Enough silence. For several months now I have been thinking about it. And not because that's how women are, trying everything on for size, but because that’s how I am. I take every opportunity as a challenge. In the five years that have passed since the protest wave of 2012, my political views have taken conclusive shape. I am ready to announce them and defend them at any level - even the very highest. I am 36 years old, I have lived and worked in all my life, my name is Ksenia Sobchak and I care about my country and what becomes of it.

I give careful consideration to any actions in the public arena and, realizing all the risks and incredible difficulties of such a task, I have decided that my participation in the presidential elections could really be a step towards the much needed transformation of our country. In spite of the attempts of bureaucrats to compromise me and use me for their own purposes, despite the attacks of some of my liberal friends, and contrary to the speculations of amateur political scientists on their couches, my nomination can and should be useful both for the opposition and for society as a whole. In the near future, obviously, I will have to explain my position many times, so I want to immediately present my main arguments.

What is to be done?

This election is not among our best. The main candidate’s competition is composed of those who have long been eyesores, unable or unwilling to change anything. And it appears likely that those who desire changes and are perhaps even capable of accomplishing them, will not be allowed to take part. These are not the elections we imagine in our hopes for the future. But only we, the citizens of Russia, can fix the situation. Each of us can and must declare our position: our disagreement with the authorities in power, who now want a quarter-century free from the threat of removal from office; our disagreement with the collapsing education and health care systems; our disagreement with monstrous corruption and propaganda that have permeated the entire society, from rural schools to the Kremlin; our disagreement with the ubiquitous dominance of the siloviki; our disagreement with war, with isolationism.

We, citizens of Russia, must use any and every opportunity for this conversation – open and robust exchanges in the home and the workplace, discussions on social media, rallies and elections at all levels. Societal change will not happen without a majority recognizing their necessity. And yes, I repeat, we should use these elections both for a public reckoning of the shortcomings of our government and for improving the skills of our opposition. We should not ignore elections as an institution, as the main instrument of public representation - the foundation of true democracy, even if over the past decades this instrument has never been correctly put to use. Truly free elections are not only about honest voting, but about free and equal access to participation and political activism, accurate vote counting, and results that are recognized and accepted by all of society. The March elections cannot meet these requirements. They have failed them from the get-go. But should we ignore them, boycott them? No. We must prepare to participate in them, collect signatures, demand registration, vote and thus change them by our participation. This is exactly how the most vibrant and consistent representatives of the opposition already operate. In order to win a marathon, you need to both train and take part in the race, and also demand fair refereeing.

Moscow recently held municipal elections. In some areas, the opposition significantly pushed back again the governing party, in some areas it won outright. Very likely, if turnout had been higher, the opposition’s results would be even stronger. All the leaders of the opposition called upon Muscovites to come out to the polls, in spite of the complete information blockade by the authorities. Did they, or rather did we, Muscovites, expect that these elections would be fair? No! But we hoped to make them fair, whether by standing for office or simply by turning out.

Some will say that presidential elections are set up differently. That when the results are predetermined, the government is, in fact, interested in raising turnout to create the appearance of legitimacy. I ask you – what difference does it make what the government wants? What matters is what we, the people, want. It is precisely in contrast to the powers that be that we must be consistent in our convictions and actions. Elections are the most important institution of democracy, and we should use any political and societal occasion to discuss the situation in which our country finds itself and voice our objections.

Is a boycott the correct way of demonstrating our disagreement? Should we refuse to participate in the elections if prominent opposition candidates, especially, Alexey Navalny, are denied the ability to run? To my mind, no. Non-participation in the elections, in other words the silence of the dissatisfied, gets mixed up with the indifferent reticence of the lazy. It does not allow us, and society as a whole, to understand the real number of dissenters among us who desire change and progress. Having abandoned a legal, safe, and tremendously meaningful manifestation of our will such as participation in elections, however imperfect they are, we leave ourselves no way out except for confrontation in the streets, which, of course, should be a means of political struggle reserved only for the most extreme and exceptional circumstances. Recent history knows many cases when elections and plebiscites, seemingly manipulated by authoritarian regimes, turned into occasions and tools of genuine democratic transformations. This always happened when the opposition participated in elections, and never - with its silent self-exclusion.

