology of Namibian History. From Pre- historical Times to Independent Namibia (Windhoek: Namibia Scientiﬁc Society, 2002), 162. 67. Gesine Krüger and Dag Henrichsen, “ ‘We Have Been Captives Long Enough. We Want To Be Free’. Land Uniforms & Politics in the History of the Herero in the Interwar Period,” in Namibia under South African Rule: Mobility & Contain- ment 1915–1946, ed. Hayes et al. (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 150. 68. Werner, “No One,” 57. 69. Krüger and Henrichsen, “We Have Been Captives Long Enough,” 151. In contrast, Werner (“No One,” 59) argues that stock was not only stolen, but also acquired through ordinary purchase or in compensation for work. 70. Jeremy Silvester, “Beasts, Boundaries and Buildings. The Survival and Creation of Pastoral Economies in Southern Namibia,” in Namibia under South African Rule: Mobility & Containment 1915–1946, ed. Hayes et al. (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 98–101. 71. Emmett, Popular Resistance, 75–76. 72. Jan-Bart Gewald, “Colonization, Genocide and Resurgence: The Herero of Namibia 1890–1933,” in: People, Cattle and Land. Transformations of a Pastoral Society in Southwestern Africa, ed. Michael Bollig and Jan-Bart Gewald (Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2000), 213. 73. See, for example, Werner, “No One,” 58–61, or Silvester, “Beasts,” 100–105. 74. See Ute Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om in the Etosha Region. A History of Colonial Settle- ment, Ethnicity and Nature Conservation (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2007), 153–55. 75. Ibid., 157. 76. See Giorgio Miescher, The Ovambo Reserve Otjeru (1911–1938). The Story of an African Community in Central Namibia (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2006), 11–12. 77. On Aimab and Otjivasandu, see Secretary to Magistrate Outjo, November 7, 1923, and the report by the Native Commissioner “Result of a visit to ‘Aimab’ District 238 ● Notes

Outjo on June 26, 1926” (NAN-SWAA-1150-A158/24 v1). I deduced the names of the farms from the 1922 patrol plans of the S.W.A police; Sheep Department. Staff Patrol Areas 1922–1923 (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/3). Not all farms were surveyed in the Fransfontein area, and these unsurveyed farms were not indicated in the farm areas maps. In such cases, the names of the farms correspond to the names of the water holes that were depicted on the Kriegskarte (war map) of 1904. 78. On the history of Otjeru, see Giorgio Miescher, The Ovambo Reserve Otjeru (1911– 1938). The Story of an African Community in Central Namibia (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2006). 79. Native Commissioner to Secretary, August 5, 1926 (NAN-SWA-1194-A158/104). 80. Miescher, Otjeru,4. 81. See, for example, the file “Kaokofeld-Precedents. 1926” (NAN-LOU-3/1/2-2/9/1). 82. Annual Report 1916 of the Administrator, January 3, 1917, p. 58 (NAN-ADM- 106-3370). 83. For example, the magistrate in Tsumeb reported that “several farms in the North- ern part of the district are deserted due to Bushmen raids.” Quoted in the Annual Report 1916 of the Administrator, January 3, 1917, p. 50 (NAN-ADM-106-3370). For similar cases dating from 1917, see also Military Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, January 11, 1918. See Annual Report 1917 (NAN-ADM-106-3370/2). 84. Ibid. 85. Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 120. 86. Ibid. 87. Ibid. 88. See also the so-called Blue Book, which was published in 1918 to denounce the German colonial power’s treatment of the African population. For an annotated reprint of the Blue Book, see Jeremy Silvester and Jan-Bart Gewald, Words Cannot Be Found. German Colonial Rule in Namibia. Annotated Reprint of the 1918 Blue Book (Leiden: Brill, 2003). 89. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 106–07. 90. Ibid., 106. 91. This limitation is also reflected in the naming of what was officially Game Reserve 2: In the colonial records, the game reserve was first called “Game Reserve Namutoni.” When the game reserve began to be marketed as a major tourist attraction in 1938, the reserve was renamed the “Etosha Pan Game Reserve.” See correspondence re “Ethosha Pan Game Reserve: Facilities for Tourists” 1938 (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). 92. Breyer’s final report refers to May 1919; the remainder of the file contains only Breyer’s death notice and an inventory of his belongings (NAN-SWAA-2333- A 511/1 v1). Johan Wilhelm Frederik Breyer, son of the director of the Transvaal Museum, died at the age of 22 in Pretoria in 1919. An inventory of his personal belongings in Namutoni provides a glimpse of his activities beyond his official func- tion. Breyer not only owned several guns and whips, but also a cello and a camera. The inventory also shows that Breyer zealously collected African weapons and everyday objects, hunting trophies such as horns and skins, and various plants and insects. See Estates J. W. F. Breyer (NAN-EST-220-5827/48). 93. Breyer to Secretary, October 15, 1918 (NAN-SWAA-2333-A 511/1 v1). 94. Game Warden, Monthly Report for December 1918 (NAN-SWAA-2333- A 511/1 v1). 95. Game Warden, Monthly Reports for July 1918 and July 1920 (NAN-SWAA-2333- A 511/1 v1). Notes ● 239

96. Monthly Report December 1918 (NAN-2333-A 511/1 v1). Based on oral testimony, Dieckmann confirms the trade in guns from Owambo (Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 153). 97. Monthly Report May 1919 (NAN-SWAA-2333-A 511/1 v1). 98. Magistrate Outjo to Secretary, August 5, 1920 (NAN-2333-A 511/1 v1). The alleged foxholes could well have been pit traps dug at game passes near the water hole. I was shown the remains of a number of such pit traps at the Harib water hole on the Onguma farm by the farm worker Willhelm Schuster, who was over 80 years old at the time. 99. Game Warden to Secretary, January 28, 1922 (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). 100. Dieckmann was able to identify the sites of around 40 former settlements inside what is today Etosha Park. These settlements were not permanent and not inhabited all at the same time. They were mainly situated adjacent to and south of the pan (Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 148). 101. Monthly Report September 1927. For a defense of Thomas, see Game Warden to Secretary, January 10, 1921 (NAN-SWAA-2333-A 511/1 v2). 102. Rex versus Hendrik, June 29, 1921, and statements Native Constable Izak Kwason und Constable Frederick Badenhorst, August 28, 1921 (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). 103. District Commandant SWA Police, Omaruru, to Deputy Commissioner SWA Police, Windhoek, December 21, 1921 (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). 104. Guideline for “monthly circular,” January 9, 1922 (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). 105. See Robert Gordon, “Vagrancy, Law & ‘Shadow Knowledge’. Internal Pacifica- tion 1915–1939,” in: Namibia under South African Rule: Mobility & Containment 1915–1946, ed. Hayes et al. (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 51–76, esp. 51–52. 106. Ibid., 59–67. 107. Werner, “No One,” 66ff, 92ff. 108. See, for example, statement of farmer Herman Kowalke, farm Chorab (north of Outjo) and M. Seufert, farm Gub (north of Outjo) von Outjo) to Magistrate Outjo, September 16, 1922, and M. Seufert to Secretary, November 12, 1922 (All: NAN- ADM-128-5503/1). 109. See, for example, correspondence Secretary to Game Warden, January 10, 1924, and Game Warden to Secretary, January 30, 1924 (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). See also Werner, “No One,”94–95. 110. SWA Police Outjo to Magistrate Outjo, November 30, 1922, and Magistrate Outjo to Secretary, December 1, 1922 (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). 111. Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 144. 112. Game Warden to Secretary, November 10, 1922, and Secretary to Game Warden, January 10, 1924 (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). 113. “Instructions for the Guidance of the Game Ranger: Namutoni,” no date [1924] (NAN-ADM-128-5503/1). 114. Game Warden to Secretary, Annual Report, January 7, 1928 (NAN-SWAA-2333- A 511/1 v2). 115. Robert Gordon, Bushman Myth, 92–98, 133–35. A detailed discussion of the events is also provided by James Suzman, “Things from the Bush.” A Contemporary History of the Omaheke Bushmen (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 2000), 33–38. 116. A long report, dated September 17, 1922, by the Acting Magistrate Gobabis, E. C. Greyton, contains detailed information on the history of the conflict, as well as on the Alexeck farm and the Bullik family (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 117. Ibid. 240 ● Notes

118. The numbers are derived from the report of the Acting Magistrate Gobabis (ibid.), and Sergeant [unreadable] to Grayson, Rehoboth, October 22, 1922 (NAN-SWAA- 411-A50/25 v1). 119. Report Grayson, September 17, 1922 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 120. With regard to the distances covered by straying cattle, see, for example, report by Sergeant Castle on a Special Patrol re “Theft of Stock by Bushmen” to Magistrate Gobabis, July 19, 1925 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 121. Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, March 16, 1923, and July 22, 1925 (NAN-SWAA- 411-A50/25 v1). 122. This is how Grayson described the situation on the Alexeck farm while Bullik was still alive. See Report Grayson, September 17, 1922 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 123. One example is the case of Lemcke, a farmer in the Gobabis district. See Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, January 12, 1923 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 124. Ibid. There were no police stationed in the area, but the farm was inspected monthly, also for veterinary reasons. (Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, Jan- uary 12, 1923 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1) and Sheep Department. Staff Patrol Areas. 1922–1923; NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/3.) 125. Sergeant [unreadable] to Grayson, Rehoboth, October 22, 1922 (NAN-SWAA- 411-A50/25 v1). 126. Report Grayson, September 17, 1922 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 127. This strategy is explicitly formulated in a letter by the Secretary to Magistrate Gobabis, September 7, 1925 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). The Farmers’ Asso- ciation Gobabis expressed their support for drastic measures in a petition to the Administrator dated August 4, 1922 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 128. A temporary police station was open for a few months in Epukiro in November 1922. See Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, November 9, 1922, and December 1, 1922; see also Secretary to Magistrate Gobabis, November 22, 1922 (NAN-SWAA- 411-A50/25 v1). 129. See also map 4, on which the farm Alexeck is depicted but not named. 130. Anna Bullik to Administrator, December 4, 1927 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v2). 131. See report by Constable Callaghan re “Special Bushman Patrol,” SWA Police an Magistrate Gobabis, January 9, 1928, and Commandant SWA Police to Secretary re “Rapport angaande houding van Wilde Boesmans teenoor die Plaas Boere” by the police in Steinhausen, January 2, 1932 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v2). 132. See, for example, Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, May 7, 1924 (NAN-SWAA-411- A50/25 v1), and “Report re Bushmen Patrol: Gobabis” by SWA Police, January 11, 1933 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v2). 133. On conflicts between “Herero” and “Bushmen” in Gobabis region in the 1920s, see, for example, Native Commissioner to Secretary May 18, 1926 (NAN-SWAA-411- A50/25 v1), statement by a Herero delegation (Johannes Tjioemunje and Aaron Junior Mungundu, Members of the Windhoek Location Advisory Board), no date [1927] (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v1). 134. Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, October 31, 1933, and Secretary to Magistrate Gobabis, November 16, 1933 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v2). 135. See, for example, Superintendent Epukiro Reserve to Magistrate Gobabis, January 31, 1929 (NAN-SWAA-411-A50/25 v2); and Station Commander SWA Police Steinhausen to Commissioner SWA Police, August 11, 1937 (NAN- SWAA-411-A50/25 v2). 136. Annual Reports Veterinary Service 1916 and 1919 (NAN-AGV-206); also Schmid, Veterinary Officer in Grootfontein, to Senior Veterinary Officer, Notes ● 241

Windhoek, June 7, 1920 (NAN-ADM-993/6) and Herbert Schneider, Analyse der Tiergesundheitssituation in Südwestafrika/Namibia-Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Giessen: Eigenverlag, 1977), 71.) 137. Annual Report Veterinary Service 1916 (NAN-AGV-206). 138. See, for example, Agricultural Adviser to Secretary, November 18, 1915 (NAN- ADM-18-63/12). According to the former head of the German Veterinary Ser- vices, Henning, the German military commanders allowed the import of cattle from Owambo during the war against the invading South African troops. This supposedly caused the outbreak of lungsickness in the northern districts. 139. Annual Report Veterinary Service 1919 (NAN-AGV-206). 140. A first regulation to this effect was issued in 1916. See “Scab Regulations” by the Administrator, July 16, 1916 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 141. Annual Report Veterinary Service 1918 (NAN-AGV-206). 142. In the beginning, the authorities wanted to employ only five district veterinary officers. (See Principal Chief Veterinary Officer Union of South Africa, C. E. Gray to Lt. Colonel Lee, Director of Veterinary Services, Windhoek, December 29, 1920; NAN-ADM-81-1900/6.) In the end, the authorities followed the recommendation of the Senior Veterinary Officers, who argued more staff were required for this “vast country and the adjacent native territories.” (See Senior Veterinary Officer Goodall to Secretary, November 1, 1920; NAN-ADM-81-1900/6.) The authorities agreed to employ an additional veterinary officer. (See Annual Report Senior Veterinary Officer 1924; NAN-AGV-136-V10/1 v1.) The numbers of veterinary officers remained the same in the ensuing years. See Annual Report Senior Veterinary Surgeon 1927 (NAN-AGV-V10/1 P3). 143. Before being employed as veterinary officer by the German colonial government, Henning had served in the same capacity in South Africa. As a result, he spoke fluent English. Under the South African military administration, Henning acted as consultant for the newly arriving South African veterinarians until his retire- ment in 1923. The former German veterinary officers, Schmid and Sigwart, both accepted the invitation to join the South African civil service in October 1920. See Senior Veterinary Officer Goodall to Secretary, October 13, 1921 (NAN-ADM-81-1900/6). 144. Senior Veterinary Officer Goodall to Secretary, November 1, 1920 (NAN-ADM- 81-1900/6). 145. This situation remained unchanged until the mid-1960s (Herbert Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 28). 146. One Sheep and one Stock Inspector were each stationed in Keetmanshoop and in Windhoeky in 1924; all four were directly responsible to the Veterinary Services. See Annual Report Senior Veterinary Officer 1924 (NAN-AGV-136-V10/1 v1). 147. Senior Veterinary Officer, Goodall, to Secretary, October 8, 1920 (NAN-ADM-81- 1-900/6). 148. Government Proclamation 28 of 1920 “Diseases of Stock” of July 1, 1920. 149. Government Proclamation 8 of 1919 “Removal of Stock” of September 30, 1919. 150. The proclamation distinguished only between “European persons” and “persons not European,” without further definition (ibid.). 151. Ibid. 152. Government Proclamation 36 of 1921 “Cattle Brands” of September 6, 1921. The control of cattle movement and the related control of brand marks were intended to prevent disease as well as of stock theft. See Senior Veterinary Officer to Govern- ment Veterinary Officer Otjiwarongo, June 15, 1921 (NAN-AGV-V1/1 v1). 242 ● Notes

153. Each brand mark consisted of two letters and one number. The first letter referred to the district, for example with a “W” for Windhoek, “O” for Outjo, “S” for Gobabis, and “F” for Grootfontein. Government stock had a “G” as the first letter. To distin- guish European ownership of stock, the proclamation stipulated that: “If the owner be European the letters shall be Roman in character, in all other cases they shall be Italic” (ibid.). 154. Annual Report, Omaruru Station, January 1, 1923 to November 13, 1923, by Government Veterinary Officer T. Revington (NAN-AGV-136-V10/1 v1). 155. On blackquarter, see Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 50–53. 156. The state-owned animals treated by Revington were mainly horses. See Annual Report, Omaruru Station, January 1, 1923 to November 13, 1923, by Government Veterinary Officer T. Revington (NAN-AGV-136-V10/1 v1). 157. Although not explicitly mentioned in the report, the animals were obviously owned by private farmers. 158. The initiative was originally suggested by the Senior Sheep Inspector, who hoped it would improve the training of sheep farmers. See Secretary to Divisional Superintendent S. A. R. & H., July 4, 1927 (NAN-SWAA-304-A34/21). With regard to the organization and the equipping of the trains, the administration benefitted from the South African experience with the “Union Agricultural Demon- stration Train.” See Chief Agricultural Adviser to Secretary, August 29, 1927 (NAN-SWAA-A34/21). 159. See the report with cover letter by the Chief Agricultural Officers to the Sec- retary, August 11, 1928 (NAN-SWAA-A34/21). The following paragraph is generally based on this five-page report. The itinerary of the train included Windhoek, Okahandja, Karibib, Rehoboth, Kalkrand, Mariental, Keetmanshoop, Gibeon, Kalkfontein Konkiep, Aus, and Kapps, which were visited between March 1–19, 1928. 160. Ibid. 161. Ibid. 162. Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 247. 163. Secretary to Director of Railways Windhoek, February 16, 1920 (NAN-ADM- 32-277/8). 164. Scab Regulations, July 26, 1916 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8), and Government Procla- mation 28 of 1920 “Diseases of Stock.” 165. Principal Sheep Inspector to Secretary, February 9, 1920 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). The majority of farmers who had recently immigrated from South Africa were poor (See, for example, Christo Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement in Namibia, 1890–1960,” South African Historical Journal 42 (May 2000), 232–76, esp. 237–41). 166. For example, such draconic measures were proposed by the Principal Sheep Inspec- tor for the Rehoboth district in September 1923; the proposal was made because local farmers were reluctant to participate in the effort to combat sheep mange and adequate dipping facilities did not exist. See Principal Sheep Inspector to Secretary, September 14, 1922 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 167. Telegram Secretary to Administrator (in Cape Town), February 27, 1922. See also petition by A. J. Kennedy with 23 cosignatories (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 168. “Verklaring” attached to the petition and signed by H. J. Adriaanse, G. R. Liebenberg, and D. J. A. Izaakse, Warmbad, March 2, 1922 (NAN-ADM- 32-277/8). Notes ● 243

169. Superintendent of Reserves, Orumbo, to Officer-in-Charge Native Affairs, Windhoek, June 2, 1922 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 170. Acting Magistrate Bethanie to Secretary, August 4, 1921 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 171. Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary “Report re Native Complaints,” January 6, 1922 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 172. Ibid. This account testifies to the mistreatment Africans experienced at the hands of the police, which is otherwise largely invisible in the colonial record. As a rule, a police report stated only that an arrest had taken place and that the suspect had been transported to another location for questioning. 173. In another letter, the Magistrate Gobabis confirmed that the veterinarians regularly carried out draconic measures against Africans bringing infected animals to inspec- tions. See Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary “Native Complaints. Demonstration Scab Insect,” January 6, 1922 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 174. See, inter alia, for example, Magistrate Karibib to Secretary, April 28, 1922, Prin- cipal Sheep Inspector to Secretary, April 25, 1922, and Senior Sheep Inspector to Principal Sheep Inspector, July 6, 1922 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 175. Principal Sheep Inspector to Secretary, July 19, 1922 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 176. Circular letter by Principal Sheep Inspector to all Government Veterinary Officers, February 1, 1922 (NAN-ADM-32-277/8). 177. Ibid. 178. See Principal Sheep Inspector to Post Commander SWA Police Outjo, Octo- ber 25, 1922 (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/2). The tests had to be taken in front of the respective post commander, who had to verify their subordinates’ abilities. See Senior Veterinary Officer to Government Veterinary Officer, Maag, Gobabis, February 14, 1922 (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/2), Senior Veterinary Officer to Deputy Commissioner of Police, January 20, 1922 (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/2), and Offi- cer in Charge Agricultural & Veterinary Services to Secretary, February 8, 1926 (NAN-SWAA-304-A34/16). 179. Principal Sheep Inspector to Post Commander SWA Police, Bethany, April 20, 1922 (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/2). 180. “Sheep Department. Staff Patrol Areas 1922–1923” (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/3). 181. Ibid. 182. Instead of the police, representatives of the Native Departments were in charge of controlling and treating sheep mange in reserves inside the Police Zone after November 1924. See circular correspondence Officer in Charge Agricultural & Veterinary Services to all Post Commands, SWA Police, November 19, 1924 (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/7). 183. Figures for the registered cases of sheep mange are given by Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 249. During the 1920s and 1930s, the numbers were always in the hundreds. In the 1940s, they dropped below 100. In the 1950s, there were only isolated cases of sheep mange. All statistics provided by Schneider apply only to areas within the Police Zone. 184. Lt. Colonel Lee to Secretary, December 8, 1916 (NAN-ADM-60-993/6). 185. See, for example, report by G. Schmid to Senior Veterinary Officer Goodall on lungsickness in the northern districts, June 7, 1920 (NAN-ADM-60-993/6). 186. Lt. Colonel Lee to Secretary, December 8, 1916 (NAN-ADM-60-993/6). 187. Ibid. 188. The former German veterinarians, especially Otto Henning, influenced the policy of their South African successors from the start, as an incident in December 1915 244 ● Notes

showed. In this incident, the military administration heeded Henning’s advice that cattle should not be brought from Owambo to central Namibia, despite repeated urgings on the part of the Protectorate Native Affairs Department, which wanted to use the cattle to feed thousands of refugees from Owambo stranded in camps in Karibib. (See letter “Export of Cattle from Ovamboland” in file NAN-ADM- 18-63/12.) 189. Ibid. 190. Martial Law “Movements to and from Ovamboland,” March 21, 1916 (Waters, Martial Law, 88) and Prohibited Areas Proclamation 1919. I am aware of only one case in which the Veterinary Officers reluctantly allowed the military to take transport oxen to Owambo; in this instance, the occasion was an expedition against Mandumde. See Lee to Secretary, December 8, 1916 (NAN-ADM- 60-993/7). 191. Ibid., and Annual Report Veterinary Services for 1918, p. 5 (NAN-AGV-206). 192. Lt. Colonel Lee to Secretary, December 8, 1916 (NAN-ADM-60-993/6). 193. Werner, “No One,” 64–65. 194. Telegram Veterinary Pretoria to Veterinary Windhoek, May 30, 1917, und Lt. Col. Lee to Veterinary Pretoria, June 1, 1917 (NAN-ADM-60-993/6). In his account, Werner (“No One,” 64–66) ignores the role played by veterinary consider- ations in the decision to close and then partly reopen the Namibian-South African border. 195. Lt. Colonel Lee in an undated report for 1917 (NAN-ADM-3370/2 (II)), quoted in Werner, “No One,” 65. 196. Annual Report Veterinary Services 1918, pp. 27–28 (NAN-AGV-206). 197. Senior Veterinary Officer, Goodall to Schmid, Government Veterinary Officer Grootfontein, July 13, 1920 (NAN-ADM-60-993/6). 198. Senior Veterinary Officer to Magistrate Outjo, April 19, 1921 (NAN-AGV- V1/1 v1). 199. Government Proclamation 36 of 1921 “Cattle Brands,” September 6, 1921. 200. This had also been permitted on an individual basis on previous occasions, particularly in instances where the cattle in question were already being allowed to graze in the southern areas of the district. For example, the Senior Veterinary Officer granted permission to bring three oxen from Otjeru (Outjo district) to Kalkfeld (Otjiwarongo district). See Farmer Engelhard, Kalkfeld, to Magistrate Outjo, October 19, 1920, and Senior Veterinary Officer to Magistrate Outjo, November 8, 1920 (NAN-AGV-V1/1 v1). 201. Senior Veterinary Officer to Mr. J. Joubert, Tsumeb, July 11, 1922 (NAN-AGV- 90-V1/1 v2). 202. Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, January 23, 1923 (NAN-AGV-90- V1/1 v2). 203. See the voluminous correspondence for the years 1922–1924 in the files of the Vet- erinary Services (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v2), esp. Manning, Native Commissioner, to Senior Veterinary Officer, October 13, 1922; Magistrate Grootfontein to Secre- tary, January 23, 1923; Senior Veterinary Officer to Magistrate Grootfontein, June 21, 1923; and Stock Inspector Windhoek to Senior Veterinary Officer, May 12, 1924. See also handwritten letter [sender unreadable] to Secretary, June 16, 1922 (NAN-SWAA-2238-A502/8). Between September 20, 1923, and May 10, 1924, permission was granted to bring a total of 3,275 cattle, mainly cows and calves, from the Grootfontein district to Owambo. See Telegram Landbouw, Grootfontein, to Senior Veterinary Officer, May 10, 1924 (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v2). Notes ● 245

204. Farmers’ Association Outjo to Magistrate Outjo, February 7, 1922 (NAN-SWAA- 2238-A502/8). 205. On the permits, see Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, March 14, 1922; for the trek through Kaoko, see SWA Police to Magistrate Outjo, July 24, 1922 (NAN- SWAA-2238-A502/8). 206. For example, requests to transport oxen into the Etosha Pan were generally denied after late-1921. In early-1921, the authorities had permitted the SWA Company in Grootfontein to bring along 60 oxen on their trek to and from an area north of Okaukuejo. This same request was rejected in November 1921. (See permit by Senior Veterinary Officer, February 9, 1921, and his letter to S.W.A. Company, Grootfontein, November 1, 1921; NAN-AGV-V1/1 v1.) 207. Schmid to Senior Veterinary Officer Goodall, June 7, 1920 (NAN-ADM- 60-993/6). 208. Lt. Colonel Lee, Veterinary Services Windhoek, to Veterinary Officer Jarvis, Omaruru, February 11, 1920, February 26, 1920, and reply of March 4, 1920 (NAN-ADM-60-993/7). Declarations of intent for veterinary research in Owambo are provided in the Annual Report Veterinary Services for 1919, p. 3 (NAN- AGV-206). However, the first inoculation campaigns did not begin until the 1930s. 209. Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, September 9, 1921 (NAN-ADM-60-993/6). There is no doubt that the farmers of the Outjo district were responsible for this proposal. For example, in late-1921, the Senior Veterinary Officer repeatedly mentioned an agreement with the farmers of the Outjo district that they would “keep a belt free of cattle.” (See e.g., Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, October 31, 1921; NAN-SWAA-A502/8.) Also, the Senior Veterinary Officer sent the Gov- ernment Veterinary Officer of Omaruru to Outjo to discuss the proposal and the conditions to lift the ban with the local magistrate and with Carl Schlettwein, head of the Farmers’ Association Outjo. (See Senior Veterinary Officer to Government Veterinary Officer Omaruru, November 1, 1921; NAN-AGV-V1/1 v2.) 210. Principal Veterinary Officer Pretoria to Senior Veterinary Officer Windhoek, December 6, 1921 (NAN-SWAA-2238-A502/8). 211. Report “Export of Cattle from Outjo and Grootfontein Districts to the Union” by Senior Veterinary Officer for the Administrator, November 26, 1922; and Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, February 7, 1923 (NAN-SWAA-2238- A502/8). 212. Report “Export of Cattle from Outjo and Grootfontein Districts to the Union” by Senior Veterinary Officer for the Administrator, November 26, 1922 (NAN- SWAA-2238-A502/8). 213. Native Commissioner to Senior Veterinary Officer, September 15, 1921 (NAN- ADM-60-993/6). 214. For a number of years, the Administration used donkeys as drought animals for nonmotorized transport between Tsumeb and Owambo. Oxen were still used by missionaries, who could no longer exchange their oxen at points such as Naruchas (Nurugas) along the route from Kavango and Grootfontein. Instead, they had to use donkeys to cross the quarantine zone. (See Secretary to Senior Veterinary Officer, June 29, 1922; NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v2.) 215. Deputy Commissioner SWA Police to Secretary, December 31, 1921 (NAN- SWAA-2238-A502/8). 216. Deputy Commissioner SWA Police to Director of Works, December 14, 1921 (NAN-SWAA-2238-A502/8). 246 ● Notes

