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Ethnic Identity Construction in the Second-Generation Indian American Family." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2010

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Ethnic Identity Construction in the Second-Generation Indian American Family. Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Sociology Dissertations Department of Sociology Fall 11-19-2010 Dynamic Parenting: Ethnic Identity Construction in the Second- Generation Indian American Family Cynthia B. Sinha Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/sociology_diss Recommended Citation Sinha, Cynthia B., "Dynamic Parenting: Ethnic Identity Construction in the Second-Generation Indian American Family." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2010. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/sociology_diss/59 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Sociology at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DYNAMIC PARENTING: ETHNIC IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION IN THE SECOND-GENERATION INDIAN AMERICAN FAMILY by CYNTHIA BROWN SINHA Under the Direction of Wendy Simonds ABSTRACT This study explores Indian culture in second-generation Indian American families. For the most part, this generation was not socialized to Indian culture in India, which raises the question, how do parents maintain and teach culture to their third-generation children? To answer this question, I interviewed 18 second-generation Indian American couples who had at least one child. Rather than focus on how assimilated or Americanized the families were, I examine the maintenance of Indian culture. Instead of envisioning culture as a binary between “Indian” and “American,” second-generation parents often experience “Indianness” and “Americanness” as interwoven in ways that were not always easily articulated. I also explore the co-ethnic matrimonial process of my participants to reveal the salience of Indian-American identity in their lives. A common experience among my participants was the tendency of mainstream American non- Indians to question Indian-Americans about India and Indian culture. My participants frequently were called upon to be “cultural ambassadors” to curious non-Indians. Religion served as a primary conduit for teaching Indian culture to third-generation children. Moreover, religion and ethnic identity were often conflated. Mothers and fathers share the responsibility of teaching religion to third-generation children. However, mothers tend to be the cultural keepers of the more visible cultural objects and experiences, such as, food, clothing, and language. Fathers were more likely to contribute to childcare than housework. The fathers in my study believe they father in a different social context than their fathers did. By negotiating Indian and American culture, fathers parent in a way that capitalizes on what they perceive as the “best of both worlds.” Links to the local and transnational community were critical to maintaining ties to other co-ethnics and raising children within the culture. Furthermore, most of the parents in my study said they would prefer that their children eventually marry co-ethnics in order to maintain the link to the Indian-American community. Ultimately, I found that Indian culture endures across first- and second-generation Indian Americans. However, “culture” is not a fixed or monolithic object; families continue to modify traditions to meet their emotional and cultural needs. INDEX WORDS: Indian Americans, Second-generation Indian Americans, Asian Americans, Ethnic identity, Motherhood, Fatherhood DYNAMIC PARENTING: ETHNIC IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION IN THE SECOND-GENERATION INDIAN AMERICAN FAMILY by CYNTHIA BROWN SINHA A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University 2010 Copyright by Cynthia Brown Sinha 2010 DYNAMIC PARENTING: ETHNIC IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION IN THE SECOND-GENERATION INDIAN AMERICAN FAMILY by CYNTHIA BROWN SINHA Committee Chair: Wendy Simonds Committee: Ralph LaRossa Jung Ha Kim Electronic Version Approved: Office of Graduate Studies College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University December 2010 iv DEDICATION For my parents, Bill and Becky Brown. I also dedicate this dissertation to my aunt, Peggy Joyce Collins, the first feminist in my life. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my dissertation chair, Wendy Simonds, for her support and theoretical insights. I thank her for the many games of Scrabble and showing me how to create art on the Scrabble board. I thank committee member, Ralph LaRossa, for his guidance throughout my graduate career. I thank him especially for the many drafts he read in the final weeks before the defense. I thank committee member, Jung Ha Kim, for her feedback and encouragement for my research. I thank so many of my graduate school colleagues for their support, friendship, and willingness to discuss some aspect of my analysis with me. I would like to mention two colleagues who were most supportive in the last months of my project. Over the last year, Amanda Jungels has become a valued friend. She allowed me to vent, bounce teaching ideas back and forth, and discuss theory. Just when I needed it, she would send me an Internet link to one of our favorite reality shows for a genuine laugh out loud. Last, but certainly not least, I thank Amanda for all the play dates for our dogs. I thank Beth Cavalier her friendship over the years. In the last months before the defense, her support was invaluable. I thank her for “talking me off the ledge” and basically redirecting my focus back to the end goal. I thank my father- and mother-in-law, Dr. Lakshman and Mrs. Kiran Sinha for their unwavering support for my research. The month I spent with them was critical for my data collection and also significantly shaped my analysis. A huge wave of gratitude goes to my partner, Nishith Sinha. Throughout my graduate career he was never been too busy or too tired to be my personal “cultural ambassador.” I thank him for supporting me in all areas of our lives while I pursued my graduate degrees. My pursuit of a second career would not have been possible without his support. I cannot find words to adequately convey my gratitude. Last, I thank all of my participants. I thank all the families for creating time for me in their busy schedules. They opened up their homes to me and patiently discussed their lives in detail. I hope that I respectfully told their story. I worked really hard to “get it right.” vi TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Organization of the Dissertation 3 1.2 Literature Review 6 1.3 Theoretical Framework 21 2 METHODS AND ANALYSIS 29 2.1 Sampling Criteria and the Interview Process 29 2.2 Ethical Issues 31 2.3 An Ethnographic Experience 34 2.4 Demographics 35 2.5 Analysis 36 3 MARRIAGE TALES 46 3.1 The Starting Point: Arranged Marriage 49 3.2 Arranged Marriage with High Parental Involvement 50 3.3 An Arranged Introduction 66 3.4 Meeting Through Indian Events 71 3.5 On Our Own Terms 78 4 PLAYING THE CULTURAL AMBASSADOR 93 4.1 Just Another Part of the American Landscape 94 4.2 Life After Apu: Indian Americans in the Media 96 vii 4.3 Experiencing Racism 99 4.4 Educating Curious Non-Indians 102 5 RELIGION: COMMUNITY AND IDENTITY 112 5.1 Hinduism in the United States 112 5.2 Hinduism as a Way to Teach Culture 116 5.3 Hinduism and Ethnic Identity 122 6 INTENSIVE MOTHERING 131 6.1 Intensive Mothering 133 6.2 Family Culture: Mothers as Cultural Keepers and Teachers 142 7 ACTIVE FATHERING 158 7.1 Brief History of American Fatherhood 160 7.2 First-Generation Indian American Dad 163 7.3 Fathering with a Less Restrictive Style 166 7.4 Fathers and Sons 175 7.5 Family Time versus Father-Child Time 183 8 PARENTING CULTURE: CONNECTING WITH THE COMMUNITY 189 8.1 Integration of Culture 190 8.2 Community Connections: Local and Transnational 196 8.3 Holidays 205 8.4 Staying in the Community 212 9 CONCLUSION 219 REFERENCES 233 APPENDIX 242 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION In recent years, there have been numerous studies concerning second-generation Indian Americans (Das Gupta 1997; Dhingra 2007; Maira 2002; Purkayastha 2005 Rayaprol 2001; Srinavasan 2001). In general, these studies conclude that the second-generation children enter adulthood with a strong interest in and attachment to their ethnic identity. As adults, they strive to keep ethnicity central to their identity instead of distancing themselves from it (Min 2002). Typically, in the first-generation family, parents struggle to maintain ties to India and to transfer customs and traditions to children. Second-generation children may experience these traditions as restrictive or see them as outdated, but they do not reject Indian ethnic identity. By young adulthood, second-generation children have negotiated an ethnic identity that is shaped by interaction within a strong Indian American youth culture (Maira 2002; Purkayastha 2005). This identity involves appropriation as well as resistance to American mainstream culture. Indians -- and Asian immigrants in general -- are physically, culturally, and religiously very different from previous white European immigrants. Min (2002) describes Asian immigrants as maintaining strong ethnic identity and cultural boundaries. How do second- and third-generation Asians maintain or rework these cultural boundaries? Stated broadly, there are two approaches to exploring this question. First, we could employ an assimilation model in which future generations of immigrants become more and more blended into United States society. The cultural boundaries demarcating the immigrant from mainstream culture become porous or simply disappear. Alba and Nee (2003) believe this approach to be most relevant, as assimilation is the unintended consequence of the pursuit of “success” in the United States. The second approach is that the cultural boundaries remain and United States society appears more 2 pluralistic. Min (2002) states that assimilating into United States culture does not have to entail a zero sum model of acculturation (p.
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