During the even more dramatic days of October 1993, a legal means for "active boycott" of the elections came about in Russia, and a presidential decree was adopted to introduce the option to select "Against All" (None Of The Above) in elections at all levels in Russia. Casting a vote for “Against All” is a legal and absolutely peaceful strategy for expressing civil discontent with the election procedure, composition of the candidate pool, the irremovability of the ruling party. Many years have passed since the government, treating election law in accordance with its tactical needs, as if it were a harness and we were the horses, deprived us of this tool. With my participation in the March presidential election, I want to bring it back. “Ksenia Sobchak” represents the “Against All” option on your ballot Are you against the fact that for many years only Zyuganov, Yavlinsky, Putin and their faceless understudies and deputies are on the list? Do you want to show your active position, but your candidate is not allowed to enter the race? Do you not have your own candidate? Choose Sobchak. You are not electing her to the presidency. You simply get a legal and peaceful opportunity to communicate "Enough! I’ve had it! "

How can it be done?

Elections are not just about voting. They are about real political debate, a legitimate right of access to political media, totally usurped the rest of the time by the authorities and their minions. An election campaign is not the only way to tell people who do not subscribe to the Dozh’d (Rain) TV channel or use YouTube about the corruption and ineffectiveness of today's political leadership, but it is a very important one. If such a method is available to us, we must use it.

I enter the race not as a candidate, but as a surrogate for all those who cannot become a candidate. I am ready to voice the many complaints about the existing system, stemming from all parts of the political spectrum. I am ready to broadcast messages from both the left and the right, because the problem of corruption, the problem of the governing elites not being answerable and not being removable is larger than our ideological differences. Today it is impossible to properly discuss potential solutions to our problems within the framework of elections, because not all political forces compete on equal terms. This means we must speak more actively and stridently about the problems themselves. Today it is necessary for us to put aside our differences and focus on our commonalities, and to clarify that political competition is normal. That voters in the regions used to elect their governors directly from a list of known candidates. That the authorities should serve you, and not enrich themselves at your expense. Elections are an instrument of political enlightenment that will undoubtedly bear fruit. Maybe not this March. But much faster than our opponents think.

I invite all political forces ready to use my nomination as a tribune, to state their objections to the current situation and the authorities through the framework of my campaign, because it is not a campaign for Sobchak, but it is a campaign against the way our political and social life is organized today. The Sobchak campaign is not just political activism for its own sake "Against All" , it is, I hope, a huge effort explaining why we are "Against All".

Why me?

Unlike the usual list of candidates who have to have it explained to them why they are worthy of being presidents of the Russian Federation, my task is simple - I must explain why I suit the role of the candidate "Against All".

I am beyond rigid ideological frameworks. I do not belong to specific parties, am not bound by party or group discipline. In the framework of this campaign I am neither for nor against " is Ours". What I am for is the end of universal thievery in this country, for authentic politics, for a government accountable to the free expression of the will of its people, who can decide for themselves how to live, and on even terms with the entire international community and neighbors decide whose Crimea really is.

None of the candidates of the so-called “systemic” opposition fell under the repressive machine of power. Not one of them was detained or searched, nothing was seized or confiscated from them. All of them live on some form or another of state funding and sponsorship, completely safe for donors and recipients. They go to the polls - because they do not know how to do anything else, including how to earn money by any other means. I know what I am risking. I've proved my willingness to take these risks. I have much to do, but I put aside everything to do what I consider necessary—and possible—at this political moment.

I am against revolution. But I am a good facilitator and organizer. Aleksei Navalny offered today’s leaders a peaceful departure from power; this is right, it is very important to establish the procedure for the transfer of power. But they will not believe him. They will believe me. I can talk to everyone, both because I personally know most of the Russian political establishment, and because I am a journalist—whose job it is to talk to everyone.