217. See the petition of August 28, 1922, to the Administrator signed by 31 farmers (NAN-SWAA-2238-A502/8). 218. Report “Export of Cattle from Outjo and Grootfontein Districts to the Union” by Senior Veterinary Officer for the Administrator, November 26, 1922 (NAN- SWAA-2238-A502/8). 219. Establishing the cattle-free zone only required that “certain Herero squatters in the Kaokoveld ...be removed and also one or two European farmers in the Kaokoveld, who were granted farms under the German regime ...be told to evacuate their holdings” (ibid.). 220. Ibid. 221. Although he personally was unfamiliar with the traffic routes connecting the Police Zone with the areas in the far north of colony such as Owambo, Kaoko, and Kavango. 222. Ibid. 223. The post at Nurugas was already reopened in early 1923. (See Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, March 13, 1923 (NAN-SWAA-2238-A502/8), and Union of South Africa, Report of the Administrator of South West Africa/ Rapport van de Administrateur van Zuidwest Afrika (1923), p. 53. In 1921, plans were underway to establish a police post at Otjikondo. The idea was soon dropped in favor of establishing a post at Cauas-Okawa, which was closer to the Police Zone border and better suited to controlling traffic to and from Kaoko (See Principal Sheep Inspector to Secretary, August, 26 1922; NAN-SWAA-2238-A502/8.) Under German rule, a police post and quarantine station for stock from Kaoko was situated at Cauas- Okawa. (See Joseph Stroka, Outjo, to District Commandant SWA Police Omaruru, April 20, 1921; NAN-ADM-60-993/6.) The authorities finally selected Kamanjab, 25 kilometers west of Cauas-Okawa, where the South African Military administration had operated a temporary police post and quarantine station a few years before. For more on the history of the police post at Kamanjab, see “Police Post Kamanjab (1918–1956),” and therein especially the correspondence by Viktor Stubenrauch, September 8, 1918, and April 26, 1919 (NAN-SWAA-941-A82/47). 224. Divisional Inspector SWA Police to Secretary, March 20, 1924 (NAN-AGV-90- V1/1 v2). 225. Game Warden Namutoni to Secretary, May 27, 1924 (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v2). 226. Senior Veterinary Officer to Magistrate Outjo, July 11, 1924 (NAN-AGV-90- V1/1 v2). 227. Telegram Landbouw, Grootfontein, to Senior Veterinary Officer, May 10, 1924 (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v2). 228. Government Notice No. 94 of 1924, July 15, 1924. The lifting came nearly two and a half years after export restrictions had been partially lifted for the southern part of the Grootfontein district. Beginning in late-1921, the regulations were eased on the export of cattle to the south for the southern part of the Grootfontein district, which was defined as the area south of the Otjiwarongo railway line to Grootfontein, and then continuing along a line drawn from Grootfontein to the east. (See Senior Veterinary Officer to Government Veterinary Officer Omaruru, November 1, 1921; NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v2.) 229. Single-page text “Police Zone” on the history of the Police Zone by F. Minder, September 9, 1924 (NAN-SWAA-21-A3/61 v1). 230. Magistrate Outjo to Secretary, June 28, 1924 (NAN-SWAA-21-A3/61 v1). The magistrates of the northern districts were provided with maps on which the future Notes ● 247

course of the Police Zone border was indicated and were asked to comment on these maps. 231. Administrator to Agricultural and Veterinary Services, November 20, 1924 (NAN- SWAA-21-A3/61 v1). The archives contain a five-page-long undated definition (which most likely dates from 1924) titled “The Northern Boundary of the Police Zone.” This was never published, but was seemingly used as the master for the maps of 1925 and 1926 (NAN-SWAA-21-A3/61 v1). 232. On this series of maps, see Jana Moser, “Untersuchungen zur Kartographiegeschichte von Namibia. Die Entwicklung des Karten- und Vermessungswesens von den Anfängen bis zur Unabhängigkeit 1990” (PhD diss., University of Dresden, 2007), 225–26. For contemporary references on this series of maps, see, for example, Mag- istrate Outjo to Secretary, August 27, 1925 (NAN-SWAA-21-A3/61 v1). The South African series of maps of 1925 was based on a series of maps (scale 1: 400,000) produced by the German colonial power; 16 of these planned 30 pages had been published by 1913. The Police Zone border is not indicated on this series of maps, in contrast to the overview maps of 1909 and 1911. On the history of cartography in Namibia in general, see Moser (“Untersuchungen zur Kartographiegeschichte”) and Hartmut Leser, Namibia, Südwestafrika—Kartographische Probleme der neuen topographischen Karten 1:50,000 und 1:250,000 und ihre Perspektiven für die Landesentwicklung (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 1982). 233. A copy of the map is the National Archives of Namibia. 234. The Onguma farm, northeast of Namutoni, for example, was partly within and partly outside the Police Zone according to the old definition; in this old definition, the Police Zone border followed the Omuramba Owambo River, which crossed the farm. By the map of 1925, the border follows the farm boundary, rather than the river. See Secretary to Magistrate Grootfontein, February 13, 1925 (NAN-AGV- 90-V1/1 v3). 235. When the farmer Friedrich Krenz, for example, visited the magistrate’s office in Outjo, he must have realized his unsurveyed farm was outside the Police Zone on the new map. See Friedrich Krenz, Outjo, to Administrator Windhoek, August 12, 1925 (NAN-SWAA-23-A3/61 v1). 236. See the correspondence dating from 1925–1928 in “SWA Police, Police Zone Boundary” (NAN-SWAA-23-A3/61 v1). 237. See, for example, Post Commander Fransfontein SWA Police to Divisional Inspec- tor SWA Police Windhoek, April 9, 1925, and Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, October 25, 1928 (NAN-SWAA-23-A3/61 v1). 238. Letter by the Farmers’ and Settlers’ Association Outjo, December 12, 1924, signed by secretary Paul Hoppe; and resolution by the committee of the same association, June 25, 1925, signed by Carl Schlettwein, Otjitambi (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v3). 239. Resolution by the committee of the Farmers’ and Settlers’ Association Outjo, June 25, 1924, signed by Carl Schlettwein, Otjitambi (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v3). In 1921, at least eight European farming families lived in Kaoko. They were known as “Angola Boers,” and owned more than 2,000 head of cattle. (See Mag- istrate Outjo to Secretary, January 5, 1920; NAN-LOU-3/1/1-A.3/10/20.) Shortly afterwards, the administration initiated a voluntary resettlement. (See Secretary to Magistrate Outjo, March 11, 1921; NAN-LOU-3/1/1-A.3/10/20.) As a result, by 1923 only a few European cattle owners lived officially in Kaoko; the majority had left their cattle behind and resettled in the Police Zone in the early-1920s. (See Manning to Secretary, May 21, 1923; NAN-LOU-3/1/1-3/2/1920.) 248 ● Notes

240. For example, a straying cattle owned by Carl Schlettwein was caught and put in quarantine in Okaukuejo, outside the Police Zone boundary (See Officer in Charge Agricultural and Veterinary Services to Secretary, September 9, 1925; NAN-AGV- 90-V1/1 v3). Like the majority of farms in the district at the time, Schlettwein’s farm, Otjitambi, was not fenced. Fences were not built along the farm boundaries of Otjitambi until 1928 (Interview with Inge Schlettwein-Kieckebusch, Windhoek, June 17, 2002.) 241. Prohibited Areas Proclamation, 1928 of November 23, 1928. See especially, “First Schedule Definition of the Police Zone.” 242. The colonial administration employed the term “rooilyn” or “red line” for the Police Zone border beginning in the late-1950s. 243. The outline of the policy was formulated in the 1921 Annual Report of the Admin- istrator (Union of South Africa, Report of the Administrator, 12): “The majority of the population is still living in accordance with native custom in the Ovamboland, Okavango, and Kaokoveld areas, and although the progress of civilization and the country’s economic requirements do not permit of a reversion to or an extension of the tribal system, these people as a rule are more amenable to authority and require less supervision than those, after years of contact with Europeans, have lost much that was good in their old code and acquired some of the vices connected with civilized centers.” 244. This aspect of Namibian historiography is reflected, for example, in the annual reports published from 1921 to 1939, first for the South African parliament and then for the League of Nations. This general framework for the colonial state’s engagement changed only somewhat after the implementation of the so-called Odendaal Plan in the 1960s. 245. Silvester, “Beasts,” 102. 246. Silvester et al., “Trees Never Meet,” 11; Botha, “Land Settlement,” 250. 247. Figures based on “First Report of the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission Relating to the Desirability or Otherwise of the Moving of the Police Zone Bound- ary and Matter Relating Thereto,” Windhoek, March 1946, p. 13. The National Archives of Namibia holds a copy of the report. This first report by what I will refer to as the “Lardner-Burke Commission” contains detailed information on the history of land settlement in Namibia and provides statistics that are significantly more accurate than those provided by authors such as Emmett (Popular Resistance, 103). For an extensive discussion of the Lardner-Burke Commission, see Chapter 5.1. 248. See Botha, “Land Settlement,” 248–49. 249. A total of 1,331 farms were surveyed in 1913, and 1,587 “European adults” lived on farms (See “First Report of the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission Relat- ing into the Desirability or otherwise of the Moving of the Police Zone Boundary and Relating Matter thereto,” Windhoek, March 1946, p. 12). There are no figures for how many of German settlers still lived in the country in 1920 and how many had left the area, either voluntarily or by force. 250. Report of Native Reserves Commission, June 8, 1921, p. 20 (NAN-SWAA-1121- A158/4). The quote can also be found in Werner (“No One,” 102), who details the establishment of the various reserves (ibid., 100–108). 251. The number of police officers stationed in the colony totaled “295 Europeans and 247 non-commissioned natives” in 1929 (Union of South Africa, Report presented by the Government of the Union of South Africa to the Council of the League of Nations Concerning the Administration of South West Africa [for the Year 1929], 10). By comparison, over 500 German police officers (not counting African auxiliaries) Notes ● 249

were stationed in the colony in 1911 (Internal report by the Inspector of the Landespolizei, Windhoek, January 6, 1911; NAN-ZBU-L-II-A5 v1). 252. As the editors of Namibia under South African rule note, “Black pastoral recovery clearly continued during the early years of South African rule, and largely took place beyond the borders of the reserves, within the spaces set aside as white farms” (Silvester et al., “Trees Never Meet,” 21–22). Between 1929 and 1933, the combined effect of catastrophic drought and global economic depression ended the “black pastoral recovery.” This shifted the balance of power in the Police Zone toward the colonial authorities and the European settlers (Werner, “No One,” 139–68). 253. African farm workers generally owned their own stock, which generally mingled with European-owned stock on settler farms. 254. “The natives should be subjected to the Stock Diseases Law in the same way as the white farmer.” (South West Africa, Report of the Native Reserves Commission. 1928, p. 3; printed report, National Archives of Namibia.) 255. Ibid. 256. Jeremy Silvester, “Your Space or Mine? The Photography of the Police Zone,” in: The Colonising Camera. Photographs in the Making of Namibian History,ed. Hartmann et al. (Cape Town/Windhoek/Athens: UCT Press/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 138–44. 257. The photographs taken by C. H. L. “Cocky” Hahn, Resident Commissioner and then Native Commissioner in Owambo 1921–1946, had a pivotal role in the pho- tographic representation of the regions north of the Police Zone. Many of Hahn’s photographs are depicted in Hartmann et al., The Colonising Camera. Photographs in the Making of Namibian History (Cape Town/Windhoek/Athens: UCT Pess/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998). 258. Silvester is aware of the limitations of the photo collection in the National Archivesand, as a result, argues that an active effort must be made to acquire additional photographs, including ones taken by African photographers (Silvester, “Your Space or Mine?,” 138–39). 259. Ibid., 141–42. 260. The former African inhabitants of Otjeru, for example, remembered how they used to support their newly arrived South African neighbors. Interview with Walter Mbarandongo, Farm Mopane (Fransfontein), March 11, 2004, and Herman Ihuhua, Pietrusfontein (Fransfontein), March 9, 2004. There is a general lack of research in Namibian historiography on the living conditions of poor settlers arriving in the country after 1915. For example, there is no history of the so-called “trekkers” and “bywoners,” who were “white” landless stock owners described by established “white” farmers as asocial and an annoyance. See “South West Africa. General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission. Minutes of Evidence. Period: 13.8–30.10.1945” [Lardner-Burke Commission], Index p. XV (NAN-KGR-1-UAO9 v1). 261. Silvester, “Your Space or Mine?,” 144. 262. Ibid., 138. 263. On the so-called farm maps, see Giorgio Miescher, “Reﬂections on the so-called “farm-map” of South West Africa (Namibia)” (paper presented at the AEGIS conference in Leiden, July 12, 2007.) The ﬁrst farm maps under South African rule were published in 1921, 1926, and 1930. 264. John Brian Harley writes about the “silence” of the map. For Harley, white areas on maps are not accidental, but rather are on military, economic or political decisions, 250 ● Notes

or represent the outcome of scientiﬁc and sociopolitical discourses (Harley, The New Nature of Maps, see esp. “Silences and Secrecy. The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe,” 83–108.) See also Ute Schneider, Die Macht der Karten. Eine Geschichte der Kartographie vom Mittelalter bis heute (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 2004), 112. 265. All maps can be found in the National Archives of Namibia. 266. Magistrate Outjo to Secretary, December 24, 1924 (NAN-LOU-3/3/1- N1/9/2 (7)).

Chapter 4 1. I use the term “Red Line” (with capital letters) to denote the complex process of border constitution that materialized in 1928 and had been indicated cartographically with a “red line” since 1925. 2. See Michael Bollig, “Power and Trade in Precolonial and Early Colonial Kaokoland 1860s–1940s,” in: Namibia under South African Rule: Mobility & Containment 1915–1946, ed. Patricia Hayes, Jeremy Silvester, Marion Wallace, and Wolfram Hartmann, (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio Univer- sity Press, 1998) 175–93. 3. On the settler farms in Kaoko, see file “Landverkäufe Kaokofeld, 1897–1913” (NAN-ZBU-BOU 1- B10Q). For a detailed discussion, see Lorena Rizzo, “Gen- der and Colonialism in Kaoko (northwestern Namibia) between the 1870s and the 1940s” (PhD diss., University of Basel, 2009), 113–14. Farms were often not surveyed and therefore not indicated on maps. See, for example, Hans Grimm, “Die Geschichte vom alten Blut und der ungeheuren Verlassenheit,” in: Lüderitzland. Sieben Begebenheiten, ed. Hans Grimm (Munich: Albert Langen, 1936), 85–148. 4. Schlettwein purchased the Warmbad farm from Kaptein Uichamab of the “Topnaar” in Sesfontein on November 28, 1900, and the Otjitambi farm on June 13, 1903, from the German colonial authorities. (Copies of the contracts are in the personal archives of the Basler Afrika Bibliographien, PA.6 I.A.3.) The Kaoko Land and Mining Company owned substantial land rights across much of the northwestern part of the colony. On the history of the major land companies, see Horst Drechsler, Südwestafrika unter deutscher Kolonialherrschaft. Die grossen Land-und Minengesellschaften (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1996.) 5. When the war began in 1904, the troops were not withdrawn from Sesfontein, but were withdrawn from the military stations in Okaukuejo and Fransfontein (Annual Report Outjo district 1903–04; NAN-ZBU-151-AVI a 3 v10). Forty soldiers were stationed at Sesfontein in 1904–05—a considerably higher number than in other years. After 1909, four European police officers and three African auxiliaries were stationed at Sesfontein; see H. Rafalski, Vom Niemandsland zum Ordnungsstaat. Geschichte der ehemaligen Kaiserlichen Landespolizei für Deutsch- Südwestafrika (Berlin: Emil Wernitz, 1930), 166. 6. Sesfontein was defined under law as a circular enclave with a diameter of 10 kilometers, which was technically part of the Police Zone; in this, it was similar to three other strategically important police posts, namely Rietfontein, Koes, and Hasuur. (See map 2.) 7. On the familial ties between “Herero” in central Namibian and in Kaoko, see, for example, Silas Kuvare, “Die Kaokoveld-Herero,” in: Die Mbanderu. Studien zu ihrer Geschichte und Kultur, Theo Sundermaier (St. Augustin: Anthropos Institut, 1977), 198. Notes ● 251

8. See chap. 2, as well as file “Kaokofeld. Precedents. 1926” (NAN-LOU-3/1/2- 2/9/1). Ludwig Tjibambo and Langman Tjihahura were the main contact persons for the colonial government. 9. SWA Police Kamanjab, to Magistrate Outjo, October 25, 1926 (NAN-LOU-3/1/2- 2/9/1). 10. This was, for example, the case for ox-wagon from Sesfontein and riding oxen from northern Kaoko when they passed into the Police Zone. (Magistrate Outjo to Secretary, May 19, 1925; NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v3.) 11. Resolutions by the Farmers’ and Settlers’ Association Outjo, April 15, 1925, and June 25, 1925 (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v3). In November 1925, Carl Schlettwein sent another similar resolution by the Farmers’ and Settlers’ Association to the government. (Carl Schlettwein, Otjitambi, to Secretary, November 4, 1925; NAN- SWAA-2161-A470/2 v1.) 12. Senior Veterinary Officer to Secretary, February 3, 1928 (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v3). 13. On the capture of straying cattle from Kaoko, see SWA Police Kamanjab to Magistrate Outjo, October 29, 1925 (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v3). 14. SWA Police Tshimhaka (Sgt. Cogill) to Native Commissioner Ovamboland, May 2, 1929 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 15. Ombombo was situated 60 kilometers south of Kaoko Otavi, along the old route from Kamanjab to Tshimhaka (Swartbooisdrift) at the Kunene River. (Figures provided by the Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs Ovamboland to Secretary, December 31, 1929; NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3.) 16. Sgt. Cogill, Tshimhaka to Hahn, July 3, 1929 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 17. Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs Ovamboland, to Secretary, July 18, 1929 (NAN- NAO-029-24/1/3). 18. Excerpt from Monthly Report for Months of May and June, 1929, Post Comman- der, SWA Police, Tshimhaka (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 19. SWA Police Kamanjab to Magistrate Outjo, October 25, 1929 (NAN-NAO-029- 24/1/3). 20. SWA Police Kamanjab to Magistrate Oujto, February 15, 1930, and SWA Police Tshimhaka (Sgt. Cogill), Report General, April 3, 1930 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 21. Government Veterinary Officer Otjiwarongo, Schmid, to Senior Veterinary Officer, April 14, 1930 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 22. Government Veterinary Officer Otjiwarongo, Schmid, to Senior Veterinary Officer, July 10, 1930 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 23. Government Veterinary Officer Otjiwarongo, Schmid, to Senior Veterinary Officer, April 14, 1930 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 24. The decisive involvement of the Veterinary Services in defining the borders of the “closed area” becomes apparent in the following quote by the Senior Veterinary Officer: “Owing to difficulties in describing the boundary it will not now be possible to use line 19◦. In consultation with the Surveyor General I have this morning drawn up a fresh boundary ...” (Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Magistrate Outjo, June 30, 1939; NAN-AGV-108-V/70 v2.) 25. The border of the “closed area” was defined in the Government Notice 178 of 1930: “Commencing at the confluence of the Ugab and Uis rivers, being the intersection of the boundaries of the magisterial district of Outjo, as defined in the First Sched- ule to Proclamation No. 40 of 1920(3), and the Police Zone, as defined in the First Schedule to Proclamation No. 26 of 1928(1), thence westwards along the boundary of the magisterial district of Outjo, defined as aforesaid, to a point 1½ Kilometres eastwards in a straight line to a point 5 kilometers east of the waterhole Gaias, thence 252 ● Notes

northwards in a straight line to a point 2½ Kilometers west of the waterhole Atsap, thence northwards in a straight line to the waterhole Koichab, thence northwards in a straight line to a point on the Choanasib river at its junction with an unnamed tributary entering it from the south, thence proceeding north westwards along the Choanasib river to its junction with the Hoanib river, thence northward along the Hoanib to the waterhole Okawerongo, thence north eastwards in a straight line to the waterhole Otjijekua, thence north eastwards in a straight line to the South Western Corner of the boundary of the District Ovamboland, as defined in the Sec- ond Schedule to Proclamation No. 40 of 1920(2), thence eastwards continuing along the boundary of the District of Ovamboland defined as aforesaid, for a distance of 67 Kilometers, thence southwards in a straight line to a point one Kilometre north of the waterhole Gogarus situate on the boundary of the Police Zone, thence generally southwards along the boundary of the Police Zone, as defined in the First Schedule to Proclamation No. 26 of 1928(1), to the point of beginning.” 26. This and later borders are indicated in black and colored pencil on maps such as the one held by the National Archives of Namibia. 27. See, for example, Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs, Ovamboland, to Secretary, September 20, 1930 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 28. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, July 15, 1930 (NAN-AGV- 108-V2/70 v2). 29. See esp. Bollig, “Power and Trade,” 188–92; and Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 77–87. 30. Government Notice 178 of 1930. 31. See, for example, Robert Gordon, “Fido. Dog Tales of Colonialism in Namibia,” in: Social History & African Environments, ed. William Beinart and Joann McGregor (Oxford/Ohio/Cape Town: James Currey/Ohio University Press/David Philip, 2003), 240–54. Gordon rarely discusses the importance of dogs in protecting small stock against jackals and other predators. This protective role of dogs is addressed in William Beinart, “The Night of the Jackal,” in: The Rise of Conservation in South Africa. Settlers, Livestock, and the Environment 1770–1950, by William Beinart (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 195–234. 32. See, for example, SWA Police Kamanjab to the Commandant SWA Police Windhoek, May 5, 1931 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 33. SWA Police Otjitundua to Native Commissioner Ovamboland, July 15, 1932 (NAN-NAO-029-24/1/3). 34. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Veterinary Services Pretoria, May 12, 1931 (NAN-AGV-108-V2/70 v2). 35. Government Veterinary Officer, Omaruru, to Magistrate Outjo, January 23, 1931, and Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Government Veterinary Officer, Omaruru, January 27, 1931 (NAN-AGV-91-V1/1 v4). 36. Richard Waller, “ ‘Clean’ and ‘Dirty’: Cattle Disease and Control Policy in Colonial Kenya, 1900–40,” Journal of African History, 45 (2004), 51. 37. See, for example, Bollig, “Power and Trade,” and Michael Bollig, Risk Manage- ment in a Hazardous Environment. A Comparative Study of Two Pastoral Societies (Pokot NW Kenya and Himba NW Namibia) (Habilitation, University of Cologne, 1999); and Steven Van Wolputte, “Subject Disobedience: The Colonial Narrative and Native Counterworks in Northwestern Namibia, ca. 1920–1975,” History and Anthropology, 15, No. 2 (June 2004), 151–73. 38. Bollig is thus not entirely correct in his description of the border as “a line running east-west from Otjondeka to Ombombo” (Bollig, “Power and Trade,” 190). Van Notes ● 253

Wolputte’s account is mistaken in its assertion that the red line of the 1930s became a veterinary cordon fence (Van Wolputte, “Subject Disobedience,” 156). 39. Bollig’s argument (“Power and Trade,” 190) is based on Silvester (“Beast”), who explicitly refers to the “poor whites.” 40. See Giorgio Miescher, The Ovambo Reserve Otjeru (1911–1938). The Story of an African Community in Central Namibia (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2006), 15–16; and G. P.Kruger, Outjo, 1895 to 1960, Geskiedenis en ontwikkeling von Outjo (no place, no date), 28–29. 41. Carl Schlettwein, Otjitambi, to Secretary, November 4, 1925 (NAN-SWAA-2161- A470/2 v1). 42. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to the Director Veterinary Services, Pretoria, September 14, 1931 (NAN-AGV-108-V2/70 v2). The Farm Industry Commission of 1927 described this cattle breed in depth:

“The Ovambo type of cattle which is the breeding stock of Ovamboland to the present day, and which has more or less disappeared from South West Africa owing to the closure of Ovamboland, has become very diminutive and small- boned in consequence of continuous inbreeding, but it possesses a redundancy of beef all the same. It was very much valued by the northern farmers in former times.” (South West Africa, Report of the Farm Industry Commission (Windhoek: Government Printer, 1927), 26)

43. Government Veterinary Officer, Omaruru, to Senior Veterinary Officer, Windhoek, July 10, 1930 (NAN-NAO-29-24/1/3). 44. See Bollig, “Risk Management,” 171. Bollig does not mention the missionaries. On the missionaries, see, for example, Missionary Neumeister, Rheinische Mission Outjo, to Magistrate Outjo, October 30, 1935; and Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, January 17, 1939 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/2). 45. See, for example, the guidelines provided by the veterinary service to a trader named Abrahamson, who wished to purchase sheep in Kaoko. (Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, July 21, 1933; NAN-AGV-91-V1/1 v5.) 46. There exist only vague references to independent selling of small stock by the inhabitants of Sesfontein. (Missionary Neumeister, Rheinische Mission Outjo, to Magistrate Outjo, October 30, 1935; NAN-AGV-173-V5/2.) 47. Government Notice 37 of 1935, issued on March 13, 1935, enlarged the “closed area” as defined in Government Notice 178 of 1930 to the west and closed the area to all livestock. See also Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek to Secretary, November 22, 1934 (NAN-AGV-91-V1/1 v5). 48. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, April 21, 1931 (NAN-SWAA- 2169-A470/19 v1). 49. R. von Ostertag and G. Kulenkampff, Tierseuchen und Herdenkrankheiten in Afrika. Afrika Handbuch der praktischen Kolonialwissenschaften. Band IX (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1941), 40–46. 50. For a veterinary perspective, see Herbert P.Schneider, Animal Health and Veterinary Medicine in Namibia (Windhoek: AGRIVET, 1994), 47–48. 51. On the history of the disease in Namibia, see Herbert Schneider, Analyse der Tiergesundheitssituation in Südwestafrika/Namibia-Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Giessen: Eigenverlag, 1977), 106–36. 52. Ostertag and Kulenkampff, Tierseuchen, 40–46, and Schneider, Tiergesundheitssitu- ation, 106–36. 254 ● Notes

53. Ibid. 54. Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Secretary, December 8, 1932 (NAN-SWAA- 2169-A470/19 v1). 55. Secretary to Magistrate Gobabis, March 27, 1933 (NAN-SWAA-2169- A470/19 v1). 56. Government Notice 15 of 1933 of January 24, 1933. Products from northern and southern Rhodesia were also banned. 57. Such rumors circulated widely. See, for example, Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek to Secretary, March 1, 1933 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1). 58. Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, March 8, 1933 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1). 59. Government Veterinary Officer Grootfontein to Magistrate Grootfontein, March 3, 1933. (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1). 60. The authorities expressed their concerns openly when discussing the surveil- lance of the Bechuanaland border between the 21st and 24th parallel south. See Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, April 12, 1933, and Commandant SWA Police, Windhoek, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, April 27, 1933 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1). 61. Commandant SWA Police, Windhoek, to Secretary, May 13, 1933 (SWAA-2169- A470/19 v1). 62. See the eight-page report by the Veterinary Services, signed by J. Watt. (Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, May 23, 1934; NAN-SWAA-2169- A470/19 v1.) 63. Ibid., 4. 64. Ibid. 65. Rumors of stock being driven over the border could not be verified despite intensive investigation by the local colonial officials, including the Superintendent of the Otjituo reserve (ibid.). 66. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to the Editor Suidwes-Afrikaner, the Editor Allgemeine Zeitung, the Editor Windhoek Advertiser, May 29, 1934; and Gov- ernment Veterinary Officer, Gobabis, to Senior Veterinary Officer, May 28, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1). 67. Government Notice 82 of 1934, of June 26, 1934. 68. See “List of questions concerning conditions of farmers in the quarantine area of the Gobabis district laid before H.H. the Administrator of Southwest at Farm Babi-Babi the 1st of April 1935” (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 69. Government Veterinary Officer, Gobabis, to Senior Veterinary Officer, June 22, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v2). According to a list enclosed with the letter, 132 African-owned goats were relocated from the Blouberg farm, and 80 cattle, 80 goats, and 15 donkeys were relocated from the Haakdoorn farm. 70. Government Notice 82 of 1934, June 26, 1934. 71. Magistrate Gobabis to Senior Veterinary Officer, June 29, 1934 (NAN-SWAA- 2169-A470/19 v2). 72. See the report on the conference in Mafeking, June 6–7, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169- A470/19 v2). As in 1896, no representatives were present from the Portuguese colonies Angola and Mozambique. 73. See also Chapter 2.4. 74. In August 1934, the Superintendent of the Aminuis reserve reported they had located the beacons (markers) on which the old inscriptions were still legible. (Superintendent Aminuis Reserve to Magistrate Gobabis, August 15, 1934; NAN- SWAA-2169-A470/19 v2.) A joint German and British border commission had Notes ● 255

placed the border beacons between 1898 and 1903. (See Imre Josef Demhardt, Die Entschleierung Afrikas, Deutsche Kartenbeiträge von August Petermann bis zum Kolonialgeographischen Institut (Gotha: Justus Perthes, 2000), 201–3.) 75. See, for example, Secretary for South West Africa, Windhoek, to Secretary for Agri- culture, Cape Town, May 26, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1). Maps were enclosed with the letter to help explain the situation in the colony. 76. Telegram Veterinary Service, Windhoek, to McNae, Johannesburg, June 20, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v2). 77. A short overview on the different South African import restrictions is provided in: Union of South Africa, Report presented by the Government of the Union of South Africa to the Council of the League of Nations concerning the administration of South West Africa (for the Year 1934), p. 26. 78. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, August 28, 1934 (NAN- SWAA-2169-A470/19 v2). 79. See Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, October 6, 1934 (NAN- SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 80. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Director of Veterinary Services, Pretoria, October 31, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 81. For further details, see Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Director of Veterinary Services, Pretoria, October 31, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 82. Figures provided in a list by the Secretary for the attention of the Administrator (NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19/2). 83. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Director of Veterinary Services, Pretoria, October 31, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 84. Memo (including map) from Welfare Officer Biermann to Secretary, November 5, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 85. Veterinus de Wet, Gobabis, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, November 19, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 86. Surveyor General, Windhoek, to Magistrate Gobabis, December 11, 1934 (NAN- SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 87. Secretary for Agriculture and Forestry, Pretoria, to Secretary, Windhoek, September 12, 1935 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v4). 88. These were J. L. M. Alberts and Wed. M. Alberts, who lived with their families on the farm, and J. Biewenga, who lived on the neighboring farm. (Memo Welfare Officer Biermann to Secretary, October 8, 1934; NAN-SWAA-2169- A470/19 v3.) 89. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, October 6, 1934 (NAN- SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 90. On dairy farming in the reserves, see Wolfgang Werner, “No One Will Become Rich.” Economy and Society in the Herero Reserves in Namibia, 1915–1946 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1998), 191–201. Commercial dairy farming began in the reserves in the mid-1930s. The first creamery opened in the Aminuis reserve in 1934 (ibid., 191). See also L. Taljaard, editor of the newspaper “Die Suidwes Afrikaner,” to Secretary, October 14, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v 3). 91. Administrator, Windhoek, to General Kemp, Pretoria; October 23, 1934 (NAN- SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3). 92. Shortly before the outbreak, the editor of “Die Suidwes Afrikaner” urged the Administrator to come to the aid of distressed farmers with food and financial support. (L. Taljaard, editor of “Die Suidwes Afrikaner,” to Secretary, October 14, 1934; NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v3.) 256 ● Notes

93. A total of 78 persons, all European settlers, received financial assistance; 63 of these settlers had come from Angola. See the detailed list in “Distress Relief,” Magistrate Gobabis to Senior Officer Land’s Branch, Windhoek, December 18, 1935 (NAN- SWAA-2171-A470/19/2). 94. Twenty-five men were employed as special police force, and 41 men were employed in fence construction; nearly all of these men lived in the “standstill area.” See “Reply of Mr. Taljaard’s question” of November 27, 1934 (NAN-SWAA-2169- A470/19 v3). 95. Controller and Auditor General, Windhoek, to Secretary, January 1, 1935 (NAN- SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 96. Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, January 28, 1935; and telegraphic correspondence between Prime Minister, Cape Town, and Administrator, Windhoek, February 2, 1935 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 97. See T. W. Prickett, Stock Inspector, to Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, January 20, 1935; and the list of losses by a farmer named Sperling, from the Oas farm, to Secretary June 17, 1935 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 98. See “List of questions concerning conditions of farmers in the quarantine area of the Gobabis district laid before H.H. the Administrator of Southwest at Farm Babi-Babi the 1st of April 1935” (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 99. Extract of Minutes of Advisory Council Meeting, October 30, 1935 (NAN-SWAA- 2171-A470/19/2); Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, July 7, 1936, and Secretary to Magistrate Gobabis, July 29, 1936 (NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19/2). 100. Correspondence between Secretary and Senior Veterinary Surgeon, May 11, 1937, May 14, 1937, and June 21, 1937. For examples of applications for compensation by European farmers that were denied, see Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, October 28, 1937 (NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19/2). The African livestock owner who received compensation is described as “Kaffir Koenib” on the list “Cattle Destroyed in Foot and Mouth Area” (NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19/2); livestock owners from the Aminuis reserve were not compensated. (On the latter, see Secre- tary to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, May 11, 1937; NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19/2.) 101. Violations were rare; settler farmers were fined only in exceptional instances. For example, a farmer named Wilson from the Gobabis district was convicted of bringing 20 karakul skins to Windhoek and sentenced to either payment of a 20-pound fine or to a term of one month in jail. (Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, January 28, 1935; NAN-SWAA-A470/19 v4.) 102. The economic crisis in Namibia was caused by the world economic crisis (the Great Depression), which coincided with a long-lasting drought. 103. Werner, “No One,” 170. See also “Memorandum of resolutions passed at a conference of delegates representing the various sections of the communities of the northern districts of the mandated territory of South West Africa, held at Otjiwarongo, South West Africa, on the 1st March 1935” (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 104. Exports to the quarantined markets of Johannesburg and Maitland, Cape Town, resumed for the southern districts Lüderitz, Maltahöhe, Bethanien, Keetmanshoop, Araob, and Warmbad beginning mid-January 1935; the animals first had to be quarantined in Namibia. (Director of Veterinary Services & Animal Industry, Cape Town, to Senior Veterinary Officer, Windhoek, January 10, 1935; NAN-SWAA- 2170-A470/19 v4.) 105. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, January 2, 1935 (NAN-SWAA- 2170-A470/19 v4). Notes ● 257

