South Sudan Will Talk with Rebels, Kerry Says
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Tests for Egyptian Journalists
Tests for Egyptian Journalists Reporting Truth, Fighting Censors, Earning a Wage, and Staying Alive in Times of Turmoil By Naomi Sakr n a classic essay in the Journal of Democracy in 2002, “The End of the Transition Paradigm,” democratization analyst Thomas Carothers questioned the assump- Ition that elections are the be-all and end-all of democracy. His argument seems especially apt in Egypt’s case. One mistake, according to Carothers, is to believe that the political and economic effects of decades of dictatorship can be brushed aside. Another is to imagine that state institutions under dictatorship functioned sufficiently well that they can be merely modified and need not be entirely rebuilt. Political scien- tist Sheri Berman, writing in Foreign Affairs in 2013, made similar points about what she called the “pathologies of dictatorship.” These leave a poisonous aftermath of pent-up distrust and animosity, she said, bereft of political bodies capable of respond- ing to or even channeling popular grievances. In Egypt, media institutions, largely controlled by the state since soon after the country became a republic in 1952, are part of this problem, but they can also be part of a future solution. To the extent that news media contribute to framing public discussion, the closer they get to representing the full plurality of interests and viewpoints in society, and the more they report verified information rather than prejudice, rumors, and lies, the more likely it is that different social groups will understand each other and make policy choices that are collectively beneficial. How media pluralism is achieved depends on history. -
All Truth Is Worth Publishing
REPORT ARAB POLITICS BEYOND THE UPRISINGS All Truth Is Worth Publishing Mada Masr and the Fight for Free Speech in Egypt MAY 23, 2017 — LAURA C. DEAN PAGE 1 As an authoritarian cold front settles over Egypt, a newsroom full of left-leaning journalists provides one of the last redoubts for the revolutionary ideals of 2011. The online newspaper Mada Masr was founded in 2013 by veterans of several envelope-pushing publications. Since then, it has distinguished itself not only for its bold reporting and experimental style, but also for management based on consensus, and the pioneering of a business model that relies on revenue sources beyond advertising. The newspaper has proved exceptionally resilient to efforts to silence it, weathering the arrest and imprisonment of some of its editors and contributors. And with a fast-growing Arabic section, Mada is more popular than ever. A new law that would drastically restrain digital media may yet prove to be Mada’s undoing. Yet the paper remains fully committed to continuing its truth-telling, and has resolved to resist the ongoing crackdown on speech. The story of Mada Masr provides a rare case study of a grassroots institution almost wholly sprung from Egypt’s uprising. It is almost difficult to recall now, but following the uprisings of 2011, people in Egypt began to divide historical time into two periods: before the revolution and after the revolution. In the latter, all manner of things seemed possible. It was at the tail end of this euphoric time, in the early summer of 2013, that a group of young Egyptian journalists set out to build an online news site. -
The$Voice$Of$The$Other:$Representations$Of
! The!American!University!in!Cairo! ! School!of!Humanities!and!Social!Sciences! ! !! The$Voice$of$the$Other:$Representations$of$the$ United$States$in$Egyptian$Popular$Discourse$ ! ! ! A!Thesis!Submitted!to! ! The!Department!of!Political!Science! ! ! In!Partial!Fulfillment!of!the!Requirements! ! For!the!Degree!of!Master!of!Arts! ! ! ! By!! Sara$Pulliam$ ! ! Under!the!supervision!of!Dr.$Ezzedine$Choukri$Fishere$ $ ! ! ! ! ! ! May/$2012$ ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! i! TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................1 A. Analyzing the Arab-American Relationship.......................................................3 B. Critique of US Discourse in Arab-American Relations......................................6 C. Research Questions and Agenda.......................................................................12 II. Theory, Methodology, and Literature Review........................................................15 A. Can the Subaltern Speak? Postcolonial Theory and Its Shortcomings.............15 B. Theory of Discourse and Discourse Analysis...................................................21 C. Methodology.....................................................................................................27 D. Arabs Encounter the West.................................................................................29 III. Analysis of Egyptian Discourse During Obama's Speech in Cairo......................38 A. Major Themes and Representations..................................................................39 -
MAPPING DIGITAL MEDIA: EGYPT Mapping Digital Media: Egypt