500 professions in Russia are officially closed for women. In all the rest, the salary of a woman is almost 30 percent less than that of a man. Of the country’s most important companies, only about 5 percent are headed by women. This problem exists everywhere, but Russia does not even approach the level of other developed countries in solving it, despite public declarations of gender equality. I am a woman. I do not have this terrible male ego in me, which prevents politicians from agreeing, which considers the use of force to solve any problem to be the most correct path, when it almost always the wrong one. In any event, half of the country's population deserves a female voice to be heard in these macho games for the first time in 14 years.

I am famous and even popular, even if not as a politician. But if elections provide a platform, then it is necessary that a person be heard from it. It is important that the person who climbed on it be unafraid to speak up and know how to do it.

I am financially secure, but all of my income is the result of hard and visible work. I own no privatized enterprises, I receive no kickbacks. I pay my taxes in full and I am proud of being independent and self-sufficient. I can raise money for my campaign. This latter point is very important, because I probably will not have time to gather contributions a penny at a time from a million poor people, so I will turn to donors among the upper echelons and show that these echelons are also unhappy with what is happening. We should realize that we are all in the same boat, young and old, famous and unknown, rich and poor, healthy and sick. And it's not us who “rock” it, but political imbalance that threaten to capsize it, whether through the mistakes of the leadership, their ignorance or their thievery. But we, citizens of Russia, can fix things.

Perhaps I am overly romantic (haven’t we had enough of cynical politicians?), but still I know enough to realize that the authorities will want to use my nomination as legitimation of these elections. They will not try to do this through the increased turnout, which in my opinion they do not seek. On the contrary, everyone who stays away from the polls only facilitates falsification, making the share of the conservative, unenlightened and duped majority even higher. But by allowing me to run, the authorities will want to demonstrate the putative existence of "full representation of the political spectrum", as if my presence on the ballot addresses the problem of non-admission of other candidates. Yet I am the candidate "Against All"—I refuse to play someone else's role, take someone else's place. Therefore, from the very beginning I say what I will do in these elections: I will speak out about how bad things are in the country; I will point out what needs to be changed in the system; I will demand, and I already demand the release of Aleksei Navalny and his registration as a candidate in the presidential elections; I will insist on the release of all political prisoners. This also applies to the "systemic" opposition: personally, I am not for the very unlikely victory of in this election, but his not being allowed to run in the last presidential election was a disgrace. If other representatives of the liberal opposition, including first and foremost will be registered to participate in the elections, I am ready to coordinate efforts with them, up to and including withdrawing my candidacy. If, under these conditions, Russian citizens support my self-nomination, and I will be registered as a candidate, then I will continue to consistently uphold this position. And, in my opinion, this is useful for the political environment in the country. If after making such statements I will not be registered - this is also useful. This brings even greater clarity, even more completely reveals the hypocrisy of the system.

I know that I am a controversial figure. I am a journalist, a socialite, daughter of a reformer, member of the coordinating council of the Russian opposition. I may not be your candidate, but my participation in the elections, on the term described above, is beneficial for voters and useful for Russia’s political system.

Not only against.

My role in these elections is to be the herald of all objections and criticisms, as the candidate of "Against All". This means that my own views are not central for the campaign, since it is really more important for me to seek the free representation of all views and platforms in the future of Russian government. Nevertheless, my basic principles and beliefs still need to be formulated publicly. For all those deciding whether to support or not support my candidacy these principles not need to be agreed with, but they need to be known. Here are those principles:

Russia is a European country. Its equal partners and allies are European powers, democratic and prosperous countries. Pan-European values are not only important for foreign policy, but are also a domestic policy priority for the country.