106. Telegram Veterinary, Windhoek, to Privet, Pretoria, March 2, 1935; and Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, January 2, 1935 (NAN-SWAA-2170- A470/19 v4). 107. See Secretary for Agriculture and Forestry, Pretoria, to Secretary, Windhoek, April 18, 1935, and September 12, 1935 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 108. Figures according to Werner, “No One,” 172–73. 109. See Chapter 1. 110. For a short history of barbwire, see Oliver Razac, Barbed Wire. A Political History (London: Profile Books, 2002.) In 1874, J. F. Glidden took out the patent for a barbed iron wire he had developed and for a machine to mass produce it. Industrial production increased from 270 tons in 1875 to 135,000 tons in 1901. During that same period, the price for building a fence encompassing one acre dropped from 3.25 USD in 1875 to 2 USD in 1897 (ibid., 5–14). Citing the American historian Walter P. Webb, Razac notes, “it was neither the railroads nor land settlement laws which enabled the farmer to advance beyond the Missouri; it was the barbed wire” (ibid., 14). 111. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, May 21, 1935 (NAN-SWAA- 2170-A470/19 v4). 112. Secretary, Windhoek, to Secretary for Agriculture, Pretoria, August 26, 1925 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 113. On the construction method for the fence, see Secretary, Windhoek, to Resident Commissioner, British Bechuanaland Protectorate, Mafeking, no date (November 1934) [draft] (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). The option of using barbwire was considered but dropped, probably because of cost. (Veterinus De Wet, Gobabis, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, November 19, 1934; NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4.) 114. The fence was damaged repeatedly, supposedly because wild game broke through. (See, e.g., Magistrate Gobabis to Secretary, June 3, 1938; NAN-SWAA-2170- A470/19 v5.) On the difficulty of performing regular patrols, see SWA Police, Gobabis, to Magistrate, Gobabis, January 23, 1935; Magistrate, Gobabis, to Secretary, November 27, 1935 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v4). 115. The Administrator extended the order to shoot for an additional six months on February 3, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v5). 116. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, January 30, 1938 (NAN- SWAA-2170-A470/19 v5). 117. Station Commander SWA Police, Pretorius, to District Commandant, Windhoek, July 11, 1938; Welfare Officer, Aminuis Native Reserve, to Magistrate Gobabis, November 10, 1942; and Magistrate Gobabis to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, November 24, 1942 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v5). 118. The local officials, for example, did not know whether the border fence east of the Aminuis reserve was still being maintained or not (Chief Native Commissioner to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, July 19, 1940; NAN-SWAA-2170- A470/19 v5.) 119. See, for example, District Commandant, SA Police, Windhoek, to Deputy Com- missioner, SA Police, Windhoek, August 3, 1943; and A. Hurndall, Bechuanaland Police to Colonel Johnston, SA Police, Windhoek, November 29, 1943 (NAN- SWAA-2170-A470/19 v5). Similar agreements existed between the Bechuanaland police and the police of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa (ibid.). 120. See District Commandant SA Police, Windhoek, to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, March 24, 1944 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v5). 258 ● Notes

121. On the measures immediately undertaken by the authorities, see Senior Veterinary Officer, Windhoek, to Secretary, January 15, 1944; and Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, to All Station Commanders SA Police, South West Africa Division, January 18, 1944 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v5). 122. Both maps (scale 1:800,000) are in the National Archives of Namibia. 123. In fact, the Windhoek officials sent along the map (which unfortunately has not been preserved), along with their letter explaining their strategy to ward off the disease to the South African officials in May 1934. (Secretary, Windhoek, to Secretary for Agriculture, Cape Town, 26 May 1934; NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1.) 124. See eight-page report by the Veterinary Service, signed by J. Watt, of May 1934, already discussed above. (Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, May 23, 1934; NAN-SWAA-2169-A470/19 v1.) 125. The “closed area for stock” was defined as:

“The Area comprising (1) that portion of the Omaruru district situated to the west of the Police Zone Boundary as described in the First Schedule to Proclama- tion No. 26 of 1928(4), and (2) that portion of the Outjo District situated to the west and north of the Police Zone Boundary as described in the First Schedule to Proclamation No. 26 of 1928(4).” (Government Notice No. 37 of 1935)

126. Government Notice No. 143 of 1935 (October) amended the “closed area” as follows: “and (3) that portion of the Grootfontein District situated to the north and east of the Police Zone Boundary as described in the First Schedule to Proclamation No. 26 of 1928(5).” 127. See, for example, Government Notice No. 37 of 1935. 128. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, Windhoek, November 24, 1936 (NAN-SWAA-2162-A470/2 v3). 129. In a memorandum dated February 23, 1938, the Senior Veterinary Surgeon in Windhoek formulated an initial concept for carrying out the inoculation campaign; the decision was made in Pretoria on November 26, 1937 (NAN-SWAA-2162- A470/2 v3). 130. On the estimate regarding the number of cattle, see Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Secretary, March 21, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2162-A470/2 v3). The inoculation campaign proved that the estimate was low, especially for Kavango. (Secretary for SWA to F. Paes, Consul for Portugal, Windhoek, August 3, 1938; NAN-SWAA- 2162-A470/2 v3.) 131. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Secretary, March 21, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2162- A470/2 v3). 132. See memorandum of the Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, February 23, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2162-A470/2 v3). 133. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Secretary, March 21, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2162- A470/2 v3). 134. Information contained in a telegram by Secretary, Windhoek, to Native Commis- sioner, Ovamboland, May 4, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2162-A470/2 v3). 135. Ibid. 136. Secretary for External Affairs, Pretoria, to the Chargé d’Affaires for Portugal, Pretoria, June 1, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2162-A470/2 v3). 137. Government Notice No. 91 of 1938, June 10, 1938. 138. Ramiro Capêlo Ribeiro Cabral, Secretary of the Administrator, Pereira de Eça (Província de Huíla, Circunscriçao do Baixo Cunene, Angola) to Native Notes ● 259

Commissioner, Ovamboland, March 8, 1939; British Vice-Consulate Williams, Lobito (Angola) to Neser, Windhoek, April 17, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-2162- A470/2 v2). 139. See the paragraph “Recommendations” (pp. 21–23) in the 23-page report by Gov- ernment Veterinary Officer Watt, titled “Report on a Visit to Kaokoveld 26.4.39 to 25.5.39,” dated June 3, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1). 140. The inoculation method developed by a Dutchman named Willems had been used in Namibia since the 1860s (Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 82). 141. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary for SWA, July 19, 1938 (NAN- SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1). 142. See “Kaoko-Veld-Lungsickness-Campaign 1938. Joint report of G.V.O. Zschokke und G.V.O.v.d. Merwe” (pp. 2–3) of December 24, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2173- A470/27 v1 annex). 143. Ibid., 9–10. 144. Ibid., 15–16. All inoculated cattle were immediately branded. 145. Ibid., 11–12, 15–16. 146. See the reports by the Additional Native Commissioner, Ohopoho, April 25, 1938; and by the Government Veterinary Officer Watt, June 3, 1939 (NAN-SWAA- 2173-A470/27 v1). The Additional Native Commissioners mentioned 600 known cattle deaths. Watt provides no statistics, but stresses that lungsickness had been definitively diagnosed in six areas and that a probable diagnosis existed for three more areas. According to a survey conducted in 1939 among the local population, as many as 1,608 cattle had succumbed to the disease (Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary of SWA, December 7, 1939; NAN-SWAA-2173- A470/27 v2). 147. “Report on a visit to Kaokofeld 26.4.39 to 26.5.39” of Government Veterinary Officer Watt to Senior Veterinary Officer, Windhoek, June 3, 1939 (NAN-SWAA- 2173-A470/27 v1). 148. Senior Veterinary Surgeon Williams, Windhoek, to Secretary for SWA, June 23, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1). 149. For a discussion of the ambivalent relationship between the local leaders and colonial officials in Kaoko, see, for example, Lorena Rizzo, “The Elephant Shooting: Colonial Law and Indirect Rule in Kaoko, Northwestern Namibia, in the 1920s and 1930s,” Journal of African History, 48 (2007), 245–66. 150. The colonial documents rarely address everyday police violence. With regard to the inoculation campaign, see Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 265–84. 151. See, for example, Telegram Natives, Ovamboland, to Secretary, Windhoek, June 25, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1). 152. Ibid.; and Bollig, Power and Trade, 191. 153. For example, three stock owners from the Kaoko Otavi region tried to evade the inoculation campaign by moving to Sesfontein, but were forced to return by the police. (See “Kaoko-Veld-Lungsickness-Campaign 1938. Joint report of G.V.O. Zschokke und G.V.O.v.d. Merwe,” December 24, 1938 (pp. 4, 7); NAN-SWAA- 2173-A470/27 v1 annex.). 154. Telegram Natives, Ovamboland, to Secretary, Windhoek, June 25, 1938 (NAN- SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1). 155. Telegram Hahn, Ohopoho, to Secretary, Windhoek, July 23, 1938 (NAN-SWAA- 2173-A470/27 v1). 156. The colonial archives contains lists of ownership that do not reflect the actual ownership tenure, as became clear when Lorena Rizzo and I questioned people in 260 ● Notes

Kaoko using the information on these lists in 2001–2002. See Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 272. 157. A further conflict emerged as a result of the colonial authority’s reluctance to pay adequate compensation for cattle losses during or as a result of the campaign. By mid-September 1938, the compensation paid out totaled less than 50 pounds (Telegram Hahn to Secretary, September 8, 1938; and Secretary to the Account, Windhoek, September 13, 1938; NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1.) 158. “Kaoko-Veld-Lungsickness-Campaign 1938. Joint report of G.V.O. Zschokke und G.V.O.v.d. Merwe,” December 24, 1938 (pp. 2–3) (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1 annex). 159. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary of SWA, December 7, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v2). 160. A contemporary analysis of the campaign is provided in the above-cited report by Senior Veterinary Surgeon (December 7, 1939) and in detailed reports by two of the four veterinary officers involved in the campaign; see the report by Watt (no date), who headed the campaign in the field, and the report by v. Malitz (September 23, 1939) (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v2). 161. All figures as reported by the Senior Veterinary Surgeon (December 7, 1939). The brand marks of the 1938 campaign, which is reported to have missed approximately half of the cattle in some parts of northern Kaoko, were of poor quality. (See Office- in-Charge Native Affairs, Ohopuho, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, August 22, 1939; NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v2.) 162. This impression is suggested by the relevant correspondence in the colonial archives (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v2). 163. Officer-in-Charge of Native Affairs, Ohopuho, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, August 22, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v2). No precise figures exist for the number of people who fled with their stock to Angola. 164. The precise amount was 332.10 pounds (Control & Audit to Secretary of SWA, August 14, 1941; NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v3), which is considerably more than the 50 pounds the administration agreed to pay in September 1938. 165. The estimated cost of the campaign approached 3,000 pounds. See “Estimated Expenditure Kaokofeld Lungsickness Campaign 1939” attached to Senior Veteri- nary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary of SWA, December, 7 1939 (NAN-SWAA- 2173-A470/27 v2). 166. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary of SWA, December 7, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v1). 167. Officer-in-Charge of Native Affairs, Ohpuho, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, December 7, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v3). 168. Telegram, Secretary of SWA to Primesec Cape Town, March 8, 1941 (NAN-SWAA- 2173-A470/27 v3). 169. See, for example, Secretary of SWA to Secretary to the Prime Minister, Cape Town, April 29, 1941; and Native Commissioner Hahn to Secretary of SWA, April 28, 1941 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v3). 170. The decision was made on September 3, 1942, and published as Government Notice 198 of 1942. 171. See “Notes on decisions ...; Administrator, secretary, CNC, NC Ovamboland, Senior Vet Surg, Mssrs. Allen and Eedes; 3.9.1942” (NAN-SWAA-2174- A470/27 v4); and Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Chief Native Commis- sioner, Windhoek, January 27, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-2174-A470/27 v2). 172. Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, January 27, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-2174-A470/27 v2). Notes ● 261

173. See, for example, Officer-in-Charge for Native Affairs, Ohopuho, to Native Commissioner, Ondangua, August 6, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-2174-A470/27 v2). 174. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Officer-in-Charge Native Affairs, Ohopuho, July 10, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v2). 175. A new inoculation campaign against lungsickness was finally launched in Kaoko in 1955 (Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 78). 176. Officer-in-Charge of Native Affairs, Ohpuho, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, December 7, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-2173-A470/27 v3). 177. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Chief Native Commissioner, March 14, 1940 (NAN- SWAA-2173-A470/27 v2). 178. After the Odendaal Commission issued its recommendations in the 1960s, a concerted effort to combat contagious bovine pneumonia (lungsickness) finally got underway. These efforts included a systematic investigation of the prevalence and characteristics of the disease in Owambo, Kaoko and other northern regions (Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 73). 179. The process of establishing colonial rule in the far north was a long and ardu- ous one. For example, military force was necessary to secure and consolidate colonial rule in Owambo well into the 1930s. (See, for example, Wolfram Hartmann, “ ‘Ondillimani!’ Iipumbu ya Shilongo and the Ambiguities of Resis- tance in Ovambo,” in: Namibia under South African rule: Mobility & Containment 1915–1946, ed. Hayes et al. (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 263–88.) For the long process of consol- idating and securing colonial power in Kaoko, see esp. Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism.” 180. Report of the Native Reserves Commission, June 8, 1921 (NAN-SWAA-1121- A158/4). 181. For the difference in European settlement patterns in the northern and the southern part of the Police Zone, see Chapter 3.5. 182. Wolfgang Werner (“No One” ) has described the development of the reserves and their economic and political implications, albeit with a limited focus on the “Herero” ethnic group. Surprisingly, Werner does not discuss the history of Otjeru at all. 183. For a detailed account of the history of Otjeru, see Miescher, Otjeru, 2006. 184. Ibid., 3–4. 185. Report by Police Sergeant Schröder, Police Station Ekotaveni, December 30, 1909 (NAN-BOU-8-OIII v1). 186. The only woman who owned cattle owned 16 large and 30 small stock (According to Police Sergeant Schröder, February 16, 1910; NAN-BOU-8-OIII v1). See also Miescher, Otjeru,7. 187. Report by Police Sergeant Schröder, Polizei Station Ekotaveni, December 30, 1909 (NAN-BOU-8-OIII v1). 188. Bezirksamt Outjo to Gouvernement, March 2, 1910 [Draft] (NAN-BOU-8- OIII v1). 189. Report by Police Sergeant Schröder, Polizei Station Ekotaveni, December 30, 1909 (NAN-BOU-8-OIII v1). Although a cattle owner, Wilhelm Amporo did not have the biggest herd in Otjeru (Miescher, Otjeru,4). 190. A copy of the contract, together with a draft map of the three farms, is in the National Archives of Namibia (ZBU-2039-WII K 6). The annual lease corresponded roughly to the contemporary value of three oxen. (See complaint by Ironga [Ilonga] against prospector Kaunath, Omaruru, November 8, 1910; NAN-BOU-8-OIII v1.) 262 ● Notes

191. With the exception of Wilhelm Amporo, the contracts list only the surnames of the leaseholders. Based on archival research and interviews with descendants of the original inhabitants of Otjeru, all the leaseholders’ names could be identified: Wilhelm Amporo, Joshua Ihuhua, Immanuel Shangula (also Amtana), Nicodemus Ndinda, Micka Bamm, Cornelius Fudika, Kleophas Mbarandonga (also Mukuju), Gabriel Shangula, Theodor Kuzera (also Ujera), Kambua (Timotheus) Mushinga/Mutjinga, Kaleb (Kalub) Kambanda, Lazarus Amporo, Kapuka Mbarandonga, Kanaure Uanguba, and Josef Kambanda (also Tjikua). On the biographical background of the leaseholders, see Miescher, Otjeru, 6–7. One of the leaseholders did not come from Owambo, but was described as “Ovambo” to the authorities by the other leaseholders (ibid.). 192. Görgens, a colonial official in Windhoek, explicitly formulated this policy: “Erfährt man nach u. nach im Amboland, dass unter dem Schutz der Regierung hier Ovambos ungestört leben und arbeiten können, so halte ich es nicht für aus- geschlossen, dass auch andere Leute Otjeru vorziehen werden gegenüber dem unsicheren Leben unter ihren Häuptlingen” [“If it eventually becomes known in Amboland that it is possible to live and work undisturbed under our government, it could well be that other people will also prefer Otjeru to the uncertain life under their chiefs.”] (Handwritten on correspondence, Bezirksamt Outjo to Gouvernement, March 2, 1910; NAN-ZBU-2039-W-II-K-6). The colonial government envisaged that the missionaries should spread the information about Otjeru in Owambo. (Gouvernment to Distriktsamt Outjo, February 23, 1911 [Draft]; NAN-ZBU-2039-W-II-K-6.) 193. This was the case at least for the economic elite of Otjeru, meaning the men and women who owned large stock. 194. Miescher, Otjeru,8. 195. Quarterly Report 1913, Outjo, April 10, 1913; Rhenish Mission Archives Windhoek, Box VII 27.13 and 27.14. The remains of the church were still visible in 2004. 196. The German leasing contract was confirmed by the South African military administration in 1918. (Magistrate Outjo to Secretary, August 10, 1920; NAN-SWAA- 1150-A158/24 v1.) 197. Annual Report Outjo, 1916 and 1918; Rhenish Mission Archives Windhoek, Box VII 27.13 and 27.14. 198. Magistrate Outjo to Secretary, August 10, 1920 (NAN-SWAA-1150- A158/24 v1). 199. Miescher, Otjeru, 10–11. 200. Native Commissioner to Secretary, August 5, 1926 (NAN-SWAA-1194- A158/104). Africans preferred to live in Otjeru, where there was less police interference. The Outjo magistrate was directly responsible for increasing the number of inhabitants in Otjeru, because he sent Africans to Oteliving who lived illegally (“squatted”) on farms. The elite of Otjeru, as de facto landowners, welcomed the newcomers as additional work force (ibid., 13). 201. Native Commissioner to Magistrate Outjo, August 11, 1926 (NAN-SWAA-1194- A158/104). 202. Report re “removals natives Otjeru,” SWA Police, Outjo, March 21, 1927 (NAN- SWAA-1194-A158/104). 203. For many years, there was only one settler farm in the vicinity of Otjeru, the Oszemba farm (148), which belonged to a man named Neugebauer. See Sheep Department. Staff. Patrol Areas. 1922–1923 (NAN-AGV-174-V.S. 1/3) and Hans Notes ● 263

Dietrich Molzio, Das waren noch Zeiten (Windhoek: Namibia Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft, 1997), 91. 204. These included the Geduld farm (111), which went to P.W. Malherbe (NAN-LOU- 3/1/10-15/1/2/111), and the Iris farm (145), which went to Karl A. O. L. Linow (NAN-LOU-3/1/11-15/1/2/145). 205. The northern part of the Okaura farm (140) was allocated under grazing license first, in 1933, to P. W. Malherbe, and later to D. H. Botha, and finally, in 1937, to A. J. und J. J. M. Pienaar (NAN-LOU-3/1/11-15/1/2/140). The Klein-Omburo farm was allocated under grazing license to U. C. Schoemann in 1932, who was able to purchase it in 1945 (NAN-LOU-3/1/11-15/1/2/148). 206. See Miescher, Otjeru, 16. 207. Ibid., 16–17. 208. Bamm owned 65 large stock and 500 small stock when he had to vacate the farm in 1936. (Statement by Edward Johannes Bamm, October 9, 1936; NAN-LOU- 3/1/10–15/1/2/111.) 209. Nicodemus Ndinda, for example, lived in Otjeru, as well as in Palafontein (Otjozongondi) (Station Commander SWA Police to Magistrate Outjo, March 16, 1937; NAN-SWAA-1194-A158/104.) 210. Miescher, Otjeru, 17. 211. Statement Lazarus Amporo before Magistrate Outjo, Outjo, August 6, 1937 (NAN- SWAA-1194-A158/104). 212. Memo to the Administrator regarding “Extension of Franzfontein Reserve and removal thereto of natives on farm Otjeru in the Outjo district,” approved April 5, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-1194-A158/104). Otjiherero seemingly was the lingua franca in Otjeru and is still spoken among the descendents in Fransfontein, especially when speaking about historical events. 213. Farm Inspection Report, July 26, 1938 (NAN-LAN-406-916). According to the archival records, the families of Lazarus Amporo, Josua Ihuhua, Timotheus Mushinga, Cornelius Ndinda, Daniel Mbarandongo, and possibly Theodor Kuzera moved to Fransfontein. 214. Interview Bertha Ihuhua Nerongo, Karetes, March 9, 2004. The newcomers did not settle at the strong spring in the heart of Fransfontein but at the periphery of the reserve. 215. Senior Officer for Lands to Secretary, August 3, 1938 (NAN-LAN-406-916). The same official assessed Otjeru at a value of 2,500 pounds in 1938. Only seven years later, the farm value had dropped dramatically to only 726 pounds, after a number of settlers had used the farm for temporary grazing, causing severe damage as a result of overgrazing. (Farm Inspection Report, November 24, 1945; NAN-LOU- 406–916.) 216. See Tony Emmett, Popular Resistance and the Roots of Nationalism in Namibia, 1915–1966 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1999), 102–3; and Werner, “No One,” 147–48. 217. Werner explains that the drought of 1930–1933 forced Africans to leave the large settler farms, taking their large stock with them, which resulted in severe hardship. (Werner, “No One,” 146–47 and 150–53.) 218. The Fransfontein reserve was substantially enlarged to accommodate Nama- speaking people from all over central Namibia (such as, Walvis Bay and Grootfontein district) in 1938 (Government Notice 62 of 1938, April 16, 1938). 219. Government Notice 154 of 1934, April 2, 1934, doubled the area of the Epukiro reserve, which now extended past the Eiseb River to the north. Government Notice 264 ● Notes

127 of 1936, September 1, 1938, doubled the area of the Otjituo reserve by extending the border to the Omutako Omuramba river to the southwest. 220. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Superintendent Epukiro Native Reserve, and to Secre- tary, Windhoek, March 4, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-A3/61 v1), and Government Notice 83, May 28, 1938. 221. Only after the Police Zone border at Epukiro had been shifted did the Senior Veteri- nary Surgeon realize the Police Zone border at Otjituo needed to be adjusted as well. (Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Secretary, June 3, 1938; NAN-SWAA-A3/61 v1.) The Police Zone border at Otjituo was finally shifted by Government Notice 126 of 1938. 222. See files “Native Affairs. Bushmen. Dinaib—Removal of to Okavango” dealing with the period 1938–1945 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2). Ute Dieckmann has ana- lyzed the Dinaib events in detail, but with a narrow focus on “Hai¦¦om history” (Ute Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om in the Etosha Region. A History of Colonial Settlement, Ethnicity and Nature Conservation [Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2007], 139ff). 223. See, for example, the German “Besitzstandskarte” (land ownership map) of 1909, mentioned in Chapter 2. See also map 3. 224. See the “farm map” of 1937, already mentioned above (“South West Africa— Suidwes Afrika 1937”). 225. Affidavit by Hermann Paul Arnold Tietz before the Magistrate Grootfontein, Jan- uary 18, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2). Tietz played a pivotal role in the transport of laborers between Owambo and Tsumeb in the 1930, as will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 6. 226. Ibid. On the Vagrancy Law, see Dieckmann (Hai¦¦om, 125), and Chapter 3. 227. Affidavit by Hermann Paul Arnold Tietz before the Magistrate Grootfontein, January 18, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2). 228. Missionaries estimated that around 80 families lived in the greater Dinaib area, including the Sandhup farm, the Bobas mine, Gunias, Otjikoto, Aboib, and the Soda flats (ibid.). 229. Ibid. Tietz obviously mentioned only people working officially for him, who included 24 men working on road construction and a smaller number of men performing farm work. However, a local police report stated that all men who lived in Dinaib had worked for Tietz at least occasionally. (Report Constable D. J. de Villiers, SWA Police Tsumeb, no date; NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2.) 230. Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 141. 231. Colonial sources make no mention of livestock owned by residents of Dinaib. See also Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, February 18, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-435- A50/67/2). 232. Ibid. 233. Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs, Tsumeb, to Magistrate Grootfontein, February 10, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2). 234. Handwritten Memo to Mr. Allen (probably from the Additional Native Com- missioner), March 15, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2). On the contemporary scientific discourse, esp. for the period 1915–1946, see Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 101–16. 235. A relocation into the game reserve at the Etosha Pan was initially also under discussion (Magistrate Grootfontein to Secretary, February 18, 1938; NAN-SWAA-435- A50/67/2); but in the end, only Kavango came under consideration. (Magistrate Grootfontein to Chief Native Commissioner, June 1, 1938; NAN-SWAA-435- A50/67/2.) Notes ● 265

236. Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs, Tsumeb, to Magistrate Grootfontein, September 7, 1938, and Magistrate Grootfontein to Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs, Tsumeb, November 25, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2). 237. Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs, Tsumeb, to Magistrate Grootfontein, June 26. 1939, and SA Police Tsumeb to Magistrate Grootfontein, January 3, 1941 (NAN- SWAA-435-A50/67/2). 238. Chief Native Commissioner to Magistrate and Native Commissioner Grootfontein, July 3, 1941 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67/2). 239. Even if it was just a coincidence, it is worthy of note that the Otjeru relocation and the first colonial intervention in Dinaib both took place during 1938. 240. See Werner, “No One,” 177. 241. Ibid. The above-mentioned Edward Johannes Bamm, who lived next to Otjeru, probably had a similar informal agreement with P. W. Malherbe, the colonial settler. 242. See Emmett, Popular Resistance, 181ff. 243. Ibid. 244. Richard J. B. Moorsom, “The Formation of the Contract Labour System in Namibia, 1900–1926,” in: Forced Labour and Migration. Patterns of Movement within Africa, ed. Abebe Zegeye and Shubi Ishemo (London: Hans Zell, 1989), 55–108. On the motivations for migration, see Meredith McKittrick, To Dwell Secure. Generation, Christianity and Colonialism in Ovamboland (Portsmouth/ Oxford/Cape Town: Heinemann/James Currey/David Philip, 2002), 173–84. 245. Jan-Bart Gewald, “Near Death in the Streets of Karibib: Famine, Migrant Labour and the Coming of Ovambo to Central Namibia,” Journal of African History,44 (2003), 211–39. 246. Secretary to Divisional Inspector of Police, March 15, 1927 (NAN-SWAA-941- A.82/50). 247. See letter “Issue of Travelling Passes to Natives from Ovamboland” (Office- in-Charge, Native Affairs, Ovamboland, to Native Commissioner, Windhoek, September 18, 1928; SWAA-2449-A521/54 v1). 248. M. J. Olivier, “Inboorlingbeleid en administrasie in die mandaatgebied van Suidwes Afrika” (PhD diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1961), 326. 249. Allan D. Cooper, “Institutionalization of Contract Labour in Namibia” Journal of Southern African Studies 25, No. 1 (March 1999), 121–38. Because the route through Okaukuejo was not monitored as stringently, it was preferred by Owambo travelers who did not have a permit, even though it was less challenging (Interview with Martin Theophilus Angula, Ondangua, April 19, 2002). Inhabitants of the sparsely populated Kaoko region generally continued to search for work on their own in the ensuing decades. (See Chapter 6.) 250. Internal survey of 1928, initiated in a circular letter by the Secretary for South- west Africa, April 20, 1928 (NAN-SWAA-2449-A521/54 v2.) The survey listed 2,163 persons, including 144 women. The list did not consider people classified as “Ovambo” who lived in major towns in the northern Police Zone (such as Otjwarongo, Tsumeb, and Grootfontein) and who lived in rural areas. As a result, the actual figure must have been considerably higher. 251. Carrying out this classification was a difficult task for colonial officials, because many “Ovambo” lived intermingled with Africans of other ethnic classific- ations. 252. Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, to Magistrate Otjiwarango, March 20, 1929 (NAN-SWAA-2449-A521/54 v2). 266 ● Notes

