Enough-Silence-Kseni

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Enough-Silence-Kseni Enough silence. For several months now I have been thinking about it. And not because that's how women are, trying everything on for size, but because that’s how I am. I take every opportunity as a challenge. In the five years that have passed since the protest wave of 2012, my political views have taken conclusive shape. I am ready to announce them and defend them at any level - even the very highest. I am 36 years old, I have lived and worked in Russia all my life, my name is Ksenia Sobchak and I care about my country and what becomes of it. I give careful consideration to any actions in the public arena and, realizing all the risks and incredible difficulties of such a task, I have decided that my participation in the presidential elections could really be a step towards the much needed transformation of our country. In spite of the attempts of bureaucrats to compromise me and use me for their own purposes, despite the attacks of some of my liberal friends, and contrary to the speculations of amateur political scientists on their couches, my nomination can and should be useful both for the opposition and for society as a whole. In the near future, obviously, I will have to explain my position many times, so I want to immediately present my main arguments. What is to be done? This election is not among our best. The main candidate’s competition is composed of those who have long been eyesores, unable or unwilling to change anything. And it appears likely that those who desire changes and are perhaps even capable of accomplishing them, will not be allowed to take part. These are not the elections we imagine in our hopes for the future. But only we, the citizens of Russia, can fix the situation. Each of us can and must declare our position: our disagreement with the authorities in power, who now want a quarter-century free from the threat of removal from office; our disagreement with the collapsing education and health care systems; our disagreement with monstrous corruption and propaganda that have permeated the entire society, from rural schools to the Kremlin; our disagreement with the ubiquitous dominance of the siloviki; our disagreement with war, with isolationism. We, citizens of Russia, must use any and every opportunity for this conversation – open and robust exchanges in the home and the workplace, discussions on social media, rallies and elections at all levels. Societal change will not happen without a majority recognizing their necessity. And yes, I repeat, we should use these elections both for a public reckoning of the shortcomings of our government and for improving the skills of our opposition. We should not ignore elections as an institution, as the main instrument of public representation - the foundation of true democracy, even if over the past decades this instrument has never been correctly put to use. Truly free elections are not only about honest voting, but about free and equal access to participation and political activism, accurate vote counting, and results that are recognized and accepted by all of society. The March elections cannot meet these requirements. They have failed them from the get-go. But should we ignore them, boycott them? No. We must prepare to participate in them, collect signatures, demand registration, vote and thus change them by our participation. This is exactly how the most vibrant and consistent representatives of the opposition already operate. In order to win a marathon, you need to both train and take part in the race, and also demand fair refereeing. Moscow recently held municipal elections. In some areas, the opposition significantly pushed back again the governing party, in some areas it won outright. Very likely, if turnout had been higher, the opposition’s results would be even stronger. All the leaders of the opposition called upon Muscovites to come out to the polls, in spite of the complete information blockade by the authorities. Did they, or rather did we, Muscovites, expect that these elections would be fair? No! But we hoped to make them fair, whether by standing for office or simply by turning out. Some will say that presidential elections are set up differently. That when the results are predetermined, the government is, in fact, interested in raising turnout to create the appearance of legitimacy. I ask you – what difference does it make what the government wants? What matters is what we, the people, want. It is precisely in contrast to the powers that be that we must be consistent in our convictions and actions. Elections are the most important institution of democracy, and we should use any political and societal occasion to discuss the situation in which our country finds itself and voice our objections. Is a boycott the correct way of demonstrating our disagreement? Should we refuse to participate in the elections if prominent opposition candidates, especially, Alexey Navalny, are denied the ability to run? To my mind, no. Non-participation in the elections, in other words the silence of the dissatisfied, gets mixed up with the indifferent reticence of the lazy. It does not allow us, and society as a whole, to understand the real number of dissenters among us who desire change and progress. Having abandoned a legal, safe, and tremendously meaningful manifestation of our will such as participation in elections, however imperfect they are, we leave ourselves no way out except for confrontation in the streets, which, of course, should be a means of political struggle