COUNTRY REPORT MAPPING DIGITAL MEDIA: EGYPT Mapping Digital Media: Egypt A REPORT BY THE OPEN SOCIETY FOUNDATIONS WRITTEN BY Rasha Abdulla EDITED BY Marius Dragomir and Mark Thompson (Open Society Media Program editors) Aboubakr Jamaï (regional editor) EDITORIAL COMMISSION Yuen-Ying Chan, Christian S. Nissen, Dusˇan Reljic´, Russell Southwood, Damian Tambini The Editorial Commission is an advisory body. Its members are not responsible for the information or assessments contained in the Mapping Digital Media texts OPEN SOCIETY MEDIA PROGRAM TEAM Meijinder Kaur, program assistant; Morris Lipson, senior legal advisor; and Gordana Jankovic, director OPEN SOCIETY INFORMATION PROGRAM TEAM Vera Franz, senior program manager; Darius Cuplinskas, director 1 August 2013 Contents Mapping Digital Media ..................................................................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................... 6 Context ............................................................................................................................................. 10 Social Indicators ................................................................................................................................ 12 Economic Indicators ......................................................................................................................... 14 1. Media Consumption: Th e Digital Factor .................................................................................. -
Obscure and Stalled the Democratic Path in Egypt 2014
Obscure and Stalled The Democratic Path in Egypt 2014 The Arabic Network For Human Rights Information Title: Obscure & Stalled The Democratic Path in Egypt 2014 Published by: ANHRI - The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information 2 Behlar Passage, Off Kasr El Nil St. - 5th Floor Flat no. 39 - Downtown, Cairo Tel/Fax : 23904208 / 23964180 Website : www.anhri.net e-mail : [email protected] Prepared by: Karim Abdelrady Documentation by Lawyers for Democracy Team: Ahmed Abdel Latif Mohammed Hafez Mahmoud Labib Mohammed Ramadan Ehab Hassan Emad Abu El Leil Aya Abdel-Al Nayera El Sayed Mahmoud Hassan Edited & Revised by: Gamal Eid Translated by: Ramy Rostom & Tereasa Shehata Cover Photo by: Ahmed Hamed – Aswat Masreya Cover Design & Technical Preparation by: Hussein Mohammed & Karim Abdelrady First Edition: 2015 Deposit No. : 4741/2015 The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information © All Rights Reserved This copy is for non-commercial use only 2 Introduction:1 This is the annual report that is released by Lawyers for Democracy Initiative, which was launched by The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information in 2014; aiming at monitoring the state of Egypt’s democratic path and determining its developments and shortcomings. The year 2014 was full of significant and influential political incidents. The repressive and extraordinary measures that have been taken by the Egyptian authorities in the wake of dispersing the sit-ins staged by the MB supporters in Rabaa Al-Adawiya in 2013 were the start to enacting a set of anti-freedoms legislations; aiming at hindering the general climate completely and confiscating the rights to peaceful protest and any political action inside the universities. -
The Military, the Media and Public Perceptions in Egypt Communication and Civil-Military Relations
The Military, the Media and Public Perceptions in Egypt Communication and Civil-Military Relations Egypt Civil-Military Relations Conference Paper Series Paper 3 Romuald Bolliger DCAF Mohamed Elmenshawy DCAF a centre for security, development and and Ragnar Weilandt the rule of law Egypt Civil-Military Relations Conference Paper Series Paper 3 The Military, the Media and Public Perceptions in Egypt Communication and Civil-Military Relations Romuald Bolliger Mohamed Elmenshawy DCAF DCAF a centre for security, and Ragnar Weilandt development and the rule of law About DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international organisation dedicated to assisting states – both developed and emerging democracies – in advancing good security sector governance, within a democratic framework and in respect of the rule of law. DCAF provides in-country advisory support and practical assistance programs to states that seek to strengthen governance of their security sector. DCAF works directly with national and local governments, parliaments, civil society, international organisations and defense and security forces. DCAF currently has 62 member states, including Lebanon and Tunisia. In its activities, DCAF is guided by the principles of neutrality, impartiality, inclusive participation, and local ownership. For more information, please visit DCAF’s website: www.dcaf.ch Disclaimer The content of this publication and the views expressed are the exclusive responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinion of DCAF or DCAF’s member states. Acknowledgement This publication was financed by the DCAF Trust Fund for Security Sector Development Assistance in North Africa. For more information about the Trust Fund, please visit: www.dcaf-tfna.org Series editors: Karina Priajina, Jean-Michel Rousseau, Andrea Cellino Series editor assistant: Elias Geoffroy Cover picture: Egyptian armed forces spokesman Col. -