253. This background is necessary to understand the first private concession awarded to transport passengers between Tsumeb and Ondangua in 1930. For a more extensive discussion, see Chapter 6. 254. Proclamation No. 27 of 1931, June 20, 1931. 255. See Patricia Hayes, “The ‘Famine of the Dams’. Gender, Labour & Politics in Colo- nial Ovamboland 1929–1930,” in: Namibia under South African rule, ed. Hayes, et al. (Oxford/Windhoek/Athens: James Currey/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 117–46, esp. 128. 256. Proclamation 29 of 1935, and Government Notice 180 of 1935. See Emmett, Popular Resistance, 188ff. 257. Ibid. 258. McKittrick, To Dwell Secure, 185. 259. Ibid. 260. The question of “detribalized natives” was a recurrent issue for the colonial administration. After 1945, the administration launched a renewed effort to force laborers to return home after the expiration of their contracts. One measure was a provision that former contract laborers could only enter a new contract after spending three months in their region of origin. The administration also tried to prevent “detribalized” men from marrying women from their same region of origin and bringing the women into the Police Zone (McKittrick, To Dwell Secure, 185–86). 261. Wealthy men in Owambo commissioned them for purchase within the Police Zone (“Memo for Assistant Secretary in connection with Ovambos who do not return to their homes in Ovamboland” by Native Commissioner, Windhoek, June 20, 1928; NAN-SWAA-2449-A 521/54 v2). Copies of all the veterinary certifications had to be sent to Windhoek (ibid.). After 1928 at the latest, these copies were carefully filed, and they form the larger share of material in colonial records in files such as “Cattles, equines. Moving within S.W.A. including Ovamboland” (NAN-AGV- V1/1 v4), which dates from the period October 25, 1928, to April 9, 1931. This is also indicative of the consolidation of the colonial bureaucracy. 262. On the mobility of women crossing the Red Line, see McKittrick, To Dwell Secure, 186–87. 263. See Government Notice 158 of 1948, which stipulated that women could not leave the “Ovamboland” and “Okavango Native Territory” without written permission from the Native Commissioner; violations could be penalized with a fine of up to 25 pounds or an incarceration either with or without hard labor for up to six months. 264. McKittrick, To Dwell Secure, 187. 265. McKittrick quotes the Magistrate Grootfontein, who stated in 1937 that “most of the female servants in Tsumeb—and there appear to be many—are young Ovambos” (ibid., 186). 266. Officer-in-Charge Agricultural and Veterinary Services, Windhoek, to Government Veterinary Officer, Okahandja, May 26, 1925 (NAN-AGV-90-V1/1 v3). 267. See the standardized Monthly Reports by the police stations along the border of the Red Line. For example, after 1925, the Namutoni reports mention the numbers of horses, mules, and donkeys brought to the north. (See, e.g., the files “Game Reserve. General. 1925–1932”; SWAA-2333-A511/1 v2.) 268. Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, May 17, 1938 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/1). 269. Annual Report Game Warden Namutoni to Secretary, Windhoek, January 7, 1928 (NAN-SWAA-2333-A511/1 v2). Notes ● 267

270. On motorized transport between Owambo and the Police Zone, see Chapter 6. 271. See, for example, Dag Henrichsen, “Herrschaft und Identifikation im vorkolonialen Zentralnamibia. Das Herero- und Damaraland im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD diss., University of Hamburg, 1997), 385ff; and McKittrick, To Dwell Secure, 60–61. Nevertheless, the importance of donkeys to farmers should not be underestimated; indeed, even today in Kaoko, donkeys are given names. 272. Senior Veterinary Officer, Windhoek, to Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, January 30, 1929 (NAN-AGV-91-v1/1 v4). The Native Commis- sioner in Ondangua issued certificates and permits for teams of donkeys travelling to the Police Zone. (See, e.g., Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, September 29, 1938; NAN-AGV-91-v1/1 v4.) 273. Chief Native Commissioner to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, February 8, 1939; Gov- ernment Veterinary Officer, Otjiwarongo, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, February 27, 1939 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/1). 274. Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, January 8, 1936 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/1). 275. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Government Veterinary Officers Otjiwarongo and Grootfontein, January 23, 1936 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/1); Veterinary Surgeon to Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, February 28, 1936, and Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, June 30, 1936 (NAN- AGV-173-V5/2). 276. The precise figures included 41 horses and 934 donkeys with a destination of Owambo, and 10 horses and 55 donkeys with a destination of Kavango. Compiled from the Monthly Reports in the file “Movements of Stock and produce. To and from areas beyond the Police Zone 1939–1947” (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). The total number of animals brought over the Red Line to the north must have been higher, because certificates could also be issued by the police in Tsumeb or by any colonial veterinary officer. 277. Annual Report for 1943, Native Commissioner Ovamboland, December 20, 1943 (NAN-NAO-21-11/1 v16); Annual Report for 1944, Native Commissioner Ovamboland, December 20, 1943 (NAN-NAO-21-11/1 v17.) 278. Circular letter by Chief Native Commissioner, December 22, 1944 (NAN-SWAA- 1503-A266/31). The import ban was first only ordered for five years, but then was extended in 1950. (Director of Agriculture to all State Veterinarians, June 14, 1950; NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v3.) 279. Circular letter by Chief Native Commissioner, October 15, 1948 (NAN-SWAA- 1503-A266/31), attached to Native Commissioner, Ovamboland to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, May 25, 1950 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v3). 280. A significantly smaller number of donkeys, horses, and mules were brought to Kaoko, but these numbers were nonetheless significant in light of the smaller population of Kaoko. In some instances, for example, a group of eight men might transport as many as 48 donkeys to Kaoko. (Permit issued by SA Police, Outjo, November 9, 1940; NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v4.) Although this would not have been the norm, the archival records suggest a regular traffic in donkeys, horses, and mules to Kaoko. For example, between December 29, 1950, and January 22, 1951, the police in Kamanjab issued permits for 116 donkeys, 7 horses, and 1 mule (NAN- AGR-189-41/4 v3). It is entirely possible that some of these animals were later sold across the border of Kaoko. 281. In April 1938, for example, the veterinary service permitted the import of 800 sheep owned by Africans from Sesfontein and other areas of Kaoko and 750 sheep 268 ● Notes

owned by a European trader into the Police Zone. (Government Veterinary Officer, Otjiwarongo, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, April 2, 1938; NAN-AGV-173-V5/2.) 282. The last official import of sheep and goats from Kaoko (Sesfontein) to the Police Zone took place in 1939. (Government Veterinary Officer, Otjiwarongo, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, April 5, 1939; NAN-AGV-188-41/4 v1.) 283. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Secretary, October 22, 1938 (NAN-AGV-173-V/5). 284. Senior Veterinary Officer to Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, January 30, 1929 (NAN-AGV-91-V 1/1 v4); Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Native Commissioner; Ovamboland, July 18, 1938 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/1). 285. See correspondence between Senior Veterinary Surgeon and Chief Native Commis- sioner in August 1938 regarding “Removal of Dogs to Ovamboland” (NAN-AGV- 173-V5/1). 286. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Native Commissioner; Ovamboland, July 18, 1938 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/1). 287. State Veterinarian, Grootfontein, to Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, October 16, 1953 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v3). 288. As a result of the threat of rinderpest, the German colonial power temporarily prohibited the import of all animal and plant products into their territory as early as 1896. Imports were also prohibited for certain plant products such as “dagga” (marihuana). Several convictions for smuggling “dagga” into the Police Zone can be found in the files “Native Affairs Ovamboland. Dagga. 1936–1942” (NAN-NAO-45-44/1) and “Dagga (Poison). Export and Import of. 1925–1940” (NAN-SWAA-1625-A314/2/1.) 289. Government Notice 83 of 1940. 290. Ibid. 291. Telegram [copy] Natives, Ondangua, to Secretary, Windhoek, no date [May 1940] (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). 292. Ibid. and Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, to the System Manager, Windhoek, June 17, 1940 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). 293. Chief Native Commissioner to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, February 8, 1939; Gov- ernment Veterinary Officer, Otjiwarongo, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, February 27, 1939 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/1). 294. Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, to Senior Veterinary Surgeon, August 23, 1940 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). In addition to Schlettwein, a man named Gärtner and the Rhenish missionary receive mention as middlemen in this trade. After the death of his father, Carl Schlettwein Jr. (Carl-August Schlettwein) complained that the import ban would rob him of the last opportunity to obtain a profit from his farm outside the Police Zone. (C. A. Schlettwein, Otjitambi, to Magistrate Outjo, September 22, 1940; NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1.) 295. Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek to Father Joseph Jaeger, Catholic Mission, Grootfontein, September 22, 1941 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). 296. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Secretary for SWA, September 18, 1942 (NAN-AGR- 188-41/4 v1). 297. Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Chief Native Commissioner, July 11, 1940 (NAN- AGR-188-41/4 v1). Most applications were submitted by missionaries; in one such application, the Roman Catholic Church applied to bring ten bags of millet from Owambo to Swakopmund and Windhoek. (Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Senior Veterinary Officer, July 17, 1945; NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1.) 298. See, for example, the so-called Carp expedition, which received an extremely gen- erous permit, which was delayed only because of an outbreak of foot-and-mouth Notes ● 269

disease in Owambo. (Director of Agriculture to Secretary, January 9, 1950; and Permit of the Director of Agriculture, July 16, 1951; NAN-AGR-189-41/4.) See also the expedition by the Bremer Übersee Museum under the leadership of Abel in 1952, and the so-called Morden expedition of 1953. (Correspondence in “Move- ments of Stock and Produce to and from Area beyond Police Zone 1948–1954”; NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v3.) 299. In the late-1930s, people who owned a considerable amount of small stock, donkeys, and dogs still lived along the dry rivers Huab and Ugab in the stock- free zone. In 1939, the administration attempted a forcible relocation into the Okombahe or the Fransfontein reserve within the Police Zone. (See correspondence re “Forced Removal Southern Kaokoveld,” including some detailed police reports, dated 1939; NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1.) The people threatened by forcible removal were generally called “Klip-Kaffirs” in the documents; their names were recorded in only three instances as Kanoep Hoib, Thomas, and Idab; the latter called him- self a chief. (SWA Police Fransfontein to SWA Police Omaruru, June 12, 1939; NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1.) 300. Namely, Jacob Katjitoroga, Traugott Koruhera und Otjihere Kerqeri (Certificate of Destruction by Station Commander SWA Police Kamajab, September 11, 1936); and Station Commander SWA Police Kamanjab to Magistrate Outjo, June 25, 1936 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/2). 301. See, for example, Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, to Senior Veteri- nary Surgeon, July 31, 1936; Senior Veterinary Surgeon to Secretary for SWA, July 21, 1936 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/2). 302. Government Veterinary Officer, Otjiwarongo, to SA Police Kamanjab, January 22, 1942, and SA Police Kamanjab to Government Veterinary Officer, Otiwarongo, January 26, 1942 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). 303. Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, to Senior Veterinary Officer, April 24, 1936 (NAN-AGV-173-V5/2). 304. Report of SA Police, Omaruru, January 29, 1942, and Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Secretary for SWA, September 22, 1942 (NAN-AGR-188- 41/4 v1). 305. See reports by Station Commander SA Police Tsintsabis, February 20, 1942, and October 25, 1942 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). 306. Such illegal business transactions with settlers from within the Police Zone were repeatedly confirmed by residents of Sesfontein and the surrounding area in 2001– 2002. (See also Chapter 6.)

Chapter 5 1. This emphasis already dominates Israel Goldblatt’s general history of Namibia (His- tory of South West Africa from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century [Cape Town: Juta and Company, 1971], 243–55), published in 1971. 2. See, for example, André du Pisani, SWA/Namibia: The Politics of Continuity and Change (Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 1986), 107–28 (chap. 5 “The Arithmetic of Incorporation 1945–1949”). 3. See, for example, Zedekia Ngavirue, Political Parties and Interest Groups in South West Africa (Namibia): A Study of a Plural Society (1972) (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1997), 181ff. 4. The election victory of the National Party in Namibia is often explained as the outcome of the tension among different language groups in the settler society. This 270 ● Notes

resulted in an alliance between Afrikaans- and German-speakers, who had both vig- orously opposed South African support of the Allies in the Second World War. (See, for example, Goldblatt, History of South West Africa, 243ff.) This overly simplistic interpretation has been questioned, for example, by Martin Eberhardt in his detailed study, Zwischen Nationalsozialismus und Apartheid. Die deutsche Bevölkerungsgruppe Südwestafrikas 1915–1965 (Berlin: Lit, 2007). 5. Historical studies of Namibia typically follow a chronology in which one chapter ends with the Second World War, and the next chapter begins in 1948, which marks the beginning of apartheid in South Africa. The years in between are generally ignored. 6. Christo Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement in Namibia, 1890–1960,” South African Historical Journal 42 (May 2000), 233–79, esp. 146; and Appendix D (274–76). 7. For an overview of South Africa during the Second World War, see Leonard Thompson, A History of South Africa. Third Edition (New Haven: Yale Uni- versity Press, 2001), 177–86. For a detailed economic analysis, see Nicoli Natras, “Economic Aspects of the Construction of Apartheid,” in Apartheid’s Genesis 1935–1962, ed. Philip Bonner, Peter Delius, and Deborah Posel (Braamfontein/Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 2001 [1st edition 1993]), 42–64 (esp. 43ff.); and Charles Feinstein, An Economic History of South Africa. Conquest, Discrimination and Development (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 2005), 121ff. 8. See Marion Wallace, Health, Power and Politics in Windhoek, Namibia, 1925–1945 (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 2002), 256 (esp. the graphic “Ethnic Com- position of Main and Klein Windhoek Locations, 1927–1945”). The African population of Windhoek did not increase substantially until the second half of the 1940s. See Gunter Wagner, “Ethnic Survey of South West Africa. Part I. District Windhoek” (photocopy in the Basler Afrika Bibliographien, no date [1951]), 14. On the growth of the European population, see Wallace, Health, 50–51. 9. See Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 274–76 (Appendix D “Gross Domestic Product and Gross National Income 1920–1970”). 10. Ibid. 11. I employ the term “Lardner-Burke Commission” because contemporary correspondence often referred to the “Burke Commission” and because I wish to draw a parallel to the “Odendaal Commission” of the1960s. On the contemporary use of the term “Burke-Commission,” see, for example, Acting Chief Native Commissioner to Attorney-General, Windhoek, September 23, 1947 (NAN-SWAA-A3/61 v1). 12. As far as I am aware, the commission’s work is discussed only in Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 245. For information regarding the Odendaal Report, see Republic of South Africa, Report of the Commission of Enquiry into South West Africa Affairs, 1962–1963 (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1964). 13. Government Proclamation No. 26 of 1945 and Government Notice No. 214 of 1945. Two commissions were convened, in addition to the “Social Security Com- mission.” These were the “Commission for Public Health,” which was intended to address the health of the both the European and African population in the colony (Government Proclamation No. 27 of 1945 and Government Notice No. 215 of 1945); and the “Native Labourers Commission,” which was supposed to address the contract labor system (Government Proclamation No. 28 of 1945 and Govern- ment Notice No. 216 of 1945). On the quoted text, see “First Report of the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission Relating into the Desirability or otherwise of Notes ● 271

the Moving of the Police Zone Boundary and Relating Matter thereto,” Windhoek, March 1946, p. 1. (An unpublished copy of the report is in the National Library of Namibia, signature XX/1445 B.) 14. The other members of the commission were J. D Herholdt, Ojikango (Kalkfeld), J. L. van Zyl, Mooifontein (Bethanien), and P.J. Hamman (Windhoek); K. Schrewe was appointed commission secretary (Government Notice No. 214 of 1945). 15. The Lardner-Burke Commission was originally called the Social Security Commis- sion and was later renamed the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission. 16. “South West Africa. General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission. Minutes of Evidence. Period: 13th August to 30th October 1945” (NAN-KGR-1-UAO9 v1). 17. The document includes a list of all interviewees, including name, sex, and profession (ibid.) 18. The “co-ordinated summary of evidence” lists the following 17 topics: “Unemploy- ment,” “Sickness,” “Old Age Pension,” “Grazing Licenses,” “The Character Sys- tem,” “Unsurveyed Cronw Land,” “Moving the Police Zone,” “Police Supervision”; “Additional Postal Service,” “Veterinary,” “Medical,” “Water Boring”; “Roads,” “Small Settlements,” “Trekkers,” “Reserve Grazing,” and “Technical Education.” See “South West Africa. General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission. Minutes of Evidence. Period: 13th August to 30th October 1945” (NAN-KGR-1-UAO9 v1). 19. (“There is always work for somebody who wants to work.”) Statement by D. R. Hodgson (ibid., 122). 20. (“Those who do not want to work must be put under a certain amount of force.”) Statement by J. A. Louw (ibid., 22). 21. A lease and a grazing license were legally distinct forms of land use. The conditions of leaseholding were as follows: after 1920, the South African practice of land allotment in the colony had been based on a system of leasing with an option to buy. The administration regularly issued offers for farms, for which interested persons could apply. Eligible applicants were issued a five-year lease on their farm. After this initial period expired, the leaseholder could apply for a five-year renewal or purchase the farm. When a farm was purchased, the mortgage period was 30 years. Generally, new settlers had no lease payments during the first years and only a small lease payment in subsequent years. The lease payments were sometimes waived, as happened during the drought of the early-1930s. See Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 248ff.; and the statement by F. J. Jubelius (pp. 73–77) in “South West Africa. General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission. Minutes of Evidence. Period: 13th August to 30th October 1945” (NAN-KGR-1-UAO9 v1). The conditions of grazing licenses were as follows: a grazing-license holder was given the right to utilize a defined parcel of land (surveyed or unsurveyed) as stipulated in the license. The grazing-license holder was required to make a payment based on the number of stock stipulated in the license. Grazing licenses were valid for a period of one month and subject to cancellation at the end of that period. Grazing licenses thus provided no land rights to the user. Grazing-license holders generally were individuals who had no means of obtaining land under lease or individuals in need of reserve grazing as a result of drought or overgrazing. See statement by F. J. Jubelius (ibid., 73–77.) 22. The Lardner-Burke Commission interviews do not detail how many people meeting the criteria of “trekkers” (also called “swerwers” in Afrikaans) lived in the colony. The distinction between “trekkers” and grazing-license holders was probably a fluid one, because the same individual could utilize a parcel of land legally or illegally at different times. Moreover, the police often did not monitor the use of grazing 272 ● Notes

licenses in a systematic fashion. (See the “co-ordinated summary of evidence”; statement F. J. Jubelius; pp. 73–77.) 23. Ibid. 24. (“This is the type of person who does not want to work. I think that such a person has to be forced to work.”) Statement by D. J. Siebrits (ibid., 132). 25. (“A veterinary surgeon came twice in nine years.”) Statement P. S. Swart (ibid., 21). 26. Statement J. G. Williams (ibid., 78–80). In 1945, there were nine government veterinary surgeons in the colony; eight were stationed in Grootfontein, Otjiwarongo, Omaruru, Gobabis, Okahandja, Windhoek, Mariental, and Keetmanshoop, and one was a substitute in reserve. In addition, three stock inspectors were stationed in Otjiwarongo, Windhoek, and Keetmanshoop; their main duty was monitoring the loading of stock onto rail transport. As a result, the police still was largely in charge of controlling stock diseases. The veterinary service had no direct control over this police work and could only make training courses available to the police (ibid.) 27. Grazing licenses were also issued to landowners for emergency grazing; however, the administration estimated that 90 percent of grazing-license holders did not own land. See statement F. J. Jubelius (ibid., 73–77.) 28. Ibid. 29. See the “co-ordinated summary of evidence” on the topics “Grazing Licenses,” “The Character System,” “Unsurveyed Crown Land,” and “Moving the Police Zone” (ibid.) 30. As discussed in Chapter 2, the German colonial authorities proclaimed three game reserves in 1907: Game Reserve 1 (northeast of Grootfontein), Game Reserve 2 (the Etosha Pan and a large area north, northwest, and south of the pan), and Game Reserve 3 (south of Swakopmund, near the coast.) The South African authorities proclaimed a fourth game reserve in 1928 (Government proclamation No. 26 of 1928); this game reserve was situated outside the Police Zone east of the Waterberg reserve and south of the Otjituo reserve. The extension of the Otjituo reserve resulted in a minor scaling down of Game Reserve 4 in 1936. 31. The Lardner-Burke Commission report includes detailed information on the history of the Police Zone, suggesting that the commission carried out some archival research of its own. (“First Report of the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission Relating into the Desirability or otherwise of the Moving of the Police Zone Boundary and Relating Matter thereto,” Windhoek, 1946, pp. 7–11.) 32. The report states, for instance, that the number of surveyed farms under German rule increased from 1,081 in the year 1910 to 1,331 in the year 1913 (ibid., 12). On the allotment of farms by the South African administration, the report states that between 1920 and 1940, a total of 2,122 farms had been allotted under leases with an option to buy. Of these, 1,200 farms were allotted between 1920 and 1930, and the remainder was allotted between 1935 and 1940. No farms were allotted during the early-1930s, which were marked by the crisis of drought and economic depression, or during the Second World War (ibid., 13.) 33. Ibid., 14. 34. Although the archival records do not state this directly, it is likely that all the farms were in use. 35. This number is based on a questionnaire sent to the districts by the commission in late 1946 (ibid., 15). Because the records on grazing licenses kept by the districts were incomplete, the actual number of grazing licenses may have been signiﬁcantly Notes ● 273

higher. The official interviewed by the commission estimated that between 1,500 to 2,000 individuals held grazing licenses in August 1945. See statement G. H. Oliver (pp. 1–3) in: “General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission. Minutes of Evidence. Period: 13th August to 30th October 1945” (NAN-KGR-1-UAO9 v1). 36. “First Report of the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission,” pp. 18–26. 37. Ibid., 34–36. 38. The Kaokoveld district had not been identical with the geographical region known as Kaoko or Kaokoveld since at least the nineteenth century. The geographical region Kaokoveld had no clearly defined boundary, and it extended some distance to the south. On the proclamation of the Kaokoveld district, see esp. Lorena Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism in Kaoko (northwestern Namibia) between the 1870s and the 1940s” (PhD diss., University of Basel, 2009), 1–4. 39. This was the beginning of the reply by the head of veterinary service to the commission’s question “What are the dangers of serious stock diseases on the Northern borders of the Police Zone?” See statement J. G. Williams (p. 78) in “South West Africa. General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission. Minutes of Evidence. Period: 13th August to 30th October 1945” (NAN-KGR-1-UAO9 v1). To the commission’s question, “Would you object to the Police Zone boundary being moved, for instance, to Kowares?” the head of the state veterinary service replied: “I would be dead against it” (ibid.) 40. “With a view to further extension [of the Police Zone], we also recommend that the Police Zone boundary be moved to the southern boundary of Ovamboland and the Okavango Native Territory as far as longitude 19 degrees, with a 4-mile corridor to the south of the proposed new boundary ...” (“First Report of the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission,” 1946, p. 23). 41. Ibid., 26. 42. Ibid., 33. 43. See, for example, Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, to Secretary, May 2, 1947 regarding “Proposed Alteration Police Zone Boundary” (NAN-SWAA-A3/61 v1). 44. Memorandum “Stock-Free Zone and Additional Land for Europeans and Natives” to Administrator-in-Advisory-Council by the Secretary for South West Africa, October 10, 1946 (NAN-SWAA-1168-A158/40 v1). 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. For the redefinition of the Police Zone border, see Government Notice No. 375 of 1947 (First Schedule), released November 4, 1947. 48. For the redefinition of the game reserves, see Government Notice No. 375 of 1947 (Second Schedule), released November 4, 1947. 49. Government Notice No. 375 of 1947 (First Schedule). In the same Government Notice, the administration reduced the size of the Kaokoveld district and renamed it the “Kaokoveld Native Reserve.” On the abolition of Game Reserve 4, see Government Notice No. 375 of 1947 (Second Schedule). 50. The authorities had a variety of strategic reasons for their desire to reserve land for potential use by Africans, as is demonstrated by the following comment in the memorandum mentioned in note 44:

“As previously indicated, we have a sacred trust to observe towards the Natives and it seems that before pressure is put on the Administration to permit the opening up of still further land for European settlement, steps should be taken once and for all to set aside sufﬁcient land for the Natives. ...The Natives of South 274 ● Notes

West Africa outnumber the Europeans by nearly 10 to 1, but this proportion is somewhat inversely reﬂected in the land presently available for occupation by the two sections. Moreover experience has taught us that smaller Native Reserves inside the Police Zone are impracticable. ...It seems that the only practicable and effective way of shaping our future Native land policy is to have large blocks of Native land entirely apart and separated from the European community. This is the case with regard to the Ovambos and the Okavangos in respect of whom we can claim that our Native policy has been successful. It is noticeable also that it is these Native tribes who are unanimous and eager in their desire for incorporation.”

51. After an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in Bechuanland, and after further urgings by the head of the veterinary service, the administration finally agreed that the Rietfontein block should remain outside the Police Zone. See Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, to Secretary, May 2, 1947 (NAN-SWAA-A3/61 v1). 52. A comparison of the farm maps of 1936 and 1950 illustrate the expansion of the Police Zone. 53. For the definition of the Stock-Free Zone, see Government Notice No. 376 of 1947 (Schedule Stock-Free Zone), released on November 4, 1947. For further discussion, see Chapter 5.3. 54. “Second and Final Report of the General Rehabilitation Commission,” Novem- ber 25, 1947 (NAN-KGR-1-UAO9 v1). On the question of social security, the commission referred to the work of the South African “Social and Economic Planning Council of the Union.” 55. Republic of South Africa, Report [Odendaal Report.] Some European farmers (land owners and leaseholders) at the outskirts of the Police Zone lost their land, which was assigned to become part of the new homelands (ibid., 109–11). The largest number of affected settlers lived in southern Kaoko, where the Odendaal Report lists 223 farms that were to be abandoned to make way for the new Damaraland homeland (ibid., 90–94). 56. Of these 1,127 farms, 852 were within the existing Police Zone. See Chapter 5.1. 57. Republic of South Africa, Report [Odendaal Report], 25. These 6,821 farms explicitly exclude the surveyed farms that were not allotted. Unfortunately, the Odendaal Report does not indicate how many new farms were established as a result of the expansion of the Police Zone after 1947. It also remains unknown what impact the subdivision of farms may have had on the total numbers of farms. 58. Robert Gordon, The Bushmen Myth. The Making of a Namibian Underclass (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 157; Ute Dieckmann (Hai¦¦om in the Etosha Region. A History of Colonial Settlement, Ethnicity and Nature Conservation [Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2007], 177) criticizes Gordon’s phrasing as overly simplistic. 59. Using unoccupied neighboring land as reserve grazing was also a strategy employed by the Otjeru inhabitants, for example. See Chapter 4.4. 60. “First Report of the General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission,” p. 30. 61. Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 265–69. According to Botha, the official South African discourses on this issue were rarely reflected in the practice of colonial power in Namibia (ibid., 265). 62. Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 266. Botha’s argument is based on Frans V. Bester, “Drought and Rangeland Management,” in Coping with Aridity. Drought Impacts and Preparedness in Namibia—Experiences from 1992/93,ed.Richard Notes ● 275

Moorsom with Jutta Franz and Moono Mupotala (Frankfurt a. M./Windhoek: Brandes und Apsel/NEPRU, 1995), 91–104. 63. Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 266. Proper farming in a semi-arid region requires rotating land use. This requires a sufficient numbers of “camps,” as the fenced grazing units that had a water source were called. Rotating land use prevents overgrazing and provides the land with a period of recovery, but it requires massive investment in the building of fences, the construction of dams and water reservoirs, and the drilling of bore-holes. (See Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 266; and Bester, “Drought and Rangeland Management,” 92–93.) 64. Botha, “Land Settlement,” 268. 65. South West Africa, “Report of the Long Term Agricultural Policy Commis- sion,” Windhoek: Government Printer, 1949, p. 221. The commission chaired by J. D. M. Keet was convened by the Administrator in 1948. The commission was enjoined with researching the preservation and use of the natural resources of soil, grazing, and water, and with offering recommendations for improving the quality and quantity of farm output (ibid., 1). The commission submitted its 250-page report in April 1949. 66. Ibid., 68. 67. In 1952, the administration released two comprehensive laws, namely, the “Soil Conservation Ordinance” (Ordinance No. 28 of 1952) and the “Tree and For- est Ordinance” (Ordinance No. 37 of 1952). According to the Odendaal Report, implementing these laws would require a substantial investment into the agricultural sector in terms of personnel, financing, and technical support (Republic of South Africa, Report [Odendaal Report], 269). 68. Botha, “The Politics of Land Settlement,” 67. Botha characterizes the assistance provided by administrations as follows: “Much effort went into research and extension services and enormous amounts were channeled into subsidies and loans, aimed at improving stock quality, providing more camps (which, it is believed, provide better control of over grazing), drilling bore-holes (which reduces concentration of stock around too few water-points), and finally assistance to farmers to enable them to settle debts, buy stocks (to replenish stock reduced according to the officially- supported stock reduction scheme introduced during droughts) and buy emergency stock feed” (ibid.) 69. The result was that millions of hectares had diminished grazing capacity as a result of overgrazing (ibid., 266–267). 70. See Government Notice No. 216 of 1950, Government Notice No. 255 of 1950, Government Notice No. 2 of 1953, Government Notice No. 198 of 1954, Govern- ment Notice No. 14 of 1956, Government Notice No. 21 of 1957, Government Notice No. 38 of 1959, Government Notice No. 3 of 1961, Government Notice No. 222 of 1961, and Government Notice No. 165 of 1962. See also the detailed list on the chronology of the Police Zone border in the Appendix. 71. See Government Notice No. 2 of 1953 and Government Notice No. 198 of 1954. 72. See Government Notice No. 222 of 1961. Other relocations of the Red Line consisted mainly of smaller border adjustments. In 1950, for example, the Police Zone boundary east of Namutoni was relocated to an area several kilometers north of the banks of the Owambo Omuramba. 73. On the opening of southern Kaoko to emerging grazing, see Afdeling van Lande to Direkteur van Landbou, February 22, 1946 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). At least 17 farmers had been illegally grazing their cattle, sheep, and goats in the region for 276 ● Notes

several months. These farmers came from the adjacent Outjo district, as well as from regions as far away as Warmbad, Gibeon, and Marienthal. See Deputy Commis- sioner SA Police, Windhoek, to Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, February 20, 1947 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4-v1). 74. See Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, April 3, 1946, May 29, 1946, and July 26, 1946. On the definition of southern Kaoko, see Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, June 5, 1946 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). 75. See Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, September 17, 1947 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v2). 76. With regard to illegal grazing of stock in the Rietfontein block, see Director of Agriculture to Secretary, April 1, 1955 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v4). Granting grazing licenses for the Rietfontein block was raised as an issue for the first time in a report by Direkteur van Landbou, Windhoek, June 1, 1955 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v4). Grazing licenses for the Horabe block, also called Nurugas block, was raised in a letter by Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, to Government Veterinary Officer, Grootfontein, October 29, 1958 (NAN-AGR-190-41/4 v5). In March 1959, the Executive Committee decided to open the Horabe block for emergency grazing. See Director of Lands, Windhoek, to Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, April 1, 1959 (NAN-AGR-190-41/4 v5). 77. An example of such a permit, dated September 8, 1962 and issued by the Director of Lands, can be found in the files “Movements of Stock and produce. To and from area beyond Police Zone. 1963-64” (NAN-AGR-192-41/4). 78. Apart from one minor exception in 1962; see detailed list on the chronology of the Police Zone border in the Appendix. 79. The administration considered shifting the Red Line to the north, either to the Huab River or the Unjab River, in order to facilitate prospecting in the coastal area. Although there was no opposition to such a shift, a decision was made to await the recommendations by the Odendaal Commission. See, for example, Director of Lands, Windhoek, to Head of Justice Branch, Windhoek, August 24, 1963; and January 17, 1964 (NAN-LAN-1680-5887). 80. See Government Notice No. 14 of 1956. 81. Handwritten letter, sender and receiver uncertain, but probably SA Police to Secretary, January 24, 1954 (NAN-SWAA-22-A3/61 v2). 82. See Commission for the Preservation of Natural and Historical Monuments, Relics and Antiques regarding “Vorschlag betreffs Schutz der Pelzrobben im Cape Cross Gebiet,” Swakopmund, March 28, 1955 (NAN-SWAA-A3-61 v2). 83. With Government Notice No. 14 of 1956, the Police Zone border was shifted and the Cape Cross Seal Reserve was proclaimed. Because of a procedural error, the proclamation had to be repeated in the “Cape Cross Seal Ordinance” (Ordinance No. 26 of 1957). See also Attorney General to Secretary, February 9, 1957 (NAN- SWAA-22-A3/61 v1). 84. Enacted under Government Notice No. 22 of 1961. 85. The undated map was most probably drawn in 1947; it is contained in the file “SWA Police. Police Zone Boundary, 1924–1950” (NAN-SWAA-21-A3/61 v1). 86. The farm map of 1937 formed the basis of this map, but it did not depict the entire territory, and additional sheets were affixed with glue. 87. See Chapter 3.1. 88. Government Notice No. 178 of 1930. 89. See Chapter 3.3 and Government Notice No. 84 of 1941. Notes ● 277