reserved only for the most extreme and exceptional circumstances. Recent history knows many cases when elections and plebiscites, seemingly manipulated by authoritarian regimes, turned into occasions and tools of genuine democratic transformations. This always happened when the opposition participated in elections, and never - with its silent self-exclusion. During the even more dramatic days of October 1993, a legal means for "active boycott" of the elections came about in Russia, and a presidential decree was adopted to introduce the option to select "Against All" (None Of The Above) in elections at all levels in Russia. Casting a vote for “Against All” is a legal and absolutely peaceful strategy for expressing civil discontent with the election procedure, composition of the candidate pool, the irremovability of the ruling party. Many years have passed since the government, treating election law in accordance with its tactical needs, as if it were a harness and we were the horses, deprived us of this tool. With my participation in the March presidential election, I want to bring it back. “Ksenia Sobchak” represents the “Against All” option on your ballot Are you against the fact that for many years only Zyuganov, Yavlinsky, Putin and their faceless understudies and deputies are on the list? Do you want to show your active position, but your candidate is not allowed to enter the race? Do you not have your own candidate? Choose Sobchak. You are not electing her to the presidency. You simply get a legal and peaceful opportunity to communicate "Enough! I’ve had it! " How can it be done? Elections are not just about voting. They are about real political debate, a legitimate right of access to political media, totally usurped the rest of the time by the authorities and their minions. An election campaign is not the only way to tell people who do not subscribe to the Dozh’d (Rain) TV channel or use YouTube about the corruption and ineffectiveness of today's political leadership, but it is a very important one. If such a method is available to us, we must use it. I enter the race not as a candidate, but as a surrogate for all those who cannot become a candidate. I am ready to voice the many complaints about the existing system, stemming from all parts of the political spectrum. I am ready to broadcast messages from both the left and the right, because the problem of corruption, the problem of the governing elites not being answerable and not being removable is larger than our ideological differences. Today it is impossible to properly discuss potential solutions to our problems within the framework of elections, because not all political forces compete on equal terms. This means we must speak more actively and stridently about the problems themselves. Today it is necessary for us to put aside our differences and focus on our commonalities, and to clarify that political competition is normal. That voters in the regions used to elect their governors directly from a list of known candidates. That the authorities should serve you, and not enrich themselves at your expense. Elections are an instrument of political enlightenment that will undoubtedly bear fruit. Maybe not this March. But much faster than our opponents think. I invite all political forces ready to use my nomination as a tribune, to state their objections to the current situation and the authorities through the framework of my campaign, because it is not a campaign for Sobchak, but it is a campaign against the way our political and social life is organized today. The Sobchak campaign is not just political activism for its own sake "Against All" , it is, I hope, a huge effort explaining why we are "Against All". Why me? Unlike the usual list of candidates who have to have it explained to them why they are worthy of being presidents of the Russian Federation, my task is simple - I must explain why I suit the role of the candidate "Against All". I am beyond rigid ideological frameworks. I do not belong to specific parties, am not bound by party or group discipline.
Recommended publications
  • Download Full Text In
    European Proceedings of Social and Behavioural Sciences EpSBS www.europeanproceedings.com e-ISSN: 2357-1330 DOI: 10.15405/epsbs.2020.12.02.36 TILTM 2020 Topical Issues of Linguistics and Teaching Methods in Business and Professional Communication INFLUENCE OF INTERNET SPACE ON INTERCULTURAL AND BUSINESS COMMUNICATION Boris G. Vulfovich (a), Veronika V. Katermina (a)*, Anastasia A. Shestakova (a) *Corresponding author (a) Kuban State University, ul. Stavropolskaya 149, 350040, Krasnodar, Russia, E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The 2016–2018 election cycle in France, the USA and Russia showed the need to develop new options for analyzing the election campaign and the degree of potential voter turnout on the Internet, taking into account the impact on social networks. The article discusses the results of an empirical study, “Communication Campaign Model: A Comparative Analysis of Russia's Experience in the USA,” and analyzes the election campaign of the “unexpected” presidential candidate in Russia, Ksenia Sobchak. By the word “unexpected” we mean that the person never appeared on the political stage before, and no one saw this person before the presidential election. The empirical base for the study was taken from the presidential candidate’s account on social networks. The study analyzed the informative patterns of the personal page of Ksenia Sobchak, where the analysis was performed on four social networks (VKontakte, Instagram, Facebook and Odnoklassniki). An excerpt from the discourse contains all the materials published by the candidate since the announcement of her candidacy for the presidency of Russia (from May 18, 2017 to March 19, 2018). As part of the study, a new model of selective advertising communications was developed and conceptualized.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Rap in the Era of Vladimir Putin