The Quest for Legitimacy: the Egyptian State from Nasser to Sisi
THE QUEST FOR LEGITIMACY: THE EGYPTIAN STATE FROM NASSER TO SISI Ahmed Fahmy Shahin A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2017 Full metadata for this item is available in St Andrews Research Repository at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15580 This item is protected by original copyright The Quest for Legitimacy: The Egyptian State from Nasser to Sisi Ahmed Fahmy Shahin University of St Andrews This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews April 2017 The Quest for Legitimacy The Egyptian State from Nasser to Sisi Ahmed Fahmy Shahin PhD Thesis April 2017 2 Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………..………………….………6 Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………….7 Declarations……………………………………………………………………...……….………11 Note on Transliteration…………………………………………………………………..……….14 Chapter One: Introduction, Analytical Framework, and Methodology ……………...…….……..15 1.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………………...…….………15 1.2 Theoretical Review………………………………………………………………....….………18 1.2.1The Debate on Democracy and authoritarianism……………...……………….……..19 1.2.2 Beyond the dichotomy of democratisation vs. authoritarianism…..……………….…..21 1.2.3 Different Explanatory Approaches: Hybrid Regimes and Populist and post- populist Authoritarianism……………………………..…………………....……23 1.3 Research Questions……………………………………....……………………………..….….27 1.4 Conceptual Approach: Legitimacy………………………………………......………….….…..28 -
Censorship As a Populist Project: the Politics of Managing Culture in Egypt
CENSORSHIP AS A POPULIST PROJECT: THE POLITICS OF MANAGING CULTURE IN EGYPT A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Meir R Walters, M.A. Washington, DC June 28, 2016 Copyright 2016 by Meir R Walters All Rights Reserved ii CENSORSHIP AS A POPULIST PROJECT: THE POLITICS OF MANAGING CULTURE IN EGYPT Meir R Walters, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Marc Morjé Howard, Ph.D., J.D. ABSTRACT While the Arab political rebellions around 2011 grabbed the world’s attention, much ensuing scholarship focused on the short-term dynamics of contentious politics rather than the deeper authoritarian legacies that shaped political trajectories throughout the Middle East. Addressing this lacuna, my dissertation examines how longstanding structures of semi-authoritarian governance facilitated “re-autocratization” in Egypt. In particular, this dissertation traces the lasting legacies of state censorship policies from the Mubarak era until 2014. It examines how independent media can support reactionary as well as revolutionary politics. I argue that the military’s success at legitimating a new and even more repressive form of governance following the ouster of Mohamed Morsi in 2013 hinged in part on the role of semi-independent media personalities and intellectuals. Many prominent public intellectuals and members of the cultural elite served as more credible defenders of reactionary politics than official state mouthpieces. I also compare the decentralized media environment of Mubarak’s Egypt with the draconian censorship policies of Bin ‘Ali’s Tunisia where the media was directly controlled by the ruling family. -
President Appoints Legal Advisory Body
AILY EWS TUESDAY, MAY 7, 2013 N D ISSUE NO. 2186 NEWSTAND PRICE LE 4.00 EGYPT www.thedailynewsegypt.com Egypt’s Only Daily Independent Newspaper In English SMUGGLE TUNNEL CAUGHT IN THE CROSSFIRE BREAD FOR ALL Egypt’s Armed Forces discover and Prime Minister Hesham Qandil’s Cairo Supply Directorate: No secure 276 tunnels between Sinai motorcade hit by birdshot in the restriction on how much bread and Gaza streets of Dokki people can buy during Sham 2 3 El-Nessim 7 Minister of Tourism: We will President appoints legal close down any hotel where harassment takes place advisory body Around 150 complaints of sexual harassment against THE PRESIDENCY ANNOUNCES 16 NAMES TO ADVISE MORSI ON tourists received by Ministry, including three rape cases CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL AFFAIRS By Basil El-Dabh mid Massoud, Mohamed Mostafa Al- Abdel Maqsoud is a prominent out against Prime Minister Hesham Kanany Madi, Mostafa Gomaa, Ahmed lawyer for the Muslim Brother- Qandil’s cabinet, criticised President The presidency announced the for- Abu Al-Wafaa Hassan, Hazem Metwali hood, while Massoud is head of the Mohamed Morsi’s inability to conduct mation of a new advisory body of legal Atlam, Mohamed Abu Younis, Mounir second circuit of the Administrative national reconciliation with the op- experts that are expected to handle Abdel Gawad, Mohamed Gibreel, Judiciary Court. position, and rejected what he saw as certain legal and constitutional affairs. Yasser Al-Serafi, Abdel Moneim Ab- Former presidential advisor for Egypt opening its doors to the spread The committee consists of 16 advi- del Maqsoud, Ibrahim Abdel Moneim legal affairs Mohamed Fouad Gadal- of Shi’a Islam.