90. See correspondence regarding “Forced Removal Southern Kaokoveld” and the detailed police reports of 1939 (NAN-AGR-188-41/4 v1). 91. Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, September 8, 1943 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3). In June 1943, a police patrol arrested ten Africans who temporarily lived with their families at the Ongoro and Okahakahana water holes, barely 50 kilometers outside the Police Zone. The men were charged with trespassing onto a prohibited area and sentenced to either pay a fine of 1 pound or ten days hard labor. The names of the convicted men were Hankwau Henenga, Jonas Karoria, Zacharias Kaitewa, Daniel Kampahipa, Max Kangariobe, Tethuwa Epinge, Hatchipara Kantamay, Akwerika Kantingara, Edward Kariche, and Katchimute Chapiche. See Office of the District Commandant, Police Omaruru, to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, July 8, 1943 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3). 92. The police report lists hundreds of heads of large stock and more than 1,000 head of sheep and goats. See report regarding “Native Stock outside the Police Zone” by Station Commander SA Police Okaukuejo, February 2, 1944 (NAN-SWAA-2334- A511/1 v3). 93. Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, to Secretary, February 11, 1944 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3). 94. Herbert Schneider, Analyse der Tiergesundheitssituation in Südwestafrika/Namibia- Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Giessen: Eigenverlag, 1977), 71–72. 95. Ibid., 110–11. 96. The formulation in Government Notice No. 376 of 1947 is very clear in this respect, whereas Government Notice No. 37 of 1935 prohibited only trespassand did not mention the immediate slaughter of the animals involved. 97. Secretary of South West Africa to Director of Works, July 15, 1949; these were the police posts of Franfontein, Kamanjab, Okaukuejo, Namutoni, Tsintsabis, Nuragas, which were all situated along the Red Line, and the Sandfontein and Pretorius police posts (NAN-SWAA-941-A82/50). 98. Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, to Secretary, May 2, 1947; and February 10, 1948 (NAN-SWAA-941-A82/50). Also Interview with Willhelm Schuster, Onguma, April 14, 2002. 99. Willhelm Schuster was born in 1918. He was the son of a woman from Kaoko and a German settler and lived on the Onguma farm for more than half a century, where he worked as a farm laborer. He clearly remembered the regular visits by the police patrols and their ambivalent relationship with the farmer (ibid.) 100. See, for example, Government Veterinary Officer Le Riche, Outjo, to Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, August 12, 1953 (AGR-189-41/4 v3). 101. See, for example, rumors of sheep and cattle being brought from Sesfontein to Fransfontein, where the stock was sold to European traders in 1952: Staatsveearts, Outjo, to Direkteur van Landbou, Windhoek, January 22, 1952 (NAN-AGR-189- 41/4 v3). 102. In 1958, the Criminal Investigation Department commented on period rumors concerning smuggling of stock from Kaoko into the Police Zone; noting that alleged smuggling between the Outjo district and Kaoko and Owambo was being investigated on a daily basis even though no evidence of such smuggling had ever been found. However, the Criminal Investigation Department was forced to admit that some farmers in the Outjo district had been caught smuggling small stock from Kaoko in 1953. See Kriminele Ondersoek Department, SA Police Outjo, to Stasiebevelvoerder, SA Police Outjo, August 10, 1958 (NAN-AGR-190-41/4 v5). 278 ● Notes

103. For example, the Attorney General refrained from filing a complaint against three settlers who grazed their stock beyond the Police Zone in the Grootfontein region. Instead, he urged the police to issue a warning to all settlers grazing their stock outside the Police Zone. See Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, to Director of Agriculture, July 7, 1952 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v3). 104. For a discussion of the variety settler discourses on Kaoko, see, amongst others, Giorgio Miescher, “Epupa, Kaoko, Namibia. Analyse einer öffentlichen Debatte im postkolonialen Namibia” (MA thesis, University of Basel, 1997), 111–49 (chap. E “Wandlung eines Mythos—Schreiben über Kaoko”), Giorgio Miescher and Dag Henrichsen, “Epilogue,” in New Notes on Kaoko. The Northern Kunene Region in Texts and Photographs, ed. Giorgio Miescher and Dag Henrichsen (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2000), 237–45. 105. Department van Landbou, Pretoria, to Direkteur van Veeartsenydiens, Pretoria, February 9, 1951 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v3). The South African minister for Native Affairs stated during a visit in Kaoko a few years later that skins and hides could be exported into the Police Zone. The administration had to withdraw the promise soon thereafter, as it had been made without consulting the veterinary service. The administration was even forced to buy the skins and hides already purchased by a local trader, Ezekiel Ujaha, to have them burned. See memorandum regarding “The Movement of Animal and Vegetable Products from the Northern Native Territories into the Police Zone” by the Secretary to the Adminis- trator, December 19, 1957; and Director of Agriculture, Windhoek, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, February 11, 1958 (NAN-AGR-190-41/4 v5). 106. Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 110–15. 107. See, for example, the instructions issued by the head of the veterinary service to the commander of the police during the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in southern Angola in 1945: Director of Agriculture to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, November 20, 1945 (NAN-SWAA-2170-A470/19 v6). 108. A well-known incident involved a settler named Böhme, who was a farmer on the Onguma border farm. Three of Böhme’s cattle were shot by the foot-and-mouth patrol when they were found grazing directly outside the farm limits in 1958. See Bek-en Klouseerpos, Andoni, Namutoni, to Adjunk-Kommissaris, SA Polisie, October 8, 1958 (NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19 v7); and Malherbe & Rossouw to Sekretaris, Windhoek, November 6, 1958 (NAN-AGR-190-41/4 v5). Willhelm Schuster also had a very clear memory of this incident (Interview Willhelm Schuster, Onguma, April 14, 2002). 109. The correspondence by the District Commander of the SA Police indicates the existence of such patrol paths and their importance in preventing foot-and-mouth outbreaks. See District Commander, Otjiwarongo, to Magistrate Grootfontein, August 18, 1950;and to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, August 1, 1950 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v3). 110. See the eight-page report by the Senior Welfare Officers C. V. McIntyre and D. C. Fourie (no date); for a copy of the report, see the file “Movements of Stock and Produce to and from Area beyond Police Zone 1948–1954” (NAN-AGR-189- 41/4 v3). 111. This, at least, is what the two welfare officers believed. 112. The proposal reads: “Om moontlike onwettige invoer van beeste verder teen te werk kan gedink word aan die span van ‘n grensdraad op die rooilyn en gereelde patrollie deur die Velsynsbeamptes.” See Director of Agriculture to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, November 15, 1957 (NAN-AGR-189-41/4 v4). Notes ● 279

113. See chapters 1.1. and 1.2. 114. See Chapter 4.3. On the fences established along the southern border of Game Reserve 2 (Etosha Pan Game Reserve), see Chapter 5.4. 115. See Proclamation No. 56 of 1922; with regard to the granting of loans, see J. T. Taylor, Manager of the Land and Agricultural Bank of South West Africa, Windhoek, to Secretary, July 16, 1923; and to Senior Officer Lands Branch, November 9, 1923 (NAN-LAN-25-32 v1). 116. See the handwritten application by Joan McLachlan, Fairview Farm (Auuns West 288) Grootfontein, November 19, 1947 (NAN-SWAA-A3/61 v1). Apparently, the farm was first fenced at a fairly early date and was financed by the applicant’s father, without state support, in 1922 (ibid.) The Director of Agriculture was willing to assume half of the cost, but failed to convince the administration. See Director of Agriculture to Secretary, May 18, 1948; and handwritten notes on the correspondence (NAN-SWAA-A3/61 v1). 117. Onguma covered an area of roughly 20,000 hectares. 118. Conversation with Helmut zur Strassen, farm manager at Onguma 1955–1957, in Windhoek, March 2002. The information was confirmed by Willhelm Schuster (Interview, Onguma, March 13, 2002.) 119. J. Watt, Windhoek, to A. Diesel, Pretoria, September 24, 1951 (NAN-AGR-189- 41/1 v3). 120. Ibid. 121. See, for example, Native Commissioner, Opuwo, to Secretary, Windhoek, September 23, 1947 (NAN-NAO-058-9/3). See also “Algemene Inspeksieverslag- Kaokoveld” by Agricultural Officer, Opuwo, November 27, 1952; and Officer-in- Charge, Opuwo, to Native Commissioner, Ondangua, February 1, 1953 (NAN- NAO-062-12/4). 122. Interview August Kasaona, Otjindagwe (Sesfontein), December 20, 2001. 123. Government Notice No. 155 of 1948 situated the Okatjiuru, Otjetua, Okomutati, and Omatapati water holes again outside the Stock-Free Zone. See also Officer-in- Charge, Opuwo, to Native Commissioner, Ondangua, February 2, 1948 (NAN- SWAA-1168-A158/40 v3). 124. Native Commissioner, Ondangua, to Surveyor General, Windhoek, November 8, 1948 (NAN-NAO-103-58/1). 125. Surveyor General to Assistant Chief Native Commissioner, March 9, 1951 (NAN- SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). Initially, the Surveyor General could not even indicate the exact location of the southern border or where the reserve was bisectected by the road from Namutoni to Ondongua (ibid.). 126. The police made an initial attempt to push livestock owners from Owambo out of the edges of the game reserve in the early-1940s. See report regarding “Native Stock outside the Police Zone” by Station Commander SA Police Okaukuejo, February 2, 1944 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3). On the overall situation for the stock owners who lived in the Owambo regions bordering the game reserve, see Native Commissioner, Ondangua, to Secretary for SWA, May 25, 1945 (NAN-SWAA-A511/1 v3). 127. Native Commissioner (Nakale), Ondangua, to Chief Kambonde, Ondongua, July 7, 1947 [Translation] (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). 128. Chief Kambonde, Okaroko to Master Nakale, Ondangua, July 8, 1947 (NAN- SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). 129. Chief Kambonde, Okapia, to Master Nakale, Ondangua, July 29, 1947 (NAN- SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). One of the trespassers was named Apiatara (Apiatala); 280 ● Notes

he lived in or around Onjana. See Native Commissioner (Nakale), Ondangua, to Chief Kambonde, Okaroko, July 10, 1947 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). 130. According to the Native Commissioner, Kambonde’s efforts to exert control were greatly facilitated by the new car he had obtained in 1944: “The new car Kamonde acquired has enabled him to visit the outlying parts of his tribe more frequently with the result, that his control has become more effective. He has required his tribe to build numerous new roads and tracks for him in this connection.” See Annual Report 1944, Native Commissioner Ondangua, March 14, 1945 (NAN- NAO-21-11/1 v17). The quarterly reports by the South African police contain almost no references to people bringing stock into the Stock-Free Zone. The arrests listed in the reports refer only to individuals who had no stock. See, for example, the quarterly reports for March 31, 1949, and December 27, 1950 (NAN-SWAA-A511/1 v4). 131. See “Interim verslag oor die 1958 uitbreek Bek en Klouser in die Noordelike Naturellegebiede en ‘n oorsig van heersende toestande op 21 Julie 1958” by Direc- tor of Agriculture, July 23, 1958. The border was actually marked the following year. See Kantoor van Hoofwildbewaarder, Okaukuejo, an Die Hoof, Allgemene Afdeling, Windhoek, March 13, 1959 (NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19 v7). 132. Such as Andoni (Adoni), Othema, Omutambo Maowe, Ombombo Ovambo, and Otjekua; see “Interim verslag oor die 1958 uitbreek Bek en Klouser in die Noordelike Naturellegebiede en ‘n oorsig van heersende toestande op 21 Julie 1958” by Director of Agriculture, July 23, 1958 (NAN-SWAA-2171-A470/19 v7). 133. The following account of the 1958 foot-and-mouth outbreak in Owambo is based on Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 113–15. 134. Director of Agriculture to Secretary for SWA, December 24, 1946 (NAN-NAO- 58-9/3). 135. In a memorandum, the SA Police informed the Native Commissioner of the planned “Foot and Mouth Disease Cordon.” See Deputy Commissioner, SA Police, Windhoek, to Native Commissioner Ofﬁcer-in-Charge, Ovamboland, January 10, 1950 (NAN-NAO-60-9/27). 136. “Notes of a conference held at Oshikango on the 25th January, 1950, in connection with foot and mouth disease control” (NAN-NAO-60-9/27). 137. On the one hand, the police command did not want to subordinate their African police ofﬁcers to the jurisdiction of local chiefs (ibid.). The Native Department, on the other hand, was anxious to replace the “Herero Police” stationed along the cordon by “Ovambo Police,” because the department suspected the former of engaging in anti-South African propaganda. See Chief Native Commissioner to Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, April 3, 1950 (NAN-NAO-60-9/27). 138. “Notes of a conference held at Oshikango on the 25th January, 1950, in connection with foot and mouth disease control” (NAN-NAO-60-9/27). 139. Schneider, Tiergesundheitssiutation, 118. In addition, regular and intensive veterinary controls were to be carried out in Owambo and the other northern territories, which had not been the case to date (ibid.). 140. Compare this to the assessment of the potential threat of foot-and-mouth disease before the outbreak in 1934; this is discussed in Chapter 4.2. 141. For a discussion of this incident, see Deputy Commissioner SA Police, Windhoek, to Secretary, June 27, 1955 (NAN-SWAA-404-A50/6 v2). The Gam water hole is situated 20 kilometers west of the international border at the Deneib River, at approximately 20◦ 15 southern latitude. Notes ● 281

142. By October 1955, people from Bechuanaland were again grazing livestock at Gam and other places in this border area. See memorandum by the Secretary for South West Africa to the Administrator re “Beweerde smokkelhandel met vuurwapens en Betsjoeanalandse naturelleplakkers in Suidwes-Afrika,” January 25, 1956 (NAN- SWAA-404-A50/6 v2). 143. See Secretary for South West Africa, Windhoek, to Secretary of the Prime Minister, Pretoria, April 25, 1956 (NAN-SWAA-404-A50/6 v2). 144. Ibid. 145. More precisely, this stretch extended “from the point of intersection of the 22 degree of longitude and the 20 degree of latitude to the east until the 21 degree of latitude and then along the 21 degree of latitude 250 kilometers to the north until the 19 degree 30 minutes of southern latitude.” See memorandum by the Secretary for South West Africa to the Administrator “Oopkap van grenslyn tussen Suidwes- Afrika en Betsjoeanaland,” 3[?] March 1957 (NAN-SWAA-404-A50/6 v2). 146. High Commissioner (British) to Secretary of External Affairs, Pretoria, Septem- ber 20, 1957 [copy] (NAN-SWAA-404-A50/6 v2). 147. Ibid. The cost for surveying and marking the 350 kilometers was calculated at £1,740; the cost for clear-cutting was calculated at £12,485. See memorandum by the Secretary for South West Africa to the Administrator “Oopkap van grenslyn tussen Suidwes-Afrika en Betsjoeanaland,” 3[?] March 1957 (NAN-SWAA-404- A50/6 v2). 148. Secretary for South West Africa, Windhoek, to Secretary to the Prime Minister, Pretoria, November 7, 1957 (NAN-SWAA-404-A50/6 v2). 149. See Kirsten Alnaes, “Oral Tradition and Identity: The Herero in Botswana,” in The Societies of Southern Africa in the 19th and 20th Centuries Vol. 11, Collected Seminar Papers No. 27 (London: University of London Institute of Commonwealth Studies, 1981), 15–23 (here 20). Karl-Johan Lindholm directed my attention to the incident near Nyae Nyae, which he also mentions in his published dissertation. See Karl-Johan Lindholm, Wells of Experience. A Pastoral Land-Use History of Omaheke, Namibia (Uppsala: Uppsala University, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, 2006), 49. 150. Neither of the two major works published on centenary of the game reserve mention the Stock-Free Zone, nor do the studies by Dieckmann (Hai¦¦om), or the popular history edited by Riéth von Schalkwick and Any Schoeman titled Etosha. Celebrating 100 Years of Conservation (Windhoek: Venture Publications, 2007). 151. See Chapter 2.3. 152. A. J. Waters (ed.), Martial Law in the Protectorate of South West Africa During Mil- itary Occupation by the Forces of the Union of South Africa (as in force on the 1st July 1918) (Swakopmund: Swakopmund Buchhandlung, 1918), 102–3 (Martial Law Regulation No. 57, “Residence outside Northern Police Zone and in Game Reserve”). 153. Prohibited Areas Proclamations, 1919 (Proclamation No. 15 of 1919) and 1928 (Proclamation No. 28 of 1928), see also the discussion in chapters 3.1 and 3.4. 154. The Kavango Native Territory was proclaimed by Government Proclamation No. 32 of 1937. In Kaoko, there were (at least in theory) several additional smaller reserves during the 1920s and 1930s; the region was administered by the Native Commissioner Ovamboland. Government Proclamation No. 10 of 1939 deﬁned the Kaokoveld district and placed its administration directly under the control of Windhoek. A Kaokoveld reserve was ﬁnally proclaimed under Government Notice 282 ● Notes

No. 374 of 1947. Caprivi was only conditionally part of the Northern Natives Territories, because this part of the colony had a special status for to geographical reasons. On the history of Caprivi, see Kangumu, “Contestations,” esp. chapters 3 and 4 on colonial administration. 155. See Chapter 3.4. 156. On the persistence of the idea of a natural barrier and on the lack of knowledge of the historical developments see, for example, Schneider (Tiergesundheitssituation, 37) who wrote: “Da die traditionellen Wohngebiete der Einheimischen an der Nordgrenze [zu Angola] schon immer durch grosse, men- schenleere und haustierfreie Gebiete von den Gebieten in den südlichen Teilen des Landes isoliert waren ...” (“Because the traditional residential areas of the natives at the northern border to Angola were always isolated through huge uninhabited and livestock free areas from the southern parts of the country, [ ...].”) 157. See Chapter 3.4. 158. Capital crimes were not treated under the jurisdiction of the local authority, but were handled by the colonial administration. See Lorena Rizzo, “Elephant Shooting: Colonial Law and Indirect Rule in Kaoko, Northwestern Namibia, in the 1920s and 1930s,” Journal of African History, 48 (2007), 252–53. 159. Examples included the successful attempts to limit the power of local elites in the mid-1930s as described by Rizzo (“Elephant Shooting”), and the inoculation campaigns of the late-1930s discussed in Chapter 4.3. 160. On the importance of Owambo in the nineteenth century, see Chapter 1.4. 161. A proper game warden was stationed at Namutoni until 1928; the game warden was directly answerable to the central administration in Windhoek. Later the Native Commissioner Ovamboland took over the duties of the game warden, and the station commander of the police post in Namutoni acted as his representative. The station commander sent first monthly and later quarterly reports to Native Commissioner. A proper game warden was finally reinstated in 1947. 162. Government Notice 247 of 1958. The Game Reserve 2 reached probably its maximum extension at this point, when the entire area between the Ugab and the Kunene Rivers (with the exception of roughly 1,000 square kilometers around Sesfontein) became, at least theoretically, part of the game reserve. (See map 8.) 163. The focus on Namutoni and the surrounding region is reflected in the colonial archive. For example, the reports of the game warden stationed in Namutoni are filed separately for the period 1928–1939. Information on the northwestern part of the game reserve is contained in the general files of the “Native Commissioner Ovamboland.” The practice of filing materials relevant for the game reserve in different sections of the archive continues after 1939; for this reason, it is not sur- prising that the historiography of Game Reserve 2 only addresses the area around the Etosha Pan. 164. Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, to Secretary, December 3, 1947 (NAN- SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3); and Secretary to Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, January 13, 1948 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). The Kaokoveld native reserve remained part of Game Reserve 2 until the 1960s. In 1964, the Odendaal Plan recommended that the future homeland of Kaokoland should no longer be part of a game reserve, apart from a small strip of land along the coast. See Republic of South Africa, Report [Odendaal Report], 27, 487. 165. “Slaughter of Game in Africa’s largest Reserve alleged,” Sunday Times, Johannesburg, September 30, 1956. The anonymous writer refers to information provided by someone named “D. Wood” (copy in NAN-SWAA-A511/1 v7). Notes ● 283

166. Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, to D. H. Woods, Rondebosch (South Africa), November 6, 1956 (NAN-SWAA-A511/1 v7). The Native Department’s emphasis was not new, because it had already called in 1950 for the de-proclamation of Kaoko as a game reserve, arguing that farming and game preservation were incompatible, and that elephants had become a serious problem for farmers in Kaoko. See Secretary to Director of Agriculture, January 17, 1950 (NAN-SWAA- 2334-A511/1 v4). 167. This belief, along with the important role game wardens play in the historiography on the Etosha National Park, may be why Kaoko is consistently but erroneously described as not part of the game reserve after 1947. The oft-quoted report by the conservation official Bernabé de la Bat certainly contributed to this error. De la Bat wrote, “In 1947 the Kaokoland portion of Game Reserve 2 was set aside ‘for the sole use and occupation of natives.’ ” See Bernabé J. G. de la Bat, “Etosha 75 Years,” South West Africa Annual 1982, 11–22, here 14. Judging by the maps that he prepared depicting the situation after 1947, on which Kaoko no longer is part of the game reserve, Hu Berry, also a former nature conservation official, also did not understand the dual status of Kaoko as both a “Game Reserve” and “Native Reserve.” See Hu Berry, “Etosha Shrinks Drastically,” in Etosha. Celebrating a Hun- dred Years of Conversation, ed. Rieth van Schalkwick et al. (Windhoek: Venture Publications, 2007), 54–55. 168. The United National Party SWA urged the Administrator in a resolution dated November 27, 1951, to transform and develop the Etosha Game Reserve along the model of the Kruger National Park (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1) (On the history of the Kruger National Park, see Jane Carruthers, The Kruger National Park. A Social and Political History [Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1995].). Tourists or travelers had been regularly visiting the Etosha Pan Game Reserve since the 1920s. For an example of a group of visitors in the 1920s, see Robert Gordon, Picturing Bushmen. The Denver Expedition of 1925 (Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1997). However, the number of tourists visiting Etosha remained low and was never higher than a few dozen per month, not even during the winter months (June/July-September/October), which were best suited to visitors. In 1929, the police in Namutoni counted 48 visitors in July, 49 visitors in August, 52 in Septem- ber 52, and 28 in October. In the summer months, few or no visitors were recorded. The number of visitors increased only slightly in the 1930s. In July 1938, for instance, 77 Europeans visited the game reserve; in August there were 53 visitors. (See SWA Police Namutoni Monthly Reports for each year; NAN-NAO-38-33/1 v1 and v3.) The administration started to conceive of the game reserves as a tourist destination in the late-1930s, when they began investing road improvements and modest accommodations (guest rooms and camp sites), which tourists were required to use. (See “Memo Secretary to the Administrator,” July 30, 1938; NAN-NAO- 33/1 v3.) Visitors also had to pay an entrance fee and observe certain rules. (See the circular letter by the Secretary, December 15, 1938, re “Permits to Enter or Pass through Namutoni Game Reserve,” and also Distrikt Commandant SWA Police Omaruru to Commissioner SWA Police Windhoek, July 11, 1938; NAN-NAO- 39-33/1 v3.) This development of the game reserve into a tourist destination must be understood within the context of a larger promotion of tourism in Africa during the 1930s. For example, the “First International Congress of African Tourism” took place in Costermannville in the Belgian Congo in October 1938. (An invitation for congress is contained in the files “Game Reserve General. 1937–1947”; (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3.) The Second World War interrupted the emerging 284 ● Notes

trend, and the numbers of visitors dropped. For example, only six persons visited the game reserve in July 1940. (See SA Police Namutoni, Monthly Report for July 1940; NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3.) After the war, the number of visitors soon exceeded the prewar numbers, and had reached 868 visitors by 1947. (See SA Police Namutoni, Quarter Reports 1947; NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3.) 169. See the discussion by Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 189–99. The eviction order was com- municated to the inhabitants of the game reserve in Namutoni and Okaukuejo in January 1954. At that point, most of the persons concerned had already left the reserve. 170. Game Warden to Secretary, Annual Report, January 7, 1928 (NAN-SWAA-2333- A511/1 v2). See also Chapter 3.2. 171. Viktor Lebzelter, Eingeborenenkulturen in Südwest-und Südafrika (Leipzig: Verlag Karl W. Hiersemann, 1934), 82. On Lebzelter, see Dieckmann (Hai¦¦om, 102) who makes use of the same quote (Hai¦¦om, 109.) 172. The hunting of game such as eland, giraffe, kudu, impala, and bat-eared fox was prohibited in 1929. (See Officer in Charge, Native Affairs Ovamboland, to Post Commander SWA Police Namutoni, September 19, 1929; NAN-NAO- 38-33/1 v1.) However, such bans were hard to enforce in practice (Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 151–152.) 173. The policy was formulated by the colonial officer-in-charge. See Native Com- missioner Ovamboland to Police Namutoni, September 16, 1939 (NAN-NAO- 39-33/ v3): “The Administration is definitely against allowing these natives to accumulate stock in the Reserve. They must therefore arrange to keep their herds within reasonable limits.” 174. See SWA Police, Namutoni, to Officer in Charge, Ovamboland, August 10, 1928 (NAN-NAO-38-33/1 v1). According to the police reports, this limit was largely respected. See files “Game Reserve Namutoni. 1928–1939” (NAO-33/1). 175. Dieckmann (Hai¦¦om, 153–57) discusses the issue of livestock in the southern part of the game reserve in some detail. She concluded: “ ...a lot of families possessed livestock: especially goats, but also a few head of cattle and donkeys” (ibid., 153). 176. See Senior Veterinary Surgeon, Windhoek, to Secretary, June 2, 1936 (NAN-NAO- 39-33/1 v3). The veterinary service maintained this position even after the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in Owambo in 1947, provided the stock was herded and kept inside the Police Zone. See Government Veterinary Officer Grootfontein, to Native Commissioner Ondangua, May 17, 1947 (NAN-SWAA-2334- A511/1 v3). 177. See “Detailed List of Bushmen Residing in the Namutoni Area Forming Part of Game Reserve No. 2” by the SWA Police, Namutoni, March 3, 1938 (NAN-NAO- 39-33/1 v3). 178. See Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 146–49 (esp 146.) 179. See the “Bushman Patrol: June, July and August 1935” including a list of detained persons, SWA Police, Windhoek, to Commissioner SWA Police, Windhoek, August 26, 1935 (NAN-SWAA-433-A50/67 v1). 180. Statement by Izak Aukumeb before Native Commissioner Hahn, Namutoni, August 19, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-433-A50/67 v1). For a discussion of the use of such statements as historical sources, see Rizzo, “The Elephant Shooting.” 181. Izak Aukumeb’s accusations triggered a response by the authorities, but the police officers involved denied any illegal action and no complaint was filed. See “Report by Sergeant D. H. Francis, SA Police Otavi,” no date; sworn statements by Notes ● 285

Native Constable Jonas Uriseb, and by Native Constable Zachous Abraham, Otavi, September 22, 1940 (NAN-SWAA-433-A50/67 v1). 182. See, for example, C. H. Rothmann, farm Morester, Outjo, May 22, 1940 in a letter to the police command in Windhoek (NAN-SWAA-433-A50/67 v1). 183. District Commandant, SWA Police Omaruru, to Commissioner SWA Police, Windhoek, October 15, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-433-A50/67 v1). 184. Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, Ondangua, to Secretary, Windhoek, Novem- ber 14, 1936 (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v2). The differentiation between “wild” and “tame” with regard to the inhabitants of the game reserve in the Etosha region was based largely on their degree of integration within the colonial state. According to the Native Commissioner, people working for the colonial state were deemed “tame”; otherwise they were classified as “wild” (Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 146). 185. Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, Ondangua, to Station Commander SWA Police, Namutoni, February 15, 1938 (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). 186. Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 150. The Station Commander of the SWA Police noted in the Monthly Report for January 1939 that all available men had been put to work in road construction; they were paid in cash, as well as in kind (NAN-NAO-39- 33/1 v3). 187. See the proposal by the Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, to Secretary, February 23, 1948, which according to a handwritten note on the document was accepted on March 18, 1948 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). 188. Native Commissioner Ovamboland, Ondongua, to Secretary. Windhoek, July 11, 1947 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v3). 189. Ute Dieckmann was the first scholar to pay serious attention to the removal of people from the game reserve (Dickmann, Hai¦¦om, 189–204). 190. Native Commissioner Ovamboland, Ondongua, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, February 1, 1954 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67 v5). 191. This justification was also proffered in the announcement of the expulsions in Namutoni and Okaukuejo; Native Commissioner Ovamboland, Ondongua, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, February 1, 1954 (NAN-SWAA-435- A50/67 v5). 192. Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, esp. 181–82 and 188–89. 193. In 1929, none of the farms adjoining the game reserve was fenced (SWA Police, Okaukuejo, to Magistrate Outjo, July 5, 1929; NAN-SWAA-2337-A511/6 v1). 194. On the legal differences with regard to crossing the border of the Police Zone and the border of a game reserve in search of strayed stock, see the first part the Prohibited Areas Proclamation of 1928 (Government Proclamation No. 26 of 1928.) 195. P. J. Schoeman to Secretary of SWA, September 8, 1953 (NAN-SWAA-2334- A511/1 v5). 196. Ibid. 197. The Executive Committee had opted to mark the southern border and commission the construction of a fence in a resolution dated July 11, 1951 (NAN-SWAA-2334- A511/1 v4). According to a handwritten note, 183 miles of the border were marked by a cutline in mid-1953. See P. J. Schoeman to Secretary of SWA, September 8, 1953 (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v5). 198. Director of Lands to Secretary for SWA, May 1, 1954 (NAN-SWAA-2334- A511/1 v5). Executive Committee Resolution, January 6, 1955 (SWAA-2337- A511/6 v2). 286 ● Notes