    CHAPTER 3 RUS SIAN RAP IN THE ERA OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Philip Ewell T has always held a special place in the hearts of Rus sians. From the poetry recitations by Evgeny Evtushenko in the s that lled stadiums to the inspired lyr ics of Rus sian bards like Vladimir Vysotsky, Rus sians have sought not only beauty but also repose in artistic literary forms. is is not sur- prising given Rus sia’s troubled po liti cal history over the centuries, which reached its height in the twentieth century with the repressive Soviet era. Countless vol- umes have been written over the years on censorship in the USSR and on the ensuing balancing act that Soviet artists endured at the hands of the authorities. at Soviet and post- Soviet Rus sian rappers felt that same repression is not in doubt. What sets rap, as a genre, apart from other literary forms in Rus sia is its place in time: It really took hold only in the early s, immediately aer the fall of the Soviet Union, so one cannot speak of rap, as a genre, in uencing po liti cal events in the USSR. ough one could argue that the rst rap in Rus sia was “Rap” from by the group Chas Pik, an unabashed rip- o of e Sugarhill Gang’s “Rapper’s Delight” from — widely recognized as the rst commercial rap hit ever—it was not until the s that Rus sian rappers and rap groups such as Bog- dan Titomir, Liki MC, Bad Balance, and Mal’chishnik became widely known in the former Soviet Union and, with them, the rap genre itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing?
    In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2012, Baden-Baden 2013, pp. 77-94. Elena Kropatcheva Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing? Introduction Russians have long had the reputation of being passive about, uninterested in, and disengaged from politics, and Western observers, in particular, have been puzzled by this passivity. Protests that started in December 2011 as a re- sponse to election fraud during the Russian parliamentary elections, labelled in the mass media as the “new Decembrists” movement, “the Russian winter/ spring”, the “mink-coat” or “white revolution” and described using other col- ourful epithets, too, took many observers abroad and in Russia by surprise. These were the biggest protests since the 1990s. These events raised many questions: Who are these people who have started to protest? What are the reasons for these protests and why did they begin at that specific moment? How stable is Vladimir Putin’s system over- all? Will some liberalization of the system as a result of these protests be pos- sible? And many others. Even now, at the time of writing – August 2012 – it is difficult to give clear and definite answers to these questions, and some of them still have to be studied more closely by sociologists.1 This contribution starts with an overview of the parliamentary and presidential elections (election campaigns, their results and aftermath) that took place in Russia on 4 December 2011 and 4 March 2012, respectively. It then focuses on the protest movement and tries to give some answers to the aforementioned questions. Finally, it presents a survey of developments in Russian domestic policy after the elections in order to find indicators as to whether this wind of change will keep blowing.
    [Show full text]
  • Seven Challenges of the Russian Protest Movement
    RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 124, 18 March 2013 15 Figure 6: Which Period of Russia’s History Most Corresponds to the Ideals of Russian Citizens and Their Ideas of What Russia Should Be? Pre-revolutionary, czarist Russia 11% The first decades of the USSR 5% (industrialization, development of a classless society) The last decades of the USSR 14% (period of developed socialism) The time of Perestroika 4% The time of democratic reforms of the 1990s 2% The present, "Putin epoch" 32% None of the above 31% Source: Hett, Felix; Krumm, Reinhard: Gerechtigkeit, Freiheit und ein starker Staat. Konturen eines widersprüchlichen Russischen Traums. FES Internationaler Dialog. FES Moskau. Perspektive, July 2012 http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/id/09212.pdf ANALYSIS Seven Challenges of the Russian Protest Movement By Oleg Kozlovsky, Washington Abstract This article describes some of the tests facing the Russian protest movement in 2013. These include bal- ancing between moderates and radicals, dealing with regime defectors, reducing the influence of extrem- ists, institutionalizing the movement, broadening its appeal to a wider public, encouraging citizens to play a more active role in politics, and developing support in the regions outside of Moscow and St. Petersburg. An Evolving Movement from adopting Russian babies, and by its unceasing The Russian democratic movement (a.k.a. the “protest online activity. In order to overcome the present crisis, movement”) made international headlines in Decem- the protesters will have to find solutions to numerous ber 2011 when tens of thousands took to the streets of problems, some of the most crucial of which I will pose Moscow and other cities to protest fraud in the Parlia- and briefly discuss in this article.