Russia is a democratic country. All laws prohibiting or complicating citizens' expression of political will and initiative should be reviewed. All political and non-violent actions of a citizen connected with the exercise of his/her constitutional rights to freedom of speech, assembly, etc must be allowed. Article 282 of the Criminal Code should be repealed. The highest form of expression of popular will is a referendum; existing restrictions on the forms and timing of regional and federal referendums should be abolished.

Russia is a democratic federal state. The separation of powers by branches and territories within it should be assured. The powers of the branches of government should be legislatively limited, while the rights of minorities to public and political representation should be protected both within the law and in practice. The distribution of funds between the regions and the federal center should be changed in favor of the regions. It is essential to return competitive elections to all levels of regional and federal government—the president should not have the right to appoint or dismiss governors. The powers of security services should be limited by law as well as in practice. Their financing should be fully transparent and accountable to the parliament and the Accounting Chamber.

Russia is a free-market economy with a strong social sector All large state corporations should be privatized and limited by antitrust restrictions. The state should not control any sectors of the economy. The state's share in enterprises and industries should be limited to a blocking share stake. Private property must be protected by law, with the seizure of any property or nationalization possible only in exceptional circumstances and if accompanied by compensation on the basis of independent market valuations.

Tax and regulatory reforms should stimulate the development of private entrepreneurship, small and medium businesses, technological and innovative development of enterprises, education. The list of industries requiring government licenses should be significantly reduced.

The state should stop using the tools of propaganda. The state's ownership of the media should be legislatively limited both within categories and geographic areas. Private ownership of mass media should be subject to strict antitrust restrictions. Other restrictions on the ownership and operation of the media should be removed. Operators of communication utilities should be exempted from controlling functions and administrative and financial encumbrances as part of the effort to interfere with and control citizens’ free speech and private lives. The laws known as the "Yakovoy Package" should be abolished.

Judicial reforms that truly ensure the independence of the courts must be undertaken. The regions should have the right to their own legislative practices, provided these do not directly contradict the federal Constitution. International treaties signed by Russia should be honored and enforced. The primacy of fundamental provisions of international law in the field of protecting individual rights and property rights should be restored.

A reform of the education system should be carried out, ensuring strong state support of promising industries and independence for private and commercial educational institutions.

Censorship should be eliminated in actual practice and the state's ability to influence cultural and public institutions through financial and administrative levers should be eliminated. State support for culture and non-profit organizations should be carried out through public councils composed of professionals, based on strict rules and constant rotation of their individual composing members.

Russia is a secular state. Religious institutions and figures cannot receive government financing, or funding from state-owned enterprises or those receiving government contracts. Laws that single out representatives of a particular faith for discrimination should be abolished.

Russia is a free country. All laws restricting the rights of people according to gender or sexual orientation should be abolished. All restrictions imposed on Russian citizens based on their place of birth, possession of other citizenships, prior convictions and so on, should be abolished, except for cases of national security. Adoption of Russian citizens by foreign nationals should be allowed in all cases where the custody of the child is not claimed.

What next?

In the coming days I will devote myself to assembling my staff, and invite—moreover request— all democratic forces to delegate to it either representatives or observers. I am open to consultations with all political forces.

In the nearest future, fundraising and volunteer teams will be formed, the campaign website will start operating. We promise that the work will be completely transparent to citizens and observers, open to Russian and foreign media. The most important thing right now, is to collect signatures for the nomination. Overcoming this artificial barrier, built on the imperfect registration data of citizens, the interference of regional and federal authorities and the bias of election commissions, is the greatest challenge. I am commencing this effort in a moment when time and resources are scarce, understanding well the difficult entirety of the forthcoming process. Which makes it even stranger to me that the main "systemic" candidates have not yet begun it, obviously counting on administrative resources and falsifications.

They say that politics is the art of the possible. In our upside-down world we will have test whether it is possible to engage in politics, or are all paths artificially and artfully closed. This test is important not only and not so much for me. It is vitally important both for other candidates, and even more so for all citizens of Russia, as well as its future citizens.

I ask you for help. I hope for and depend on it.

Yours,

Ksenia Sobchak – “Against All”.