199. Director of Lands to Secretary for SWA, April 5, 1955; Secretary to Execu- tive Committee, June 20, 1955; Secretary to Director of Lands, August 9, 1955 (NAN-SWAA-2337-A511/6 v2). See also Game Warden to Secretary, August 24, 1956 (NAN-SWAA-2337-A511/6 v2). 200. The shift was carried out in April/May 1954. For an undated draft version of the Government Notice, see “Game Reserve Boundaries. 1928–1954” (NAN-SWAA- 2337-A511/6 v2). 201. In early 1957, the game warden complained that 70 miles of the border was still unfenced in the Namutoni region. See Game Warden to Secretary, February 18, 1957 (NAN-SWAA-2337-A511/6 v2). 202. In 1956, the game warden was assigned responsibility for a monthly patrol of the border between the reserve and the farming area to prevent poaching. See Secretary to Administrator, July 15, 1956 (NAN-SWAA-2337-A511/6 v3). In addition, the game warden had to monitor the border fences and the maintenance of the fences by local farmers, and report any breach. See Secretary to Game Warden, July 4, 1956 (NAN-SWAA-2337-A511/6 v2). 203. Border farmers continued to hunt in the game reserve, sometimes with the silent approval of the game wardens (See, for example, the autobiography by Peter Stark, Der weisse Buschmann Peter Stark. Vom Wilderer zum Wildhüter [Windhoek: Kuiseb Verlag, 2004], esp. 55–58.) Some former residents of the game reserve moved back to the reserve. For example, Ute Dieckmann stresses the ongoing permeability of the border and recounts the history of a man named A.¦¦O., who lived in the game reserve until 1973 without detection; he received protection from a game warden (Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 201–2.) 204. The shift was ordered also because the Red Line became the formal equivalent of an international border at that point. See memorandum “Natuurbewaring: Verskuiwing van Polisiesone om saam the val met suidgrens van Etoshawildtuin” by the Secretary to the Administrator, April 4, 1961 (NAN-LAN-1680-5887). A discussion about shutting down the police posts inside the game reserves began in the mid-1950s. On the opening of the road through Oshivelo, see also interview with Marthin Theophilus Angula, Ondangua, April 18, 2002. Oshivelo is an entirely man-made location, meaning it is not situated at a natural water hole. Signiﬁcantly, the Oshiwambo word “Oshivelo” means “gate” or “entrance” (Information provided by Martha Akawa.) 205. Chief Inspector for Deputy Commissioner SA Police commanding South West Africa Division, Windhoek, to District Commandant, SA Police, Windhoek; Keetmanshoop; Omaruru; Gobabis; Otjiwarongo, April 3, 1947 (NAN-SWAA- 433-A50/67 v1). 206. Literally, to pursue “a policy of befriending” (ibid.). The nationallydistributed direc- tive also states that early attempts to pursue such a policy date back to the 1930s but had fallen by the wayside during the Second World War. 207. Ibid. 208. Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, to the Magistrate and Native Com- missioner, Gobabis, November 11, 1947 (NAN-SWAA-433-A50/67 v1). The budget for building boreholes outside the Police Zone was initially 500 pounds (ibid.), and was raised to 1,000 pounds a year later (Gordon, Bushman Myth, 162.) 209. Gordon, Bushman Myth, 157–67. 210. See also Leslie Witz, Apartheid’s Festival. Contesting South Africa’s National Pasts (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003), 206–14. Notes ● 287

211. The commission was headed by the senior game warden P. J. Schoeman, who had been professor for anthropology (volkerkunde) at the University of Stellenbosch. He submitted a provisional report in 1950 and a final report in 1953. For copies of the reports see “Native Affairs. Bushmen” (NAN-SWAA-434-A50/67 v3 and v5). On Schoeman, see Gordon, Bushman Myth, 160, 163. 212. Chief Inspector for Deputy Commissioner SA Police commanding South West Africa Division, Windhoek, to District Commandant, SA Police, Windhoek; Keetmanshoop; Omaruru; Gobabis; Otjiwarongo, April 3, 1947 (NAN-SWAA- 433-A50/67 v1). 213. Welfare Officer, Epukiro Reserve, to Magistrate/Native Commissioner, Gobabis, January 24, 1949 (NAN-SWAA-434-A50/67 v2). 214. Native Commissioner Runtu, to Secretary, January 6, 1951 (NAN-SWAA-434- A50/67 v3). 215. As noted in the “Report of the Commission for the Preservation of the Bushmen in South West Africa, 1950,” n.d. [1953], p. 4 (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67 v5). The commission based its arguments on the works of Isaac Schapera and L. Fourie. 216. Memorandum by the Secretary to the Administrator regarding “Commission for the Preservation of the Bushmen,” n.d. [c. 1954] (NAN-SWAA-435-A50/67 v5). 217. In addition to the veterinarians, other officials like the Chief Bantu Commis- sioner also believed reserves would help improve border controls (Gordon, Bushman Myth, 167). 218. Lorna Marshall, The!Kung of Nyae Nyae (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976), 60. 219. Edwin N. Wilmsen, “Knowledge as the Source of Progress: The Marshall Family Testament to the ‘Bushmen,’ ” Visual Anthropology, 12 (1999), 213–65 (226); and Lindholm, Wells of Experience, 49. The main reason for the Marshalls’ intervention was protecting the “Bushmen” from the supposedly negative influence of the “Herero”; the issue of preventing animal diseases did not appear to arise. (Wilmsen, “The Marshall Family,” 1999.) 220. My discussion of the foot-and-mouth outbreak 1961/62 is based largely on Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 115–27. 221. For the foot-and-mouth outbreak of 1934, see Chapter 4.2. 222. For a table on the geographical and temporal spread of the disease, including numbers of affected farms, see Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 117. 223. In 1964, there was a second, localized outbreak around Kalkfeld, but it was quickly contained and ended within six weeks (ibid., 127–128). 224. Ibid., 125. 225. Johann Rawlinson, The Meat Industry of Namibia. 1835–1994 (Windhoek: Gamsberg Macmillan, 1994), 156–157. 226. For example, in a press release, the Administrator called upon the entire population to help fight the disease (Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 125). According to Herbert Schneider, “a workforce of 1250 whites and 1750 non-whites” rendered service alongside the cordons established around infected farms (ibid., 120). 227. Ibid., 121. 228. See South West Africa, “Report Commission of Enquiry into Stock Disease Control Measures in Regard to Border Areas in South West Africa,” Windhoek: Government Printer, 1965, 53–54. 229. See the map (ibid.). This could be explained because the settler farmers built the fences themselves and left the African reserves on the outside. 230. Ibid., annex B (Inspeksieverslag. Noordelike en Oostelike Wildwerende Heinings). 288 ● Notes

231. The commission cooperated with the veterinary service in the colony and was guided by its past experiences. The commission expressly thanked the Director of Agriculture in Windhoek, J. S. Watt, who had played a crucial role on combat- ing the foot-and-mouth outbreak in the 1930s, and who had been working in the colony since that time (ibid., 53). 232. Ibid., 36. In veterinary matters, the Red Line was de iure an international border after 1958 (Ordinance No. 14 of 1958). This deﬁnition was repeated in Ordinance 34 of 1959. 233. Ibid, 37 (The standardized height of a game-proof fence was 8 feet 6 inches, with 17 span wires. See also Schneider, Tiergesundheitssituation, 121.) 234. South West Africa, “Report Commission of Enquiry into Stock Disease Control Measures in regard to Border Areas in South West Africa,” 37. In addition, a new double border fence was to be connected to the Red Line at Epukiro, and then extended along the 20th degree longitude (the border with Bechuanaland) to Buitepos. The commission’s proposal left the Rietfontein block outside the second line of defense, which was supposed to follow along the pre-1960 location of the Red Line. 235. Ibid., 38. 236. The report states only once that the border is “guarded” between the Northern Native Territories and Angola (ibid., 10). 237. Such additional restrictions had successfully been applied in South Africa for some time (see “Comparison between Foot-and-Mouth Control Measures in the Repub- lic of South Africa and South West Africa,” ibid., 7), and in a moderated form in Namibia since 1960 (ibid., 10). There was also a fenced veterinary border in South Africa. In South Africa, the adjoining areas had restricted mobility and enforced controls; one such area was the border of the Kruger National Park, which was one of the “rooilyne gebiede” (Red Line areas.) (ibid., annex D “Rooilyne Gebiede”). 238. Ibid., 40, 43. 239. See the map drawn by Schneider (Tiergesundheitssituation, 134), which depicts the situation for 1975. 240. Director of Lands, Windhoek, to Head of Justice Department, Windhoek, August 26, 1963 (NAN-LAN-1680-5887). Beginning at the last farm inside the Police Zone, a fence was to be build facing the Atlantic coast along a track that had been marked in 1963. This fence is not indicated in the map provided in the “Report Commission of Enquiry into Stock Disease Control Measures in Regard to Border Areas in South West Africa” of 1965. 241. Ibid.; and Director of Lands, Windhoek, to Head of Justice Department, Windhoek, January 17, 1964 (NAN-LAN-1680-5887). 242. See the map in Herbert P. Schneider, Animal Health and Veterinary Medicine in Namibia (Windhoek: AGRIVET, 1994), 78. 243. According to a Veterinary Service statement of 1992, the fence is 1,251 kilometers long. See Directorate of Veterinary Services, The Veterinary Cordon Fence: Past, Present and Future (Windhoek: Republic of Namibia, c. 1996), 4. 244. On the Odendaal Report, see du Pisani, SWA/Namibia, 159–72 (esp. 159.) For one of the ﬁrst analyses of the Odendaal Report, see Absolom L. Vilakazi, “The Odendaal Report: Social and Economic Aspects,” in South West Africa: Travesty or Trust. The Expert Papers and Findings of the International Conference on South West Africa, Oxford 23–26 March 1966, with a Postscript by Iain MacGibbon on the 1966 Judgement of the International Court of Justice, ed. Ronald Segal and Ruth First (London: André Deutsch, 1967), 222–41. Notes ● 289

245. Republic of South Africa, Report [Odendaal Report]. 246. From north to south, the proposed homelands were: Kaokoveld, Ovamboland, Okavangoland, Eastern Caprivi, Damaraland, Bushmanland, Hereroland, Rehoboth Gebiet, Tswanaland, and Namaland (ibid., map “Proposed Homelands,” 110–11). 247. Most additional land was either unspecified government land or game reserves (du Pisani, SWA/Namibia, 162). 248. Ibid. 249. Republic of South Africa, “Memorandum. Decisions by the Government on the Recommendations of the Commission of Enquiry into South West Africa Affairs” (Pretoria, 1964), 4. 250. Ibid., especially 12–13. Liberia and Ethiopia had challenged the legitimacy of South Africa’s occupation of Namibia with a complaint at the International Court of Jus- tice in The Hague in 1960. The claim was finally dismissed on July 18, 1966. See, for example, Alfred T. Moleah, Namibia. The Struggle for Liberation (Wilmington, DE: Disa Press, 1983), 138–41. 251. See South West Africa, “Report Commission of Enquiry into Stock Disease Control Measures in Regard to Border Areas in South West Africa,” 38. 252. “Suidwes-Afrika/South West Africa,” 1966 (partial revision 1972), 1:1,000,000. 253. Ruth First, South West Africa (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1963), 121. 254. For a detailed discussion of the farm map see Miescher, “Reflections on the so-called farm-map.” 255. First, South West Africa, 121. 256. Interview with Titus Ngula, Oshitai, April 20, 2002. Pastor Titus Ngula, born in 1926, also mentioned that he knew how to read a map and that he followed a memorized map of Namibia when he once had to find his way from the Botswana border to Swakopmund at the Atlantic coast. 257. Interview with Andimba Toivo Ya Toivo, Windhoek April 3, 2002. 258. Ibid. After his arrest, Toivo Ya Toivo was sentenced in South Africa to a prison term of 20 years, which he mainly spent on Robben Island. See Ellen Ndeshi Namhila, Kaxumba Ka Ndola. Man and Myth. The Biography of Barefoot Soldier (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2005), 112. Toivo was released in 1984 and lived in exile until 1989. 259. Interview with August Kasaona, Otjindagwe (Sesfontein), December 20, 2001. This perception was shared by many other people I spoke to north of the Red Line. 260. See Directorate of Veterinary Services, The Veterinary Cordon Fence: Past, Present and Future, 6. For an earlier brochure, see Directorate of Veterinary Services, The Veterinary Cordon Fence. An Economic Necessity (Windhoek: Republic of Namibia, 1991). 261. Given this history, the idea that the military captured or took hold of the veterinary fence is a mistake, though one often heard in post-colonial Namibia.

Chapter 6 1. Some of the German texts I use were written by authors not living in the country. However, these two men were regular visitors of the country, and their perceptions of it were shaped by settler society. 2. F. Nink, “Auf Wildfährten im Kaokoveld,” Meinerts Monatsmagazin, 6 (1930), 259. (The original text is written in German.) 290 ● Notes

3. For a detailed discussion of Nink’s text and photographs, see Giorgio Miescher and Lorena Rizzo, “Popular Pictorial Constructions of Kaoko in the 20th Cen- tury,” in New Notes on Kaoko. The Northern Kunene Region (Namibia) in Texts and Photographs, ed. Giorgio Miescher and Dag Henrichsen (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2000), 10–47 (esp. 26). 4. G. Schmid, “Ein Blick ins Kaokofeld,” Afrikanischer Heimatkalender (1938), 97–100. (The original text is written in German.) 5. The Government Veterinary Officer Schmid traveled to Otjitundua, a 100 kilometers north of Kamanjab, June 1930, in order to conduct a large-scale inoculation campaign. (See Chapter 4.1.) 6. In 1937, the southern border of Game Reserve 2 was marked with signs alongside the road bearing the inscription “Border Game Reserve 2. Trespassers will be prosecuted.” Game Warden, Namutoni, to Department of Works, Windhoek, October 20, 1937 (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). Similar signs marking the northern border of the game reserve were only ordered in 1951 and put up the following year (Order of the sign by the Native Commissioner Ovamboland on April 5, 1951, and delivery of the fittings on July 2, 1952) (NAN-SWAA-2334-A511/1 v4). 7. Lutz Heck, Wildes schönes Afrika (Berlin: Ullstein, 1960), 140. (The original text is written in German.) 8. Hans Jenny, Südwestafrika. Land zwischen den Extremen (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1966), 101. (The original text was written in German. In 1976, the book was published by the South West African Scientific Society in English with the title “South West Africa. Land of Extremes.”) 9. Jenny backdated the cartographic death of the Red Line; he apparently did not know that it was still prominently indicated on the farm map published in 1966, the very same year his book was published. 10. For the first two quotes, see Nink, “Auf Wildfährten,” 264; for the third, see Schmid, “Ein Blick,” 100. 11. Schmid, “Ein Blick,” 100. 12. Most prominently the Native Commissioner C. H. L. Hahn, who was responsible for most of the areas outside the Police Zone (i.e., Owambo, Kaoko, and Game Reserve 2) for many years. See esp. Patricia Hayes, “Northern Exposures, the Pho- tography of C. H. L. Hahn, Native Commissioner of Ovamboland 1915–1946,” in The Colonising Camera. Photographs in the Making of Namibian History,ed.Wolfram Hartmann, Jeremy Silvester, and Patricia Hayes (Cape Town/Windhoek/Athens: UCT Press/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 171–87; and Patricia Hayes, “Camera Africa: Indirect Rule and Landscape Photographs of Kaoko, 1943,” in New Notes on Kaoko. The Northern Kunene Region (Namibia) in Texts and Photographs, ed. Giorgio Miescher & Dag Henrichsen (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2000), 48–73. 13. Hayes, “Camera Africa,” 65. 14. Ibid., 72. 15. The album is the personal property of Monika Weber-Zschokke in Swakopund; she kindly allowed me to examine it and take photographs in 2002. 16. On the issue of “traditional” women remaining anonymous and “modern” men being mentioned by name, and the relevance of this practice to settler discourse, see Lorena Rizzo “A Glance into the Camera: Gendered Visions of Historical Photographs in Kaoko (North-Western Namibia),” Gender & History, 17, No. 3 (November 2005), 682–713; and Jeremy Silvester, Patricia Hayes, and Wolfram Hartmann, “ ‘This Ideal Conquest’: Photography and Colonialism in Namibian Notes ● 291

History,” in Colonising Camera. Photographs in the Making of Namibian History,ed. Hartmann et al. (Cape Town/Windhoek/Athens: UCT Press/Out of Africa/Ohio University Press, 1998), 10–19. 17. A number of individuals, including Shilongo Ukule, identiﬁed the man as King Sheepo Shanamene (Kambonde Namene), although the album’s caption refers to him as Chief Muala (Interview with Shilongo Ukule, Onyaanya, April 17, 2002.) 18. Jenny, Südwestafrika, 134 (The original text is written in German.) 19. On Fritz Gaerdes, see Dag Henrichsen, Registratur PA.1. Teilnachlass Fritz Gaerdes (1892–1975) im Personenarchiv der Basler Afrika Bibliographien (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 1988), 5–8. 20. The process of having a riﬂe and his pistol putting under seal when crossing the Red Line is also described in a novel by Doc Immelman, Die Safari na Omukwai (Cape Town/Pretoria: HAUM, 1960), 30–31. 21. “Vollkommen geknickt” in the German original. “Reise-und Jagdtagebuch Fritz Gaerdes, Juni 1937—Juli 1954” (Basler Afrika Bibliographien, Personenarchiv, PA. 1, Fritz Gaerdes). The diaries of Gaerdes, held by the Basler Afrika Bibliographien, consist of eight thin volumes. 22. In the German original text “wüste Schiesserei” (ibid.). 23. Fritz Gaerdes was a member of the newly appointed Monuments Commission since 1950 (Henrichsen, Registratur PA.1, 43). 24. See, for example, “Reise- und Jagdtagebuch Fritz Gaerdes, Januar 1954—Mai 1966” (Basler Afrika Bibliographien, Personenarchiv, PA. 1, Fritz Gaerdes). 25. Gaerdes repeatedly mentions the existences of various borders, especially when traveling for the Monuments Commission. For example, Gaerdes mentions the wide path cleared in the bush to mark the border between the Kaokoveld and the Ovamboland reserves during his journey from August 20–29, 1959; on his journey from July 22 to August 3, 1963, he mentions the border fence on the Bechuanaland border. 26. Henrichsen, Registratur PA.1, 13. 27. Hayes, “Northern Exposures,” 177. 28. See also Dag Henrichsen, “Pilgrimages into Kaoko. Herrensafaris,4× 4 and Settler Illusions,” in New Notes on Kaoko. The Northern Kunene Region (Namibia) in Texts and Photographs, ed. Giorgio Miescher and Dag Henrichsen (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2000), 159–85. 29. Denis Mercer, Breaking Contract. The Story of Vinnia Ndadi (Richmond: LSM Information Centre, 1974). On the relevance of Breaking Contract, see also Dorian Haarhoff, The Wild South West. Frontier Myths and Metaphors in Literature Set in Namibia, 1760–1988 (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1991), 224–29. 30. Mercer, Breaking Contract, 20. 31. Ibid., 21. 32. Ibid., 17. See also Chapter 5.5 and interview with Titus Ngula, Oshitai, April 20, 2002. 33. When I write “we” with regard to interviews and research in the border region, I refer to Lorena Rizzo, with whom I conducted nearly all the interviews, and to the various interpreters who were often also present. (See in this context the information on the interviews provided in the bibliography.) Andimba Toivo Ya Toivo provided a great deal of assistance in identifying possible interview partners in Owambo. 34. Interview with Martin Theophilus Angula, Ondangua, April 18, 2002. 292 ● Notes

35. Tara Imbiili, who organized and attended the talks with Martin Theophilus Angula in Ondangua, provided us afterwards with a list on which he had noted the 15 way stations between Ondangua and Tsumeb, as listed by Angula: Onyana—Omangundu—Omankunku—Omathiya—Omuhana qomuntu—Ondombe nashikunuu—Oshana—Komiihama dha Stepha—Okewe— Onamutoni—Ombale—Oshandoo—Onamantuthi—Oshikuto—Oshomeya. 36. According to Martha Akawa, the term “Omihama” is the plural of “Omuhama,” which is the name of a tree from the Termnalia Prunodis family. The charcoal of this tree turns red when it burns. Thus, the term “Komihiham dha Stepha” stands for the Omihama trees of Stepha. Stepha (or Shitefa) is the first name Stephanus. The “K” preceding the term “Omihama” expresses that the place is far away, therefore “Komihama.” 37. In this context, Dag Henrichsen argues that topographical knowledge condenses into what he calls a topology of space (or in this case of a route),which also contains specific historical experiences and knowledge. See Dag Henrichsen, Claiming Space and Power in Pre-Colonial Central Namibia: The Relevance of Herero Praise Songs (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 1999), 3. 38. In the late-1930s, the Native Commissioner Ovamboland wrote, “Stephanus ... lives at Osohama on the Ovamboland road and was specially placed there to collect intelligence in regard to stock movements, game protection, etc.” Native Commis- sioner, Ovamboland, to Secretary, January 10, 1938 (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). The colonial archive indicates that Stephanus lived with two women and two children in Osohama in 1938; 56 “Bushmen” also lived in Osohama. See list of inhabitants of Namutoni area by SWA Police, March 3, 1938 (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). The very same year Stephanus owned 54 donkeys. See Monthly Game Warden Return, November 1938, of SWA Police, Namutoni (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). 39. Another interviewee, the brother of Johannes Kambonde, mentioned, in addition to Stephanus, a man named Antonius and a man named Joshua. (Interview with Kambonde, Omuthiya, April 21, 2002.) The latter is mentioned in the in the colonial archive several times, so it would appear Joshua lived in Okevi, directly north of Namutoni, since at least the late-1920s. Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs Ovamboland to Secretary, July 24, 1929 (NAN-NAO-38-33/1 v1). Joshua had to move away from Okevi with his people and his large and small stock in late 1937. Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, to SWA Police, Namutoni, March 9, 1937 (NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). Angula Elago also mentioned a man named Uuwanga Namupuya, who lived in Okevi for three years. (Interview with Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002.) 40. Interview with Martin Theophilus Angula, Ondangua, April 18, 2002. 41. According to Mr. P. Mbenizi, people in Owambo (Aawambo people) called “Ovaherero” and “Ovahima” collectively “Ovashimba,” and called the Police Zone, the region where “Ovashimba” lived, the “Oushimba.” The former Police Zone is still today called “Oushimba.” (Information provided by Martha Akawa, 2008.) 42. The duration of the journey could vary substantially depending on weather conditions, the fitness of the travelers, and the periods of rest. A journey on foot from Ondangua to Omaruru could take two weeks, or it could take one month. The colonial administration was unable to arrive at a precise duration for the journey, a fact that led to some official frustration. The officer in charge of Native Affairs Ovamboland accused the travelers for “loafing somewhere on route,” instead of reaching their destination in a timely manner. See Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs, Notes ● 293

Ovamboland, to Secretary, Windhoek, September 18, 1928 (NAN-SWAA-24449- A521/54 v2). 43. Angula Elago, who also traveled on foot as a young man, disagreed, and stated that women simply took the shortest route, just as men did. Thus, only people living in western Owambo would have opted to travel to the south via Okaukuejo (Interview with Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002). See also Chapter 4.5 in which the border crossings by women is also discussed. 44. On ambushes by “Bushmen” and the so-called “Bushman plague,” see chapters 2.5 and 3.2. 45. Mercer, Breaking Contract, 32. 46. Interview with Elizabeth Shangologa Simon, Omuthyia, April 21, 2002. Her family moved from Kavango to Ndonga in the early-twentieth century. Her grandfather was called Mateus Amutenya, as well as !Khaekoeba, and the family had numerous relatives among the “Bushmen” in the Namutoni region. 47. Interviews with Locia Hoës, Sesfontein, September 19, 2001; Carolina Awises, Sesfontein, September 24, 2001; Eveline /Gawusas, Sesfontein, September 26, 2001; Samuel Ganuseb, Sesfontein, December 18, 2001; Abraham /Awa-Eiseb, Sesfontein, December 19, 2001; Alfred Nai-Khaib, Sesfontein, December 21, 2001; Tobias Kaisuma, Warmquelle, December 24, 2001; Fanuel //Hawaxab, Sesfontein, December 28, 2001; August Kasaona, Sesfontein, January 26, 2002. See also Chapter 4.5. 48. Interviews with Helena Ganuses, Sesfontein, September 15, 2002; Samuel Ganuseb, Sesfontein, December 18, 2001; Alfred Nai-Khaib, Sesfontein, December 21, 2001. 49. Interview with Abraham /Awa-Eiseb (born in 1929), Sesfontein, December 19, 2001. Such permits were informal passes issued by the local headman or another local authority such as the church warden. In general, the local authorities issued such permits autonomously; the colonial authorities did not supervise such locally issued passes in Kaoko until the 1940s. See Rizzo, “Gender and Colonialism,” 198–210. 50. Still, farm laborers like /Awa-Eiseb were fearful, because those found guilty of an offense—such as allowing cattle to stray—could be turned over to the police, where jail or ﬂogging surely awaited them. Interview with Abraham /Awa-Eiseb, Sesfontein, December 19, 2001. 51. Interview with Samuel Ganuseb (born in 1920), Sesfontein, December 18, 2001. 52. Interview with Fanuel //Hawaxab, Sesfontein, December 28, 2001. 53. Interview with Emilly Kazombaruru Kavari, Kaoko Otavi, January 9, 2002. 54. Interview with August Kasaona, Sesfontein, January 26, 2002. Tobias Kaisuma con- ﬁrmed it was possible that stock were smuggled across the Red Line (Interview with Tobias Kaisuma, Warmquelle, December 24, 2001.) 55. Interview with J. Tjihoto, Onjette/Kaoko Otavi; May 6, 2002; Interview with Uetjiprengte Hiatjivi, Onjette/Kaoko Otavi, May 7, 2002. According to J. U. Kavari of the University of Namibia (as explained to Martha Akawa) the meaning of “tua” is “strange,” and people in Kaoko used to call the Police Zone “okutua,” meaning a strange place they did not know. The term “ovatua” is generally used to refer to “strangers.” In our interviews and talks in Kaoko, during which we spoke English, and which were interpreted into Otjiherero and Khoekhoegowab (Nama/Damara), the interviewees often expressed some disdain for people living beyond the Red Line. People who lived on the other side of the Red Line were per- ceived as “slaves” and “servants” under foreign rule, whereas the interview partners 294 ● Notes

described themselves as poor, but living in freedom, or under the rule of one’s own leaders. 56. See Monthly Reports by the Game Warden, who was also Post Commander of the SWA Police, and esp. SWA Police, Namutoni, to Native Commissioner, Ondangua, December 18, 1931 (NAN-NAO-38–33/1 v1). 57. See Chapter 5.4. 58. Because the colony’s economy was affected by the Great Depression, the number of contract laborers from northern Namibia dipped dramatically in the early-1930s. (See Chapter 4.5.) 59. Files “Murder of Sergeant Boucher” (NAN-SWAA-2066-A454/107); and “Rex versus Luishi Demona: Murder” (NAN-SCW-1/1/59–48/1931). 60. The Magistrate Grootfontein reported that 140 laborers had left their work at OMEG (Otavi Mine and Railway Company) in Tsumeb on June 6. Magis- trate Grootfontein to Secretary, Windhoek, June 8, 1931 (NAN-SWAA-2066- A454/107). 61. In the colonial records, the men were called “Ovambuella.” See files “Murder of Sergeant Boucher” (NAN-SWAA-2066-A454/107). 62. For Boucher the motorized pursuit was also a leisure drive, because he also took his wife and three children along. See statement Maria Sophia Boucher before Magistrate Grootfontein, no date (NAN-SWAA-2066-A454/107). 63. The police officer argued that he had acted appropriately, and there was no other witness to the incident. Statement Constable SWA Police Almero Swanepoel before Magistrate Grootfontein, June 10, 1931 (NAN-SWAA-2066-A454/107). 64. Files “Murder of Sergeant Boucher” (NAN-SWAA-2066-A454/107). 65. The death sentence was later commuted to a life sentence under hard labor. On the trial, see “Rex versus Luishi Demona: Murder” (NAN-SCW-1/1/59–48/1931). 66. Boucher, who must have been a strong man, grabbed one fugitive with each hand and pulled them to the car, where his wife and children were witnessing the pursuit. Boucher obviously did not anticipate armed resistance, and the knife attack took him by surprise. He paid for his arrogant sense of superiority with his life. See statement Luishi Kashianga before Magistrate Grootfontein, June 12, 1931 (NAN- SWAA-2066-A454/107). 67. As mentioned above, people were killed in ambushes by “Bushmen,” and people died as a result of exhaustion. For example, in early 1932, the officials in Kavango reported that two people died of exhaustion and illness while on the route from Tsintsabis to the north (See Officer-in-Charge Native Affairs, Kuring Kuru, to Sec- retary, Windhoek, January 10, 1932. NAN-SWAA-2449-A521/54 v2). There are also accounts of people being attacked and killed by wild animals. The former head game warden of the Etosha reserve, Bernabé de la Bat, recounts an incident in which three people crossing the game reserve were killed and eaten by a lion at the water place Okondeka close to Okaukuejo; in de la Bat’s description, “On a number of occasions the remains of people who tried to walk through the park were found” (Bernabé J.G. de la Bat, “Etosha 75 Years,” South West Africa Annual 1982, 16). 68. An agent of the mining industry supplied the returning mine workers with food for their journey in Tsumeb. He tried to organize motorized transport only for people who were seriously ill or injured as a result of a work accident. There was no such support for returning farm workers. See Officer-in-Charge, Native Affairs Tsumeb to Native Commissioner, Windhoek, November 9, 1927 (NAN-SWAA- 2449-A521/54 v2). Notes ● 295