    [Show full text]
  • Current Time Fact Sheet
    @ 1 YEAR Real News. For Real People. In Real Time. FAST FACTS Known as “Настоящее Время” in Russian — a term that connotes “current,” “real,” and “true” – Current Time is BBG’s 24/7 Russian-language digital network led by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in partnership with Voice of America. Launched on February 6, 2017, Current Time network provides Russian-speaking audiences with accurate and independent local, regional and international news, as well as documentaries, innovative features, and robust debate. The channel connects Russian speakers with each other and the world, on digital platforms, social networks, satellite, and cable TV. In 2017, Current Time garnered more than 400 MILLION ONLINE VIEWS — half of them from Russia — and averaged more than 33 MILLION VIDEO VIEWS per month. The network is seen in more than 27 countries via 77 distributors over satellite, OTT worldwide, IPTV, and cable. STRONG SOCIAL MEDIA GROWTH (period beginning Jan. 2017 and ending Dec. 2017) n FACEBOOK: up 200,000 likes to 585,000— A 55% INCREASE n YOUTUBE: up from 35,000 to 206,000 subscribers—A 472% INCREASE n VKONTAKTE: audiences on this popular Russian social networking site have currenttime.tv QUADRUPLED in size. currenttimetv @currenttimetv currenttimetv DELIVERING NEWS, MAKING IMPACT n CURRENT TIME CHECKS THE FACTS: In its live coverage of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s annual press conference, Current Time became the first channel to provide real-time fact checking and live reactions from guests in Moscow, Kyiv and Bishkek. “Current Time is the only n CURRENT TIME PROVIDES SPECIAL LIVE COVERAGE: television in the world that The network simultaneously translated several high-visibility events, including tells these people, in Russian, the State of the Union address and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • POLITICS, ACTIVISM and TROLLING on the RUSSIAN INTERNET Panel Description
    Selected Papers of #AoIR2018: The 19th Annual Conference of the Association of Internet Researchers Montréal, Canada / 10-13 October 2018 POLITICS, ACTIVISM AND TROLLING ON THE RUSSIAN INTERNET Panel description In the years that have passed since the social media powered protest movement of 2011-2012 (Lonkila 2017), the Russian government has dramatically expanded its restrictions on the Internet, while simultaneously consolidating its grip on traditional media (Hutchings & Tolz 2015; Nocetti 2015; Vendil Pallin 2017). The Internet, which long provided a space for alternative media and free speech to blossom, is becoming increasingly restricted by a growing corpus of legislation and expanding state surveillance. With legally ill-defined prohibitions on, e.g., offending the feelings of religious believers, propagating ‘non-traditional family values’ and disseminating ‘extremism’ in place, online freedom of speech in Russia is at threat. Indeed, according to a 2017 Human Rights Watch report, “[s]tate intrusion in media affairs has reached a level not seen in Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union” (2017: 1). Meanwhile, the Russian state continues to refine its skills in covertly manipulating online discourses, as it has quite successfully practiced it since the 2000s (Stähle & Wijermars 2014; Zvereva 2016). At the same time, because of its transnational configuration, the Internet continues to evade comprehensive state control and offers ever new opportunities for disseminating and consuming dissenting opinions. The Russian new mediasphere develops rapidly, bringing forth innovative forms of publication and participation from the (g)local to the national level. Developments over the past two years, including the series of anti- corruption mass protests organised by opposition leader Aleksei Navalny’s Anti- Corruption Foundation, have demonstrated how online challenges to the status-quo are still able to gather momentum and create ‘real world’ political turbulence.
    [Show full text]
  • Detailed Information About Vitaly Shklyarov from Wikipedia Russia
    Detailed Information about Vitaly Shklyarov from Wikipedia Russia Vitaly Valentinovich Shklyarov (born July 11, 1976, Gomel, BSSR, USSR) is a Belarusian political consultant and political strategist. Vitaly Shklyarov started his career as a political consultant in Germany. He graduated From the University of Fechta [en] with a degree in Social and political science in 2002. During his studies, Vitaly worked For the campaign of Angela Merkel[1]. In 2008, he moved to the United States where he became a volunteer at the presidential campaign headquarters of Barack Obama. Despite his experience in Germany, Vitaly started his career in the United States as a Field agitator[2]. At the beginning of his work at the Obama headquarters, Vitaly made calls from the basement located in the call center of the headquarters of the Democratic national Committee. [3] In 2012, Shklyarov became the head of the field Department for the Tammy Baldwin campaign. He was responsible for creating field infrastructure and a network of agitators in the state of Wisconsin. [3] The campaign was won, and Tammy Baldwin became the First ever Female Senator From Wisconsin, as well as the First openly gay Senator. In 2012, Shklyarov was also responsible for the mobilization part of Barack Obama's campaign in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. [4] The campaign to mobilize voters beFore polling day (GOTV) in the city oF Milwaukee won two awards from the American Association of politicalconsultants(AAPC). In 2014, he worked on Ro Hanna's campaign For the US Congress. He was responsible For the Internet campaign and was chieF oF staFF in Cupertino, CaliFornia.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin's Russia Caitlin Elizabeth Moriarty Dickinson College
    Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Student Honors Theses By Year Student Honors Theses 5-19-2013 Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin's Russia Caitlin Elizabeth Moriarty Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: http://scholar.dickinson.edu/student_honors Part of the Political Science Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Moriarty, Caitlin Elizabeth, "Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin's Russia" (2013). Dickinson College Honors Theses. Paper 28. This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Fall 08 Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin’s Russia By Caitlin Moriarty Submitted in partial fulfillment of the honors Requirements for the Department of Political Science Dr. Russell Bova, Advisor Dr. Mark Ruhl, Reader April 10, 2013 Acknowledgements I would like to thank everyone who helped me this semester to pull off this project. In particular, I would like to thank Professor Bova for serving as my advisor, and I greatly appreciated all of your input on my ideas and drafts, convoluted as they likely were. I also very much appreciated the feedback from Professor Ruhl on my drafts. All of the professors with whom I have taken classes, in both the Political science and Russian departments have in some way contributed to my success at completing this paper, and I hope they all know how much they have made my time here at Dickinson memorable and enlightening. Lastly I would like to thank my friends and family, who had to put up with my constant discussion of this topic.
    [Show full text]
  • OSW Commentary
    Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 284 | 27.08.2018 www.osw.waw.pl A stinking business. Environmental issues, protests and big money in the waste business in Russia Jadwiga Rogoża In recent months, Moscow oblast has seen a series of social protests against environmental problems caused by municipal waste landfills. The waste disposal sites are overloaded, lack adequate safeguards, emit toxic gases and contaminate the groundwater with harmful efflu- ent. The situation is most severe in Moscow oblast because the capital city generates the larg- est volumes of waste; however, the problem itself extends beyond environmental concerns into the economic and social spheres. Waste management in Russia is marked by notorious overloading of legal waste disposal sites and the emergence of illegal waste dumps, inade- quate waste disposal practices leading to air pollution and groundwater contamination which affect local residents, and bad practices by businesses with links to President Vladimir Putin which have monopolised the waste collection sector. The worsening environmental problems, and especially the health conditions suffered by res- idents exposed to waste dump vapours, have triggered social discontent. Residents of many locations outside Moscow have been protesting for months, and in some cases have raised political demands. However, a closer analysis of how the protests in Russia unfolded (and sub- sided) offers little hope that they will bring about any systemic change in waste management or create long-term social effects such as the emergence of mechanisms for civic oversight or a gradual change in the relationship between the state and the citizens. The ‘garbage protests’ seem to be an accurate illustration of the general dynamics of social protests in Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIA & CAUCASUS March 2018
    RUSSIA & CAUCASUS March 2018 No News, Bad News Russian presidential elections are approaching. They do not present any surprise since there is no real competition. The outgoing President Putin has the certainty of being elected and as a result of the change in the Constitution that led to the 6-year presidential term already in force during the previous election, he will remain in office until 2024. With four presidential mandates (2000-2004 / 2004-2008 / 2012-2018 / 2018-2024) and one as Prime Minister 2008-2012, the Putin era is expected to reach a record length of quarter of century. If he will be tempted to get elected president for life like his Chinese colleague Xi Jinping, another constitutional change will be needed. With a parliament, already controlled through 75% of the seats by United Russia’s faithful deputies (339 out of 450), and an opposition of 105 deputies, more formal than substantial, it will not be difficult to pass such an amendment. The topic has not yet emerged, but the timing of the Chinese constitutional change that taking place during the same month makes us reflect. In the Russian political debate, open criticism to Putin is absent and no issues that might overshadow the President are raised. All seemingly alternative candidates, even on television, in advertising and on social networks, understand that it is not rewarding to criticize a leader who has a 70% popularity in the polls and they will have to settle for percentages that can reach 3% in the best case. All the attention is therefore concentrated not on issues, not on politics, but on voting turnout.