69. The importance of purchasing goods, especially clothes, in the Police Zone was also stressed by Martin Theophilus Angula. (Interview, Ondangua, April 18, 2002.) Thanks to a complaint about a lost suitcase, I found a list in the colonial archives that provided an idea of what might have been contained in the luggage of a returning worker in the early-1930s. The lost suitcase contained: “7 shirts, 1 blue suit, 1 grey flannel suit, 1 pair khaki shorts, 1 blanket, 2 sheets, 1 pair boots, 1 pair shoes, 9 lappies (loincloth), 2 pair scissors, 8 pairs socks, 2 pkts. needles.” See Native Commissioner Ovamboland, to Secretary, Windhoek, December 1, 1933 (NAN-NAO-8-2/5). 70. See also the section “Of Donkeys, Horses, and Other Livestock” in Chapter 4.5. 71. The colonial administration granted a concession to transport the luggage of contract workers to Andoni to Carl Hartmann, owner of the farm Nagusib, located south of Namutoni, in 1924. The chamber of mines provided him a loan to purchase two teams of donkeys and wagons. Hartmann had previously used ox-wagons to transport luggage to Nagusib. See Lüderitzbuch Chamber of Mines to Inspector of Mines, Windhoek, December 12, 1923; and Secretary, Swakopmund, to Lüteritzbucht Chamber of Mines, January 2, 1924 (NAN-SWAA- 2449-A521/54 v1). 72. Such a concession was necessary, because entering the game reserve and especially crossing the Police Zone boundary required a permit. 73. The mining companies were not required to organize the return of contract workers to the north until 1931. Before that, they were only responsible for transport as far as Tsumeb. (See also Chapter 4.5.) 74. For a copy of the contract between the Northern Labor Organization (NLO), the Lüderitz Chamber of Mines, and Hermann Tietz, see files “Native Affairs— Transport—Returning Labourers etc. 1929–1944” (NAN-NAO-8-2/5). According to the contract, workers qualified as “A” or “B” had to pay a fare of 5 shilling for the southwards journey, whereas workers qualified “C” were not charged. The fare was deducted from the first salary. For the return journey, the fare was charged from the returning workers directly; it was the same for everyone regardless of category, with the maximum fare of 35 shilling, including 75 kilograms free luggage. Tietz was required to carry out the transports on a regular basis, without interruptions. 75. See interview Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002. 76. Otto Tietz, who was born in 1928, worked as a driver for his father Hermann Tietz. Otto remembered that 20–30 people were generally loaded on trucks heading north, whereas trucks heading south carried as many people as possible. (Interview with Otto Tietz, farm Mannheim (Tsumeb), April 25, 2002.) 77. See Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, to Native Commissioner, Ovamboland, October 22, 1930; and to Native Commissioner, Grootfontein, October 30, 1935 (NAN-NAO-8-2/5). 78. Interview with Martin Theophilus Angula (Ondangua, April 19, 2002) and Angula Elago (Omuthiya, April 20, 2002.) The trucks were also called “Omakambamba,” which can be translated as “packed like in a basket” (“Oshimbamba” = “basket). (Telephone conversation with Angula Nakapipi, October 21, 2008, translated by Martha Akawa.) 79. Hermann Tietz, Tsumeb, to Lüderitzbuch Chambers of Mines, February 2, 1932 [copy] (NAN-NAO-8-2/5). 80. See SWA Police, Namutoni, to SWA Police, Tsumeb, May 10, 1938; Native Com- missioner Ovamboland to SWA Police, Namutoni, June 8, 1938, and July 11, 1938 296 ● Notes

(NAN-NAO-39-33/1 v3). See also interview with Otto Tietz, farm Mannheim (Tsumeb), April 25, 2002. 81. Interview with Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002. 82. Schedule and tariff list of South African Railways and Harbors for the Road Motor Services Tsumbe-Namutoni-Ondangua-Oshikango (Angola) of July 3, 1939 (NAN-NAO-14-7/11); interview with Otto Tietz, farm Mannheim (Tsumeb), April 25, 2002. The busses operated once a week in 1939, and three times a week in 1945. (See statistics on contract laborers transported between Ondangua and Grootfontein, July 25 to August 26, 1944; NAN-NAO-14-7/11.) After 1942, busses no longer departed from Tsumeb, but instead departed from Grootfontein where the labor recruitment organization camp was also located. (South African Railways and Harbors, Windhoek, to Native Commissioner Ovamboland, Febru- ary 20, 1942; NAN-NAO-14-7/11.) 83. See, for example, Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Cope, January 20, 1939 (NAN-NAO-14-7/11). 84. Schedule of South African Railways and Harbors for the Road Motor Services Tsumbe-Namutoni-Ondangua-Oshikango (Angola) of July 3, 1939 (NAN-NAO- 14-7/11). 85. See Native Commissioner Ovamboland “Monthly Report: March and April 1939,” May 4, 1939 (NAN-SWAA-A521/54 v2) and interview with Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002. The price per trip varied between 12 shilling 6 pence and 15 shilling; the amount of free luggage was considerably reduced, and extra luggage was charged up to two pounds (See statement Shipena in “Extract from minutes of the meeting of the Windhoek Location Advisory Board held on 30.1.1945”; NAN-NAO-14-7/11). 86. Interview with Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002. See also Chapter 4.5. 87. See also Officer in Charge, Native Affairs Tsumeb, to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, August 20, 1940 (NAN-NAO-14-7/11). 88. Interview with Martin Theophilus Angula, Ondangua, April 19, 2002; Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002; Andimba Toivo Ya Toivo, Windhoek, April 3, 2002. 89. See, for example, statement Shipena in “Extract from minutes of the meeting of the Windhoek Location Advisory Board held on 30.1.1945”; and Native Com- missioner Ovamboland to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, May 17, 1941 (NAN-NAO-14-7/11). 90. Statement Shipena in “Extract from minutes of the meeting of the Windhoek Location Advisory Board held on 30.1.1945” (NAN-NAO-14-7/11). 91. The files contain specific complaints, such as in: Statement before Native Com- missioner Ovamboland, Ondanuga by Shehepo Shihelongo (September 28, 1943), Karimbo Amgethe (September 28, 1943), Ushona Amathira (November 9, 1943), Shea Shamale (November 11, 1943), Kakamba Matati (January 31, 1944), Ipinge Shikomba (January 31, 1944) (all NAN-NAO-8-2/5), and statement Lazarus Ninane Kasino before Native Commissioner Ovamboland, Ondangua, March 2, 1946 (NAN-NAO-14-7/11). Also, some complaints were lodged via the Native Commissioner. See, for example, Officer in Charge Native Affairs Tsumeb to South African Railways and Harbors, Tsumeb, July 29, 1940; Officer in Charge Native Affairs Tsumeb to Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, October 1, 1940 (all NAN-NAO-14-7/11); and Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Secretary, Windhoek, September 28, 1943 (NAN-NAO-8-2/5). Notes ● 297

92. See Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Secretary, September 28, 1943 (NAN- NAO-8-2/5). Criticism was also offered by the Council of Women of South West Africa; see correspondence to Secretary for South West Africa, February 28, 1945 (NAN-NAO-14-7/11). 93. System Manager South African Railways and Harbors, Windhoek, to Station Man- ager, Grootfontein, December 8, 1943 (NAN-NAO-8-2/5). See also Chief Native Commissioner, Windhoek, to Native Commissioner Ovamboland, June 25, 1945 (NAN-NAO-14-7/11). 94. The Native Commissioner Ovamboland had argued for a longer break of the bus journey since the late-1930s. (See, e.g., Native Commissioner Ovamboland to Mr. Roelofse, August 24, 1939; NAN-NAO-14-7/11.) The decision to provide African travelers with a simple rest stop was made in 1943. The rest stop consisted of a shelter and latrines. (Secretary to Deputy Commissioner SA Police, no date [1943]; NAN-SWAA-941-A82/50.) 95. In 1947, the Native Commissioner Ovamboland demanded a fence be built at the border at Namutoni. He also demanded the installation of a turnpike to prevent passengers from passing through the border without controlsand to catch “deserters” who might otherwise remain undetected (Quarterly Report, January to March 1947, Native Commissioner Ovamboland, March 31, 1947; NAN-NAO- 60-12/1). It appears that moving the foot-and-mouth disease checkpoint from Osohama to Namutoni finally led to tighter border controls. (Quarterly Report, April to September 1947, Native Commissioner Ovamboland, November 14, 1947; NAN-NAO-60-12/1.) 96. See Chapter 1.2. 97. See Chapter 1.4. 98. See Chapter 2.2. 99. See Chapter 2.5. 100. See Chapter 3.1. 101. See Chapter 3.4. 102. See Chapter 4.5. 103. See Chapter 5.4. 104. Game Warden Namutoni to Secretary, May 5, 1927 (NAN-SWAA-941-A82/50). 105. See, for example, Station Commander SWA Police, Namutoni, to Native Com- missioner Ondangua, February 28, 1938; and June 14, 1938 (NAN-SWAA-941- A82/50). 106. See D. W. Krynauw, Namutoni. Die Verhaal van Namutoni; Die Geschichte von Namutoni; The Story of Namutoni (Windhoek: John Meinert, 1962). The publication was the first in the series “Publications by the Monuments Commission of South West Africa.” The page numbers for the following quotes refer to the German edition. 107. Based on descriptions and photographs, the South African Monuments Commis- sion classified Namutoni in 1938 as worthy of preservation simply because it was a “picturesque link with the past” and a “historic landmark.” (Secretary, Monument Commission South Africa, Johannesburg, to Secretary for SWA, June 21, 1938; and October 25, 1938; NAN-SWAA-941-A82/50.) 108. Krynauw, Namutoni, 43. 109. “Aus dem Munde von Carl Hartmann hörten wir 1946 kurz vor seinem Tode die Geschichte des Kampfes um Namutoni” (Krynauw, Namutoni, 15). The Mon- uments Commission was obviously not aware of the detailed account based 298 ● Notes

on oral information provided by German soldiers, including Carl Hartmann, to Paul Rohrbach, and published in 1909 (Paul Rohrbach, Aus Südwest-Afrikas schweren Tagen. Blätter von Arbeit und Abschied (Berlin: Wilhelm Weicher, 1909), 98–103). 110. The earlier account set the number of attackers at 500 (Krynauw, Namutoni, figure inside cover), whereas Hartmann spoke of over 1,000 (ibid., 17.) Rohrbach also cites 500 attackers (Rohrbach, Aus Südwest-Afrikas schweren Ta g e n , 99). 111. Rohrbach mentions that the Germans, viewing from a distance, counted between 70 and 80 dead and severely wounded mended men (ibid., 102). 112. Krynauw, Namutoni, 41. 113. See for the photograph by Nietzsche-Reiter Krynauw, Namutoni, 32, and for the English text of the three-lingual (Afrikaans, German, English) inscription ibid., 75. With regard to Namutoni serving as a border fortification the German version is even more explicit (“zur Überwachung der Nordgrenze”) (ibid, 55.). 114. Zedekia Ngavirue, Political Parties and Interest Groups in South West Africa (Namibia): A Study of a Plural Society (1972) (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 1997), 123. 115. Ibid. 116. Peter Katjavivi, the historian and prominent SWAPO representative, did not discuss Nehale as one of the early heroes of the liberation movement. See Peter Katjavivi, History of Resistance in Namibia (London/Addis Ababa/Paris: James Curry/OAU Inter-African Cultural Fund/Unesco Press, 1988). Katjavivi mentions Nehale’s readiness to receive refugees from central Namibia (ibid., 9). During the years of the liberation struggle, chasing away a few German soldiers and destroying a small fort were not enough to attain the status of an icon of Namibian nationalism. As a result, Nehale was not accorded a prominent role in SWAPO accounts, and he received little mention in the publications produced by SWAPO in exile. See on that Giorgio Miescher, Registratur AA.3 Guide to the SWAPO Collection of the Basler Afrika Bibliographien (Enlarged and Revised Edition) (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2006). 117. “Like Witbooi of the Namas, Maharero of the Hereros, Mandume, the powerful king of Uukwanyama (1911–1917) symbolized Ovambo resistance to colonial hegemony” (The Combatant, May 1985, 14). 118. The inscription reads: “This plate is to commemorate the 68 Ovambo warriors who died during the battle at Namutoni Fort on 28 January 1904. A further 40 warriors went missing, never returned home and are presumed to have died somewhere else. 20 warriors were wounded during the battle but returned safely home. This plaque was unveiled by His Excellency Dr. Sam Nujoma President of Namibia on 28 January 1996.” The figures given are based on the contemporary figures by the Finish missionary Rautanen and are published in N. Mossolow, Die Geschichte von Namutoni—Die Verhaal van Namutoni—The History of Namutoni (Windhoek: Eigenverlag, 1977 [2nd edition]), 10, 21, 33. 119. Hans Haneb and Jan Tsumeb showed us the place where the mass grave is supposedly located on April 12, 2002. In another conversation two days earlier, we were told that a mass grave is located under the restaurant at Namutoni (Inter- view with Hans Haneb and Katison Khomob, William Gasaway Memorial Research Camp, Okaukuejo, April 10, 2002). It is uncertain whether one of the locations is mistaken, or whether two mass graves exist. 120. The gate was opened in 2003. Notes ● 299

121. Frieda-Nela Williams, Precolonial Communities of Southwestern Africa. A History of Owambo Kingdoms 1600–1920 (Windhoek: National Archives of Namibia, 1991), 148–50; and Martti Eirola, The Ovambogefahr. The Ovamboland Reservation in the Making. Political Responses of the Kingdom of Ondonga to the German Colo- nial Power 1884–1910 (Rovaniemi: Societas Historicae Finlandiae Septentrionalis, 1992), 166–69. 122. Williams and Eirola question the ﬁgures based on Rautanen, which are also provided on the memorial plate. However, the two authors came to different con- clusions. Williams (Precolonial Communities, 150) writes of “12 counselors and a number of soldiers no-one counted,” whereas Eirola (The Ovambogefahr, 168) states that “the most reliable primary sources available say that Chief Nehale lost 5–6 counselors and at least 50 men.” 123. “In February 1904 it was said that he [Nehale] sent troops against the San people living between Ondonga and Hereroland, whom he considered to be acting as spies for the Germans, and in the same month he was rumored to have made an attack as far away as Grootfontein” (Eirola, Ovambogefahr, 169). 124. Shilongo Ukule, whose grandfather fought at Namutoni and later died of his injuries, refers to the relevance of magic in the outcome of the battle. (Interview with Shilongo Ukule, Onyaanya, April 17, 2002.) 125. Interview with Ephraim Angula, Olukonda, April 16, 2002. 126. This is claimed, in any case, by Ephraim Angula. (Interview with Ephraim Angula, Olukonda, April 16, 2002.) 127. See, for example, the poster “Know Your Regions,” issued in great numbers by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting und der Electoral Commission, Windhoek, in 1998 (BAB poster collection X 627). 128. Ute Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om in the Etosha Region. A History of Colonial Settlement, Ethnicity and Nature Conservation (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2007), 295ff. 129. Ibid., 297. 130. Ibid., 325. 131. This happened when activists blocked the park’s entrance gate south of Okaukuejo in order to reclaim “Hai¦¦om ancestral land.” The government ordered a large-scale police intervention, which elicited wide media attention (ibid., 320–23). 132. Interview with Hans Haneb and Katison Khomob, William Gasaway Memorial Research Camp, Okaukuejo, April 10, 2002. 133. A few isolated references exist. Rohrbach (Aus Südwest-Afrikas schweren Tagen, 101, 102) twice makes incidental mention of Africans who were part of the garrison. Shilongo Ukule also mentions there were Herero and San, but says they ran away rather than support the attackers from Owambo (Interview with Shilongo Ukule, Onyaanya, April 17, 2002.) 134. See Dieckmann, Hai¦¦om, 319. 135. I am grateful to the Ministry of Environment and Tourism and especially to former Deputy Director U. Boois for providing us free access to all the roads and locales in the park. 136. Hans Haneb may have been motivated by a desire to help his much younger companion, Jan Tsumeb,who was part of our group, to remember the location later. 137. According to Hans Haneb, the latter were not resettled into the Police Zone but rather were moved to the north. Sources and Bibliography

Archival Sources 1.1 National Archives of Namibia (NAN) Accessions (A) A. 232 William Chapman A. 450 C. H. L. Hahn A. 560 Franke Diaries A. 591 Van Warmelo

Secretary of the Protectorate (ADM) ADM-18-63/12: Export of Cattle from Ovamboland, 1915 ADM-32-277/8: Stock Diseases. Scab General. Regulations, 1916–1922 ADM-60-993/6: Stock Diseases. General (Lung Sickness), 1916–1921 ADM-60-993/7: Lungsickness General. Ovamboland, 1916–1920 ADM-57-958/4: Ovamboland-Administration-General. Entry of Germans for purpose of illicit trading in stock + arms + ammunitions, 1916–1922 ADM-57-958/5: Ovamboland General. Gun running in Ovamboland, 1915–1918 ADM-81-1900/6: Proposed new form of civil administrations. 1920. Vet. Department ADM-106-3370: Annual report of the Administrator for the year 1916 ADM-106-3370/2: Annual report of the Administrator for the year 1917 ADM-106-3376/3: Annual report of the Administrator for the the year 1918 ADM-116-3823/7: Ovambo Labour General.—Proposed alteration of main route ..., 1918 ADM-116-3823/8: Ovambo—Murder, 1918/1919 ADM-128-5503/1: Etosha Game Reserve: Reports 1920–1925 ADM-136-6635: Inspection of Etosha Pan and Gov. Buildings at Okaukuejo, 1920

South West Africa Administration: Director of Agriculture (AGR) AGR-188-41/4: Movements of Stock and products. To and from areas beyond the Police Zone (1939–1948) AGR-189-41/4: Movements of Stock and products. To and from area beyond the Police Zone (1948–1957) AGR-190-41/4: Movements of Stock and products. To and from area beyond the Police Zone (1958–1960) AGR-192-41/4: Movements of Stock and products. To and from area beyond the Police Zone (1963–1964) 302 ● Sources and Bibliography

South West Africa Administration: Agriculture and Veterinary Services (AGV) AGV-90-V1/1 v1: Movement within SWA of cattle, horses, mules, donkeys, 1920–1922 AGV-90-V1/1 v2-v3: Cattle, Movements within SWA, 1921–1928 AGV-90-V1/1 v4: Cattle, equines. Moving within SWA, including O’land, 1928–1931 AGV-90-V1/1 v5: Cattle. Moving within SWA, including O’land, 1931–1935 AGV-91-V1/3 v1: Veterinary. Cattle. Movements to and for across border (and Permits for), 1920–1926 AGV-108-V2/70 v1: Veterinary Diseases Lungsickness General, 1921–1931 AGV-108-V2/70 v2: Lungsickness and Pleuro Pneumonia, 1930–1935 AGV-136-V10/1: Veterinary. Reports, 1921–1929 AGV-140-V10/5 v1: Veterinary. Reports. Monthly and Annual AGV-173-V5: Movements of Stock and Produce within SWA. General; closed 1939 AGV-173-V5/1: Movements of Stock and Produce to Area beyond Police Zone, 1936– 1939 AGV-173-V5/2: Movements of Stock and Produce from Area beyond Police Zone, 1935– 1939 AGV-173-V8/1: Veterinary. Tattoing of Stock, 1936 AGV-174-V.S. 1/2: Sheep Department. Staff. Administration Regs. & Instructions to Staff, 1922. AGV-174-V.S. 1/3: Sheep Department. Staff. Patrol Areas, 1922–1923. AGV-174-V.S. 1/4: Sheep Department. Staff. Establishment Police Posts, 1922–1924. AGV-174-V.S. 1/7. Sheep Department. Staff. Native Reserve Superindents, 1923–1925. AGV-206: Veterinary. Annual Reports.

Kaiserliches Bezirksamt Grootfontein (BGR) BGR-3-G.9.C.: Grundeigentum des Fiskus. Landreserven. BGR-3-G.9.G.: Forschung im Kaukaufeld. BGR-3-L.2.D: Polizeistation Kayas.

Kaiserliches Bezirksamt Outjo (BOU) BOU-1—B10Q: Landverkäufe Kaokofeld, 1897–1913 BOU-8-I 8: Inventarien und Materialen Zessfontein, 1910–1913 BOU-8-OIII vl 1: Ovamboreservat Otjeru

Estates (EST) EST-220-5827/48: Estates J. W. F. Breyer

Commissions of Enquiry and Committees (K) KGR-1-UA 09: General Rehabilitation Enquiry Commission, 1945–1947 KGR 3: Report Land Settlement Commission. South West Africa, 1935

South West Africa Administration: Lands Branch (LAN) LAN-25-32 v1: SWA-Lands. Fencing Law—SW Protectorate. General File, 1922–1923 LAN-25-35: Native Reserves—Commission of Inquiry into, 1921–1925 LAN-406-916: Otjeru, No. 139, Outjo, (1918, 1938–1945) LAN-1675-5777: Kommissie van ondersoek insake die rooilyn, 1959–1960 LAN-1680-5887: Rooilyn: Verskuiwing van, 1961–1964 Sources and Bibliography ● 303

Magistrate Outjo (LOU) LOU-3/1/1-[3/10/20]: Magistrate Outjo. Kaokoveld Affairs LOU-3/1/1-2/2/20: Native Affairs Dept. Subject Complaints, 1923–1925 LOU-3/1/2-2/1/6 v 2: Franzfontein Native Reserve. Monthly Reports LOU-3/1/2-2/9/1: Kaokoveld. Precendents. 1926. LOU-3/1/10-15/1/2/111: Farm Geduld (119) LOU-3/1/11-15/1/2/145: Farm Iris (145) LOU 3/3/1-N1/9/2 (7): [Single document]

Native Commissioner Ovamboland (NAO) NAO-8-2/5: Native Affairs. Transport—Returning Labourers, etc., 1929–1944 NAO-14-7/11: Native Affairs. Railway Transport. R.M.S., etc., 1939- NAO-18-11/1: Native Administration Ovamboland; Reports, 1924–1930 NAO-19-11/1: NAO Annual Report, 1932–1936 NAO-20-11/1: NAO Annual Report, 1937–1942 NAO-21-11/1: NAO Annual Report, 1943–1946 NAO-21-12/1/2: Suspected Persons—Conﬁdential NAO-29-24/1/3: Southern Kaokoveld Affairs, 1926–1934 NAO-38-33/1: Game Reserve Namutoni, 1928–1932 NAO-39-33/1: Game Reserve Namutoni, 1932–1939 NAO-45-44/1: Native Affairs Ovamboland. Dagga, 1936–1942 NAO-58-9/3: Veterinary. Stock Diseases. Foot & Mouth, 1947–1953 NAO-60-9/27: Veterinary Police Cordon, Angola Border, 1950 NAO-60-12/1: NAO Reports (monthly/quarterly), 5 March 1947–9 February 1953 NAO-61-12/2: NAO Annual Reports, 1947–1949 (1952) NAO-61-12/3: Reports Kaokoveld, 1946–1955 NAO-67-24/2: Quarterly Reports, Namutoni & Okaukuejo, 1946–1952 NAO-103-58/1: Surveys Ovamboland. Maps, 1948–1954

Resident Commissioner Ovamboland (RCO) RCO- 1/1916/15: Hans Bull Brodtkorb RCO-3-2/1916/1: Rifles confiscated from Ovambos on their way to Okaukujo RCO-3-2/1916/2: Confiscating of firearms belonging to Ovadonga Natives—Shooting of game on Southern Boundary of Etosha Pan RCO-6-4/1920/31: European wanted for illegal entry into Ovamboland, stock theft RCO 6-4/1923/38: Game Warden Namutoni RCO-8-1918-4: “Alleged Destruction of Game in neighbourhood of Namutoni by Hans Bull Brodtkorb” statements, etc.; 1917/18

Supreme Court Windhoek (SCW) SCW-1/1/59-48/1931: Rex versus Luishi Demona: Murder

SWA Administration: Secretariat (SWAA) SWAA-21-A3/61: SWA Police, Police Zone Boundary, 1924–1959 SWAA-252-A23/23: History of Land Survey in South West Africa SWAA-941-A82/47: Police Post Kamanjab, 1918–1956 SWAA-941-A.82/48: Police Station Okaukuejo ,1916–1961 SWAA-941-A.82/50: Police Station Namutoni, 1924–1960 304 ● Sources and Bibliography

SWAA-304-A34/16: Agricultural Demonstration Train, 1926–1934 SWAA-304-A34/22: Pan-African Agricultural & Veterinary Conference, 1929 SWAA-304-A34/22: Meetings of S. A. Veterinary Medical Association, 1928–1956 SWAA-404-A50/6 v2: Native Squatters (clearing of boundary line between SWA and B. B), 1938–1957 SWAA-411-A50/25: Native Affairs. Bushmen Depredations, Gobabis, 1922–1937 SWAA-433-A50/67: Native Affairs. Bushmen, 1926–1947 SWAA-434-A50/67: Native Affairs. Bushmen, 1948–1950 SWAA-434-A50/67: Native Affairs. Bushmen and Strandloopers, 1950–1953 SWAA-435-A50/67: Native Affairs. Bushmen and Strandloopers, 1954–1955 SWAA-435-A50/67/2: Native Affairs. Bushmen. Dineib Bushmen-Removal to Okavango, 1938–1947 SWAA-1121-A158/4: Native Affairs.Native Reserves Commission, 1920–1921 SWAA 1168 A158/40 v1: Native Reserves. Outjo SWAA-1425-A216/6/23: Rhenish Mission, Site at Namutoni, Grootfontein, 1934–1946 SWAA-1625-A314/2/1: Dagga (Poison). Export and Import of, 1925–1940 SWAA-2161-A470/2: Stock Diseases. Lungsickness, 1925–1957 SWAA-2169-A470/19: Foot and Mouth Disease, 1931–1934 SWAA-2170-A470/19: Foot and Mouth Disease, 1934–1953 SWAA-2171-A470/19: Foot and Mouth Disease, 1956–1960 SWAA-2171-A470/19/2: Foot and Mouth Disease—Relief, 1935–1937 SWAA-2173-A470/27: Lungsickness Kaokoveld, 1936–1953 SWAA-2238-A502/8: Stock Permits. Movements within SWA, 1921–1925 SWAA-2333-A511/1: Game Reserve General, 1918–1920; 1925–1932 SWAA-2334-A511/1: Game Reserve General, 1937–1955 SWAA-2335-A511/1: Game Reserve General, 1954–1959 SWAA-2337-A511/6: Game Reserve. Boundaries, 1928–1959 SWAA-2342-A511/16: Game Reserves. Grass Fires and Fire Belts, 1954–1958. SWAA-2342-A511/19: Game Reseves. Concessions and Prospecting, 1956–1957 SWAA-2342-A511/20: Game Reserves. Board of Control, 1954–1958 SWAA-2449-A521/54 v1: Native Labour. Repatriation of time-expired Ovambos, 1917– 1924 SWAA-2449-A521/54 v2: Native Labour. Transport of Recruited Natives. Repatriation of time-expired and other Ovambos, 1927–1941 SWAA-2066-A454/107: Murder of Sergant Boucher. Inquest.

Zentralbureau des Kaiserlichen Gouvernements (ZBU) ZBU-94-A III d. 8 b v3: Tagungen des Landrates 1911, Verhandlungen (gedruckte Protokolle) ZBU-146-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1891/95 ZBU-147-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1896/97; 1896/98 ZBU-148-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1899/1900 ZBU-149-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 19001/1902 ZBU-150-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1902/1903 ZBU-151-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1903/04 ZBU-152-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1904/05 ZBU-153-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1905/1906 ZBU-154-A VI a 3: Jahresbericht, 1906/07 ZBU-155-A VI a 3: Jahresbericht, 1907/08 Sources and Bibliography ● 305

ZBU-156-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1908/1909 ZBU-157-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1909/10 ZBU-158-A VI a 3: Jahresberichte, 1910/11 ZBU-160-A VI a 4: Jahresberichte, 1911/12; 1912/13; 1913/14 ZBU-1058-L IIa2: Beispiele für Ablehnung von Landkaufgesuchen im Okavango, 1909 ZBU-1010-J XIII b4 v4: Einige Reiseberichte in Richtung Okavango, Caprivi ZBU-1010-J XIII b4 v4: Berichte von Distriktchef Zawada, Namutoni, alle September 1909 ZBU-1011-J XIII b5 v2: Stellungsnahme gegen Ausdehnung der Besiedlung Richtung Okavango ZBU-1011-J XIII b5 v2: “Bericht über eine Reise zur Erkundung des Kaokofeldes” an das Gouvernement, Windhoek, von Bezirksamtmann Schultz, Outjo, 8.11.1912; ZBU-[...]-L II A 5: Besiedlungssachen; Polizeizone, Polizeischutz ZBU-[...]-M II C 1: Wildreservate. Generalia ZBU-[...]-M II C 2: Wildreservate. Specialia ZBU-1286-O I a 3: Tierseuchenkonferenzen, 1903–1909; 1909– ZBU-1286-O I a 4: Veterinärwesen, Verteilung von Merkblättern ZBU-1286-O I a 5: Tierheilwesen. Reisebericht des Dr. Knuth über seine Studienreise nach England, Frankreich und Afrika ZBU-1288-O I.c.1: Tierheilwesen: Allgemeines und Gesetzgebung. Errichtung von Grenzzäunen zum Seuchenschutz, Generalia 1911 ZBU-1295-O I i: Tierheilwesen. Allgemeines und Gesetzgebung. Grenzsperre gegen das Amboland und Portugiesisch Angola. Specialia ZBU-1301-O II b 5: Quarantänestation bei Okaukwejo ZBU-1310-O III b 1: Bekämpfung der Seuchen und Krankheiten der Rinder. “Ostküstenﬁeber,” generalia [1908–1912] ZBU-1310-O III b 2: Bekämpfung der Seuchen und Krankheiten der Rinder. “Ostküstenﬁeber,” specialia [1911–1913] ZBU-O III d 2 v5: Lungenseuche. Specialia ZBU-2385-V III 5: Rinderpest Specialia [1896–1897] ZBU-2037-W II K 1: Angelegenheit des Ovambolandes generalia, 1898–1913 ZBU-2039-W II K 5: Begrenzung des Ambolandes, 1903 ZBU-2039-W II K 5: Sperre des Ambolandes “specialia,” Nov. 1907–Juli 1914 ZBU 2039-W- II K 6: Ovamboansiedlung in Otjeru, 1906–1912

Map Collection

1.2 Rhenish Mission Windhoek Rhenish Mission Archives Windhoek, Box VII 27.13 und 27.14 Quartalsberichte Outjo

1.3 Basler Afrika Bibliographien, Switzerland Manuscript archives (Personenarchiv) PA. 1 Fritz Gaerdes PA. 6 Schlettwein PA. 49 von Frankenberg u. Proschlitz PA. 50 Albrecht Arnhold 306 ● Sources and Bibliography

Map collection Basler Afrika Bibliographien Poster collection Basler Afrika Bibliographien

Oral Sources Interviews Nearly all interviews were conducted together with Lorena Rizzo. For all interviews translated into English, the name of the interpreter present at the interview is mentioned. When applicable, the name of the translator who subsequently translated the interview transcript in Windhoek is also listed. Only the interviews directly cited in the text are listed from among the interviews conducted in Kaoko in 2001 and 2002 and in Fransfontein in 2004.

Ephraim Angula, Olukonda, April 16, 2002—Interpreter Michael N. Nasheya; Translator Theresa Aukelo Andowa Martin Theophilus Angula, Ondangua, April 18, 2002; April 19, 2002—Interpreter Michael N. Nasheya; Transcribed and translated by Theresa Aukelo Andowa Abraham /Awa-Eiseb, Sesfontein, December 19, 2001—Interpreters Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua; Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Carolina Awises, Sesfontein, September 24, 2001—Interpreters Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua; Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Angula Elago, Omuthiya, April 20, 2002—Interpreter Michael N. Nasheya; Transcribed and translated by Theresa Aukelo Andowa Helena Ganuses, Sesfontein, September 15, 2002—Interpreters Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua; Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Samuel Ganuseb, Sesfontein, December 18, 2001—Interpreters Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua: Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Eveline /Gawusas, Sesfontein, September 26, 2001—Interpreters Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua: Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Hans Haneb and Katison Khomob, William Gasaway Memorial Research Camp, Okaukuejo, April 10, 2002—Interpreter Ute Dieckmann; Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Hans Haneb and Jan Tsumeb, Namutoni, April 13, 2002—Interpreter Juliane Soroses; Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Uetjiprengte Hiatjivi, Onjette/Kaoko Otavi, May 7, 2002—Interpreter Salatiel Muharukua; Transcribed and translated by Syliva Katjepunda Fanuel //Hawaxab, Sesfontein, December 28, 2001—Interpreters Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua: Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Locia Hoës, Sesfontein, September 19, 2001—Interpreters Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua: Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Herman Ihuhua, Pietrusfontein (Fransfontein), March 9, 2004—Interpreters Pandeni Ihuhua; Transcribed and translated by Cheryl Mate Rudolf Martin Kadhikwa, Bravo, April 25, 2002 Kambonde, Omuthiya, April 21, 2002—Interpreter Michael N. Nasheya; Transcribed and translated by Theresa Aukelo Andowa Tobias Kaisuma, Warmquelle, December 24, 2001—Interpreter Lucretia Kapetua; Tran- scribed and translated by Syliva Katjepunda August Kasaona, Otjindagwe (Sesfontein), December 20, 2001; January 26, 2002— Interpreters F. Kasaona, Joshua Tourob; Transcribed and translated by Sylvia Katjepunda Sources and Bibliography ● 307

Katison Khomob and Willem Daugab, Okondeka, April 9, 2004—Interpreter Johannes S. Kapner; Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Walter Mbarandongo, farm Mopane (Fransfontein), March 11, 2004—Frist translation by Pandeni Ihuhua and Titus Kaumunika; Transcribed and translated by Cheryl Mate Alfred Nai-Khaib, Sesfontein, December 21, 2001—Interpretes Joshua Tourob and Lucretia Kapetua: Transcribed and translated by Jenny Klaasen Bertha Ihuhua Nerongo, Karetes (Fransfontein), March 9, 2004—Interpreter Pandeni Ihuhua; Transcribed and translated by Cheryl Mate Emilly Kazombaruru Kavari, Kaoko Otavi, January 9, 2002—Interpreter Salatiel Muharukua; Transcribed and translated by Syliva Katjepunda Titus Ngula, Oshitai, April 20, 2002—Interpreter Michael N. Nasheya; Transcribed and translated by Theresa Aukelo Andowa Inge Schlettwein-Kieckebusch, Windhoek, June 17, 2002, Herbert Schneider, Windhoek, September 4,2001, Willhelm Schuster, Onguma, April 14, 2002; April 23, 2002 Elizabeth Shangologa Simon, Omuthyia, April 21, 2002—Interpreter Michael N. Nasheya; Transcribed and translated by Theresa Aukelo Andowa Helmut zur Strassen, Windhoek, March 2002 Otto Friedrich Willhelm Tietz, farm Mannheim (Tsumeb), April 25, 2002 J. Tjihoto, Onjette/Kaoko Otavi, May 6, 2002—Interpreter Salatiel Muharukua; Tran- scribed and translated by Syliva Katjepunda Andimba Toivo Ya Toivo, Windhoek, April 3, 2002 Shilongo Ukule, Onyaanya, April 17, 2002—InterpreterMichael N. Nasheya; Tran- scribed and translated by Theresa Aukelo Andowa J. S. Watt, Swakopmund, February 22, 2002

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Aaus (Vishfontein/Aauns), 23 67, 71, 108, 109, 110, 111, 114, Afghanistan, 9 115, 116, 117, 143, 144, 154, Agricultural Demonstration Train, 87 157, 158, 159, 167, 168, 171, 172, Aha Mountains, 158 202, 203 Aimab, 78 Berlin, 28, 44, 47, 48, 51, 59, 66, 100 Alexeck (farm), 82, 83 Bethanien (Bethanie; Bethany), 89 Aminuis, 67, 108, 109, 110, 112, 114, Bethanis (farm), 78 115 Bethe, Major, 48 Amporo, Lazarus, 125 Bley, Helmut, 44 Amporo, Wilhelm, 123, 124 Blockfontein, 76 Andoni, 129, 156, 184 Bobas (mine), 126 Andreas, Kampanada, 72 Bollig, Michael, 106 Angola, 22, 32, 34, 36, 37, 39, 54, 67, Bordet, Jules, 28 72, 87, 92, 93, 102, 108, 111, 112, Botha, Christo, 147, 148 117, 118, 120, 121, 128, 133, 153, Boucher, Sergant, 187, 188 156, 157, 159, 160, 171, 181, Brandberg, 150, 204 187, 201 Breyer, Johan (game warden), 74, 80, 81 Angula, Martin Theophilus, 183, 184, British East Africa, 51 185, 187, 189, 197 Brodtkorb, Hans Bull, 72, 73 Ariamsvlei, 46 Brownlee, Military Magistrate, 79 Aribib, Kaptein, 34, 38 Bullik (farmer), 83 Atlantic (ocean), 109, 115, 116, 171, Bullik, Anna, 83, 84 172 Bushmanland (homeland), 172 Aukumeb, Izak, 164 Awa-Eiseb, Abraham, 186 Cape Argus, 112 Cape Colony (also: British Cape Colony), Bach, S. von, 169, 172 20, 28, 29, 30, 39, 59, 62 Balkans, 9 Cape Cross, 46, 150 Ballauf, Jakob, 71, 72 Cape Town, 20 Bamm, Edward Johannes, 124, 125 Cape’s Bacteriological Institute Bangkok, 48 (Grahamstown), 28 Basler Afrika Bibliographien 12 Caprivi (also: Caprivi Strip), 23, 55, 116, Baumann, Leena, 13 117, 180 Bay Road, 21, 27, 41 Carruthers, Jane, 53 Bechuanaland (also: British Bechuanaland; Chikongo (African assistant of Ballauf and Bechuanaland Protectorate; Zanitti), 71 Botswana), 20, 22, 26, 33, 60, Coetzee, J. M., 10 322 ● Index

Commission of Enquiry into Stock Etosha National Park (also: Etosha Game Disease Control Measures in Regard Park), 14, 159, 160, 162, 169, 184, to Border Areas in South West Africa, 192, 194, 195, 196, 201, 205 205 Etosha Pan Game Reserve (also: Etosha see also Bach,S.von Game Reserve), 17, 154, 156, 162, Commission of the Preservation of 163, 164, 166, 191, 193, 201, 202, Bushmen, 167 205 Europe, 20, 27, 28, 60, 180 Damaraland (central Namibia), 40 Damaraland (homeland), 172 First, Ruth, 4, 173, 174 Danysz, Jean, 28 Fish River, 46 Demona, Luishi (Kashianga), 188 Frankenberg, Victor von (also: Victor von Dernberg, Bernhard, 56 Frankenberg und Proschlitz), 48, Dieckmann, Ute, 62, 64, 77, 78, 79, 127, 53, 54 163, 164, 165, 195 Franke, Victor, 33 Diesel (farmer), 66 Fransfontein, 14, 22, 25, 33, 35, 36, 38, Diesel, A. (head of veterinary service, 46, 78, 94, 102, 106, 125, 126, 144, Pretoria), 154 152 Dinaib, 122, 126, 127, 128, 134, 195 Drechsler, Horst, 4, 5, 44 Gaerdes, Fritz, 182, 183 Dronfontein (Barnfontein), 46 Gagarus (farm), 204 Game Reserve 1, 52, 54, 55, 143, 144, Eastern Native Reserve, 144, 153 149, 163, 181, 204 Edington, Alexander, 28 Game Reserve 2, 52, 55, 71, 73, 142, 152, Edwards, Native Commissioner, 123, 156, 160, 162, 201, 204, 205 124 Game Reserve 3, 52, 55 Eedes, Harold, 156 Game Reserve 4, 144, 204 Een, Thure Gustav, 37 Gammams, 30 Ehobib (farm), 97 Gammams Bacteriological Research Eirola, Martti, 50, 51, 194 Institute, 58, 86 Eiseb River, 23 Ganuseb, Samuel, 186 Elago, Angula, 189 Garubib (farm), 97 Elim, 71 Gaub, 25 Elisabeth Bay, 46 Gautscha, 167, 168 Emmett, Tony, 5 Geingob, Hage, 4 Epata, 23 Geioms (farm), 78 Epukiro (settlement), 71, 84 Geographical Institute (University of Epukiro Catholic mission station, 83 Basel), 13 Epukiro reserve, 108, 109, 126, 143, 144, German Democratic Republic (GDR), 153, 158, 167, 169, 171, 204 4, 5 Epukiro River (also: Omuramba Epukiro), German East Africa, 51 23, 26, 46, 83 Germany, 5, 53, 56, 58, 59, 70 Eriksson, Axel, 25, 36 Gewald, Jan-Bart, 6, 7, 74, 75, 77, 129 Erongo Mountains, 35 Gibeon, 59, 60 Ethiopia, 4 Gilfoyle, Daniel, 28, 30 Etosha (also: Etosha Pan; Etosha region), Gobabis, 21, 22, 23, 36, 46, 47, 48, 49, 1, 26, 33, 34, 35, 38, 42, 46, 52, 53, 67, 79, 82, 83, 84, 86, 89, 108, 109, 54, 55, 56, 64, 65, 71, 72, 78, 80, 110, 111, 112, 113, 126, 139, 150, 82, 84, 93, 95, 115, 142, 151, 152, 154, 168, 205 159, 160, 161, 163, 164, 191, 195, Gochas, 46 200, 205 Goldblatt, Israel, 4 Index ● 323

Goodall (head of veterinary service, India (British India), 9 Windhoek), 94 Institute of Infectious Diseases (Institut für Gordon, Robert, 35, 39, 62, 64, 76, 77, Infektionskrankheiten)(Berlin),28 79, 82, 146, 167 International Court of Justice, 4, 172 Götzen, Gustav Adolf von, 51 Ipupa (Gordon’s Cataract), 72 Grahamstown (South Africa), 28 Irle, Joseph, 31 Great Depression (also: Depression), 106, 125, 128, 130, 138, 187 Jager, Colonel de, 72 Great Wall (of China), 1, 10 Jenny, Hans, 179, 180 Grootberg, 33, 38, 42, 78, 102, 103, 142, Johannesburg, 4, 5, 162 144, 204 Jordan, Will Worthington, 39 Grootfontein, 22, 25, 34, 36, 38, 39, 48, Joubert, J. (farmer), 92 52, 54, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 75, 76, 77, 79, 85, 86, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, Kabete (Kenya), 116, 117, 120, 121 108, 109, 110, 116, 122, 124, 126, Kais, 46 130, 131, 132, 133, 139, 150, 154, Kaiser, Captain (Hauptmann), 23, 25, 26 167, 168, 182, 183, 188, 204, 205 Kalahari (desert), 23, 36, 108, 126, 157, Gross Aub (farm), 78 167 Guntsas, 23, 71 Kalkfeld, 65, 87 Kamanjab, 14, 78, 94, 101, 102, 103, Hahn, C. H. L. (“Cocky”), 156, 164, 179 104, 132, 134, 140, 151, 152, 178, Hamakari, 43 186, 187, 204 Haneb, Hans, 195, 196, 197 Kambatta (Herero leader), 33 Haneb, Jan, 195, 196 Kambazembi wa Kangombe, 23, 25 Harley, John Brian, 12 Kambonde kaMpingana, 39, 65 Hartmann, Carl, 188, 189, 192, 193 Kambonde kaNamene, 156 Hartmann, Georg, 50 Kaoko (also: Kaokoveld; Kaokofeld), 11, Hasuur, 44, 46, 48, 61 14, 17, 25, 33, 34, 48, 52, 53, 54, Hawaxab, Fanual, 186 55, 61, 62, 67, 78, 84, 85, 91, 92, Hayes, Patricia, 6, 10, 32, 179 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 101, 102, 103, Heck, Lutz, 178, 179 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 115, 116, Hendrik (“Bushman” from Leewfontein), 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 132, 134, 80, 81 135, 142, 143, 144, 146, 149, 150, Henning, Otto, 67, 68, 86, 97 151, 152, 153, 155, 157, 160, 161, Henok,Maria,72 177, 178, 179, 180, 186, 187, 201, Henrichsen, Dag, 23, 43, 77 203, 204, 205 Hereroland (homeland), 172 Kaoko Land and Mining Company, 48, Heroes Acre (Windhoek), 194 102 Hoanib River, 155, 161, 186 Karakuwisa, 36, 52, 54, 76 Hoarusib River, 55, 160 Karibib, 39, 75, 90, 168 Hoas (Goas), 23 Kaross, 78, 102, 204 Hölzer, Ludwig, 66 Kasaona, August, 174, 187 Homob (Palmitfontein), 23 Kaulich, Udo, 56 Horabe block, 150, 205 Kavango (region, area) (Okavango native Huab River, 150, 151 territory; Okavango), 23, 25, 33, 36, 37, 55, 74, 75, 76, 85, 91, 95, 97, Iipumbu ya Tshilongo (also: Jipumbo; 116, 117, 118, 121, 127, 128, 132, Hipumbo), 66, 68, 71, 72 143, 144, 152, 153, 157, 160, 180, Imperial Colonial Ofﬁce 181 (Reichskolonialamt), 49, 59 Kavari, Emilly Kazombaru, 187 Imperial Health Ofﬁce Kawamos (woman living near Otavi), 164 (Reichsgesundheitsamt), 59 Keetmanshoop, 48, 86 324 ● Index

Kennedy, A. J. (farmer), 89 Mandume ya Ndemufayo, 68, 69, 73, 74, Khomob, Katison, 195 91, 193 Khowarib (gorge), 104, 105, 186 Mangetti block, 150 Kimberley, 36 Manning, Charles, 71 Klipdam, 48 Mariental (Marienthal), 110, 182, 183 Koantsab, 71 Marshall, Laurence, 167 Koch, Robert, 28, 29 Marshall, Lorna, 167 Koes, 44, 46 Maun, 109, 115 Kohlstock, Paul, 29 McKiernan, Gerald, 37 Kowares (farm), 72, 142, 143 McKittrick, Meredith, 131 Kozonguizi, Fanuel J., 4 McNae, A. (head of veterinary service), Kreike, Emmanuel, 32 110 Krenz, Friedrich, 97 Mertens, Alice, 180, 181 Krüger, Gesine, 77 Milkberg (farm), 205 Krüger, Johannes, 25, 38 Monala (“Owambo Kaptein”), 66 Kruger National Park, 162, 164 Monuments Commission, 181, 182, 192, Kuiseb River, 52 193 Kunene (region), 195 Moorsom, Richard, 129 Kunene River, 34, 53, 54, 117, 118, 120, 121, 135, 157, 160 Nagusib (farm), 189, 192 Kuntz, J., 105 Naidaus, 22, 34 Kuraisa, Charles, 4 Nambala yaKadhikwa, Martin (also: Kuring Kuru, 54 Nambala; Chief Martin), 67, 71, 72, 133, 188 Landespolizei, 48 Namib (Desert), 47, 55, 57, 150 Landrat (the German colony’s Namibia Support Committee, 5 parliamentary body), 47, 48, 49 Namutoni (also: Amutoni; Onamutoni) Lardner-Burke Commission (General 18, 23, 33, 35, 49, 51, 53, 54, 64, Rehabilitation Enquiry 65, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 80, 82, 93, Commission), 138, 139, 140, 141, 94, 126, 129, 131, 135, 142, 143, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 146, 150, 152, 154, 161, 162, 163, 151, 200, 204 164, 166, 177, 178, 183, 184, 185, Lardner-Burke, J. D., 138 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, League of Nations, 70, 85, 137 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198 Lebzelter, Viktor, 163 Natal, 28, 59 Lee, Lieutenant Colonel, 91, 92 National Archives of Namibia, 11, 12, 71, Legassick, Martin, 8 99, 139, 145, 151, 183, 187 Leutwein, Theodor, 21, 22, 26, 29, 38 Native Reserves Commission, 99 Lewisfontein, 36 Ndadi, Vinnia, 182, 183, 185, 190 Liberia, 4 Ndala, Augustinu, 187, 188 Lindequist, Friedrich von, 22, 23, 25, 38, Nehale (Nehale lya Mpingana), 39, 191, 49, 52 193, 194 Long Term Agricultural Policy Nehale lya Mpingana Gate, 194 Commission, 148, 149 Neineis, 71 Lüderitz (Luderitz), 46, 47, 48, 56, 57, 65 Neitsas, 23, 33, 54, 64, 71 Lüderitz Chamber of Mines, 63 Nekoy, Johanna, 72, 73 Nelson, E. (game warden), 74, 80, 81, 94, Mafeking, 109, 116 163 Maharero, Samuel, 21, 22, 43 Neser, M. M. (head of veterinary service, Malherbe, P. W. (farmer), 124 Windhoek), 116 Maltahöhe, 59 Neudamm (experimental farm), 58, 88 Index ● 325

Ngami Lake (Lake Ngami), 25, 33, 36, Omuramba Omatako (river) (also: 67, 109 Omuramba u Omatako), 23, 36, 46, Ngavirue, Zedekia, 4, 193 52, 76 Nink, F., 178, 179, 184 Omuramba Owambo (river), 46, 93, 143, Northern Labour Organisation (NLO), 150, 204 75, 76, 129, 130 Omusati (region), 195 Nossob River, 31, 36 Omuthiya, 185 Nuiba (farm), 110 Omutu-Ondju (Omutu nondju), 23 Nujoma, Sam, 194 Onaisso, 72 Nuragas, 54, 93, 94, 205 Onankali (Ngwali), 184 Nyae Nyae, 158, 168 Ondangua, 69, 103, 129, 131, 135, 155, 156, 178, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189 Oas, 23, 67 Ondera (Ondora), 23, 33, 64 Odendaal Commission (also: Odendaal Ondonga (also: Ndonga), 26, 32, 35, 39, report; Odendaal plan), 18, 138, 50, 51, 68, 71, 156, 188, 191, 193, 145, 146, 150, 151, 168, 171, 172, 194, 195, 196 179, 195, 205 Ongandjera, 26, 35 Odendaal, F. H., 172 Onguati, 78, 102 Ohopoho (Opuwo), 119 Onguma (farm), 154 Okahakahana (Okaokana), 26 Oniipa, 195 Okahakana, 56, 80 Onlowa (Onondowa), 23 Okahandja, 168, 181 Ontermatje (farm), 89 Okaperue, 71 Orange River (Oranje River), 45, 46, 47, Okatjiva, 71 57, 98, 182 Okaua (Kanas-Okawa; Cauas-Okawa), 23 Oranjemund, 184 Okaukuejo, 23, 25, 26, 33, 35, 36, 40, 46, Orumbo, 89 49, 51, 53, 54, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, Oshana (region), 195 73, 74, 75, 78, 80, 82, 93, 94, 152, Oshikango, 157, 189 161, 166, 185, 191 Oshikoto (lake), 186 Okaura (farm), 123 Oshikoto (region), 195 Okavango, see Kavango Oshivelo, 166, 192, 198 Okavango River, 37, 48, 54, 157 Oshomeya (Tsumeb), 194 Okevi (Debes), 80 Osohama (“Komiihama dha Stepha”), 184 Okombahe, 35, 152, 204 Osterhammel, Jürgen, 8, 9 Okondeka (Okandeka), 26, 80 Ostertag, Robert von, 59, 60, 66 Okoutua (name for Police Zone), 187, Otavi, 38, 164, 168, 194 190 Otavifontein, 22 Olifants Kloof (Olifantskloof), 22, 23 Otavi Mining Company (also: Otavi Olifants River, 46 Mining and Railway Company), 41, Olukonda, 65 57 Omaheke (Desert), 23, 43, 62, 144, 153, Otavi Mountains, 34, 35 170 Otjeru (Otjiru), 78, 122, 123, 124, 125, Omaruru, 35, 48, 72, 85, 86, 87, 91, 106, 126, 127, 128, 134 124, 204 Otjetua, 155, 204 Omaruru (on the Huab), 23, 46, 94 Otjihinamaparero, 119 Omaruru River, 46, 71, 150 Otjihorongo, 106, 124 Ombalantu, 156 Otjikondo, 94, 132 Ombombo, 78, 102, 103, 105 Otjimbingwe, 29 Omlika (mountains), 64 Otjitambi, 35, 94, 102 Omulonga (mission station), 39 Otjitundua, 104 326 ● Index

Otjituo (also: Otjtuo) 23, 33, 36, 39, 54, Rietfontein block, 143, 144, 150, 157, 64, 108, 124, 126, 132, 143, 144, 158, 205 153, 164, 169, 171, 204 Rietfontein-Gnasenen, 23 Otjivasandu (also: Otjiwasandu; Road Motor Services (R.M.S.), 189 Khoabendus), 35, 36, 54, 64, 78, Rohrbach, Paul, 27 102, 169, 179 Rolf, Abraham, 62 Otjiwarongo, 56, 65, 86, 87, 104, 163 Roman Empire, 9 Otjunda, 23 Roman Limes, 10 Ottoman Empire, 9 Ruacana Falls, 117 Oukwanyama (Kwanyama; Ukwanyama), 32, 69, 74 Oushimba (name for Police Zone), 184, Saint Hubertus, 54 185, 190, 194, 197 Sandfontein, 108, 114 Outjo, 11, 14, 22, 23, 25, 33, 34, 39, 48, Schaffluss, 26 56, 62, 63, 66, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, Schlettwein, Carl, 30, 94, 102, 106, 134 81, 85, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 101, Schmid, G. (Government Veterinary 103, 104, 106, 107, 109, 122, 123, Officer), 93, 94, 104, 107, 178, 179, 124, 132, 134, 135, 139, 150, 153, 184, 185 168, 186, 204, 205 Schneider, Herbert, 29, 157, 169 Owambo (also: Ovamboland; Amboland), Schoeman, P. J. (head game warden), 165 10, 11, 14, 16, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, Schulze, First Lieutenant, 40 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 46, Second Delimitation Commission, 195 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55, 62, 64, 65, Seeis, 89 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, Segal, Ronald, 4 75, 78, 80, 85, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, Sesfontein, 25, 33, 34, 38, 44, 46, 55, 84, 97, 100, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 102, 107, 120, 132, 133, 134, 155, 109, 115, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 174, 186, 187, 205 123, 125, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, Siiskonen, Harri, 35 133, 135, 143, 144, 150, 152, 153, Silvester, Jeremy, 7, 77, 99 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 161, 164, 165, 166, 177, 178, 179, 180, 183, Simon, Elizabeth Shangologa, 185, 186 184, 187, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194, Social Security Commission, 138 196, 204 Sorris-Sorris, 78 South Africa, 5, 8, 10, 36, 53, 59, 60, 69, Paris, 28 70, 71, 72, 74, 85, 87, 89, 91, 92, Parminas (“Herero”), 132 96, 98, 100, 108, 109, 110, 111, Pasteur Institute (Paris), 28 113, 116, 117, 122, 137, 138, 141, Persip, 46 144, 158, 162, 170, 172, 175, 182, Pretoria, 92, 93, 94, 96, 100, 105, 106, 193, 201, 202 109, 110, 113, 116, 117, 118, 137, South African Railways and Harbors, 189 153, 154, 158 Southern Labour Organisation (SLO), 75, 129, 130 Ranger, Terence, 5, 6, 77 Sperrgebiet,57 Rehoboth, 59, 168 Steinhardt, Julius, 53, 54 Reichstag, German (Berlin), 44, 56, 203 Stephanus (living at Osohama), 184, 197 Revington, T. (Government Veterinary Stinkwater, 197 Officer), 87 Stolzenfels, 46 Rhenish mission, 32, 123 Strassegger, Regina, 50, 64, 65 Rhodesia (northern), 117 Streitwolf, Kurt, 68 Rhodesia (southern), 107, 117 Swakop River, 31, 52 Rickmann, Wilhelm, 58, 59, 60 Swakopmund, 14, 27, 46, 47, 56, 59, Rietfontein, 23, 36, 44, 46, 67, 108 130, 150 Index ● 327

SWANLA (South West Africa Native Valerie (farm), 110, 111 Labour Organization), 182, 183, Vanadium Mine Karavatu, 128 190, 196 van der Merwe (Government Veterinary SWANU (South West Africa National Ofﬁcer), 118, 119 Union), 193 van Ryneveld (Magistrate), 82, 83 SWAPO (South West Africa People’s Vryburg, 20, 23, 114 Organisation), 5, 193, 201 Swartbooi, David, 25, 33 Waller, Richard, 106 Swartbooi, Petrus, 36 Walvis Bay, 27, 35, 36, 46, 52 Warmbad (southern Namibia), 89 Tau, 158 Warmbad (Warmquelle) (north-western The Hague, 4 Namibia), 25, 102 Theiler, Arnold, 28, 67 Waterberg, 23, 43, 53, 79, 158, 169, 171 Thomas (living at Okevi), 80 Waters,A.J.(CrownProsecutor),76 Tietz, Hermann P. A., 126, 127, 128, 188, Watkins-Pitchford, Herbert, 28 189 Watt, J. S. (Government Veterinary Tjetjo (Herero leader Kandji Tjetjo), 26 Ofﬁcer, and later head of veterinary Toivo Ya Toivo, Andimba, 174, 189 service, Windhoek), 109, 118, 154, Torra Bay, 171, 205 155 Weissbrunn (farm), 135 Transvaal, 20, 28, 36, 39, 53, 59, 108 Wellington, John H., 4 Tsawisis, 23, 78 Welwitscha (Khorixas), 171, 205 Tscharneka (probably Tshaanika Tsha Werner, Wolfgang, 77, 122 Natshilongo), 66 Weyulu (Weyulu ya Hedimbi), 32 Tshimhaka (also: Swartbooisdrift), 104, Wildlife Protection Society of South 120 Africa, 162 Tsintsabis (also: Tsinsabis), 23, 64, 54, 74, Williams, Frieda-Nela, 194 94 Williams, J. G. (head of veterinary service, Tsumeb, 14, 56, 57, 63, 65, 73, 75, 92, Windhoek), 119, 121 126, 129, 130, 131, 146, 168, 178, Windhoek, 1, 4, 11, 12, 14, 20, 21, 22, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 26, 29, 30, 33, 44, 47, 48, 58, 60, 194, 195, 196, 204 68, 71, 76, 80, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, Turner, Frederick, 8 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 100, 103, 105, 107, 109, 110, 113, 115, 116, 117, Ugab River, 78, 104, 106, 122, 142, 144, 118, 120, 130, 131, 133, 138, 139, 150, 151, 161, 171, 204, 205 140, 153, 154, 155, 158, 164, 167, Uis mine, 150, 204 168, 170, 178, 179, 194 Uixamab, Jan, 25, 33 Witbooi, Hendrik, 21, 22, 43 Ulbrich, W. (farmer), 89 Witwatersrand, 36 United Nations, 137 Wolpe, Harold, 5 United States (of America), 8, 114, 167 University of Namibia, 6, 7 Zambezi River, 20 Upington, 36, 39 Zameko (“Bushmen” leader), 83 Upingtonia, Republic of, 39 Zanitti, Michael, 71, 72 Uukwambi (also: Ukuambi; Ukuambe), Zimmerer, Jürgen, 44, 61 31, 35, 68, 71, 72, 118 Zschokke, Marcus, 118, 119, 180, 181