    [Show full text]
  • Glamour Russian Style: the Putin Era by Birgit Menzel, Germersheim Abstract This Article Describes the Uses of Glamour in Russian Culture Today
    RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 126, 10 April 2013 6 ANALYSIS Glamour Russian Style: The Putin Era By Birgit Menzel, Germersheim Abstract This article describes the uses of glamour in Russian culture today. While glamour can help sell leaders, celebrities, and journalists to the public, it has a dark underside, which can lead vulnerable young women into the sex trade. The Role of Glamour versal cult of luxury and fashion as the embodiment of a The phenomenon of glamour has conquered post-Soviet modern, urban lifestyle. Promoted by the mass-media as Russia in the new millennium. In the past decade, it well as word of mouth, certain images of an exotic and became the main ingredient and a symbol of Vladimir erotic lifestyle are connected with what are to be con- Putin’s leadership.1 For some Russian sociologists, it sidered basic values like youth, beauty, health, love and even serves as a substitute for the national idea, which joy of life, spiced up with the intensifying ingredients was supposed to fill the empty void after the fall of of passion and adventure, therefore promising freedom the Soviet Union, just as TV has become the virtual and the realization of dreams. Materialism and outer space of national unity.2 Although glamour is a global appearance are equally promoted as values as aggres- phenomenon,3 its Russian version has some distinct fea- siveness by both sexes. The simulation of risky gam- tures which are inseparable from the conditions in which bling as a successful model of behavior and an attitude it occurs, historical as well as contemporary.
    [Show full text]
  • CAN RUSSIA REALLY CHANGE? Kasparov, Stanovaya, Korejba, Lukyanov, Golubovsky, Preobrazhensky
    No 1(VI)/2013 Price 19 PLN (w tym 5% VAT) 10 EUR 12 USD 7 GBP ISSN: 2083-7372 quarterly January-March www.neweasterneurope.eu CAN RUSSIA REALLY CHANGE? Kasparov, Stanovaya, Korejba, Lukyanov, Golubovsky, Preobrazhensky INTERVIEW: ANNE APPLEBAUM The European Union’s Missed Opportunity Re ections on Dominik Jankowski & Paweï ¥wieĝak Eastern Europe Who won in Ukraine? Volodymyr Horbach Books & Reviews: Anne Applebaum, Halik Kochanski, Emil Brix and Vesna PešiÊ CHINA The Tale of Jewish INVADES Lviv Jakub Nowakowski BELARUS ISSN 2083-7372 1(VI) / 13 1(VI) Katerina EDWARD LUCAS Barushka RESPONDS ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Dear Reader, It is almost a cliché to say that change is not easy; just as you might say that change is what politics is all about. However, while these two ideas are probably true for free and democratic societies, they don’t apply in the same way to the less free or authoritarian regimes. That is why in this issue we ask the question: Is change really possible in Russia? The special block of texts in this issue feature the different perspectives of Russian public figures and experts such as Garry Kasparov, Fyodor Lukyanov, Anatoly Golubovsky and Tatiana Stanovaya. They provide us with their interpretation on how the recent civil awakening has (if at all) changed Russia during 2012. Beyond Russia, we also look at change, or a lack thereof, in Ukraine after the parliamentary elections, as well as take a glimpse at the European Union’s Neighbourhood Policy and what real impact it has had on the countries in the East. In our interview section, we publish a conversation with Pulitzer-Prize winning author, Anne Applebaum, in which she discusses the history and present situation in the countries that were once – as we commonly say – behind the Iron Curtain.
    [Show full text]