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Copyright by Noah Mass 2011 Copyright by Noah Mass 2011 The Dissertation Committee for Noah Mass certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: An Angle of Vision: American Southern Cosmopolitanism 1935-1974 Committee: ______________________________ Coleman Hutchison, Supervisor ______________________________ José Limon, Co-Supervisor ______________________________ Martin Kevorkian ______________________________ Wayne Lesser ______________________________ Stephen Hoelscher An Angle of Vision: American Southern Cosmopolitanism 1935-1974 by Noah Mass, BA, MA Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2011 Acknowledgements I would like to thank a number of people for their incredible assistance in helping me complete this project. First of all, I must thank Coleman Hutchison for his patience, guidance, and support throughout this process. José Limon was equally important, and his ideas and example have kept me inspired every step of the way. Martin Kevorkian was always there for me, and his incredible help provided me with the courage to bring my ideas out into the world. Perhaps most importantly, I’d like to thank my parents: my mother, for giving me a model of nonconformity that resonated with me as I came to the end; and my father, who always believed in me, and never once allowed me to give up on myself. Thank you, all. I couldn’t have done it without you. iv An Angle of Vision: American Southern Cosmopolitanism 1935-1974 Noah Mass, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2011 Supervisors: José Limon and Coleman Hutchison As they took stock of the ways that the Great Migration and America’s post-war global role were changing the South, Richard Wright, Carson McCullers, Ralph Ellison, and Albert Murray crafted narratives that articulated a particular perspective on the South. These writers dreamed of putting the regionally distinctive characteristics that they found valuable in the South into conversation with a sense of expansiveness and possibility, one that they associated with a migratory and increasingly globally-connected nation. In this project, I examine these southern cosmopolitan negotiations in Wright, McCullers, Ellison, and Murray’s southern narratives, and I argue that these writers are crucial to our understanding of the post-migration South in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. v Table of Contents List of Figures……………………………………………………………………………vii Introduction: The Southern Magnet and the Cosmopolitan Angle………………………....................................................................................1 Chapter One: “The Living Past Living In The Present”: Richard Wright’s Southern Cosmopolitanism………………………………………………………………...17 Chapter Two: “Caught and Loose”: Carson McCullers’s Cosmopolitan Vision………..81 Chapter Three: Ralph Ellison’s “South-Southwestern” Identity.........…………………127 Chapter Four: “As Cosmopolitan As Possible”: Albert Murray and the Post-Migration South……………………………………………………………………………175 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………............212 vi List Of Figures Figure 1: Thomas Hart Benton illustration for “Almos’ A Man” title page, Harper’s Bazaar, January 1940…………………………………………………………………….53 Figure 2: Thomas Hart Benton illustration for “Almos’ A Man” final page, Harper’s Bazaar, January 1940…………………………………………………………………….53 vii Introduction: The Southern Magnet and the Cosmopolitan Angle In The Warmth of Other Suns, Isabel Wilkerson quotes Eddie Earvin, a black Mississippian who left for Illinois in 1963, that leaving the South “was like getting unstuck from a magnet.”1 For many black and white southerners then and now, the South is a place to become unstuck from—a distinct part of the United States whose legacy of racial prejudice, poverty, and resistance to change many southerners struggle to leave behind. But the South also continues to occupy a unique place in the American consciousness, one of another kind of resistance: to cultural homogenization and to the individual isolation that often accompanies modernity. The South often functions as an abject other to the nation as a whole, but its regional particulars and community structures also exert a profound pull on southerners and non-southerners alike. This project is the story of a group of writers who explored the tension between becoming unstuck from the South and remaining stuck to it, during a period when the very notion of southern identity was becoming reconfigured. As they took stock of the ways that the Great Migration and America’s post-war global role were changing the South, Richard Wright, Carson McCullers, Ralph Ellison, and Albert Murray came to see southern identity from a particular perspective. This was a perspective that Richard Wright called his “angle of vision,”2 and it was one in which southern identity was revealed to be cosmopolitan in its negotiation between region and world. The “southern 1 Isabel Wilkerson, The Warmth of Other Suns (New York: Random House, 2010), 221. 2 It was a phrase he used often throughout his writing career, as I will discuss in the first chapter. 1 cosmopolitan” intersections in these writers’ narratives are crucial for our understanding of the way that the South became transformed into a fluid, negotiated, and transnational space over the course of the twentieth century. But perhaps most importantly, the negotiations of regional identity within a global context that these writers engaged in serve to illustrate the contemporary meaning of cosmopolitanism—for the South, for the United States, and for the world. Southern Mobility The South today remains in many places a bastion of social conservatism, religious fundamentalism, and right-wing politics. But as Donald M. Nonini argues, the current South is also suffused with intersections between regional and global influences, ideas, people, and economies. In many ways, the South has become a transnational space, “one geographical terminus for a multiplicity of transnational itineraries of persons, groups, and images moving back and forth between southern locales and offshore communities.”3 Today’s South is characterized as much by “these itineraries, the sites along them, and the processes of mobility of people and images they trace out” as by its resistance to change. 4 But if the South has come to be characterized, at least in part, by “mobility,” we should recognize that this development occurred not merely because of the South’s current manifestation as a hub for international investment and as a terminus for flows of 3 Donald M. Nonini, “Creating the Transnational South,” in The American South in a Global World, ed. James L. Peacock, et al (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2005), 251. 4 Ibid., 251. 2 information and labor. The Great Migration of blacks and many whites out of the South and into other parts of the nation over the course of the previous century helped to encourage a breakdown in the certainties of what “southern” meant; the post-World War II expansion of America’s military industrial complex and the nation’s assumption of the role of global military and economic superpower also served to destabilize many southerners’ sense of themselves as distinctly regional actors at odds with a larger national configuration. The notion of a South that is fluid as much as it is fixed has become central to the current critical dialogue about the South. Kathryn McKee and Annette Trefzer argue that the collection of states that comprise the historic South constitute “a porous space through which other places have always circulated,”5 and Edward Ayers points out that “there was never a time when Southern culture developed secure from the outside, when people knew just where the borders were, when people knew just what the South was and was not.”6 Rather, “the very story of the South is a story of unresolved identity,” a story that emerged in a geographical area that “was not a fixed, known, and unified place but a place of constant movement, struggle, and negotiation.”7 But even if the South has been “unfixed” throughout its history, it was the influence of the twentieth century Great Migration and of emergent postwar globalization 5 Kathryn McKee and Annette Trefzer, “Preface: Global Contexts, Local Literatures: The New Southern Studies,” American Literature 78:4 (December 2006): 679. 6 Edward L. Ayers, “What We Talk About When We Talk About The South,” in All Over The Map: Rethinking American Regions, ed. Edward L. Ayers, Patricia Nelson Limerick, et al (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1996), 74. 7 Ibid., 81. 3 that served to reveal the South, to southerners and non-southerners alike, as a far less parochial, far less bounded, and far more complicated place than it had seemed to be. Over the course of the twentieth century, southerners came to recognize the “negotiation” and “fluidity” that was always latent within southern history and culture, and to see such concepts as essential components of a southern identity that is as cosmopolitan as it is regionally resistant. What Cosmopolitanism Is “Cosmopolitanism,” as a term, has a long history. We often think of it in terms of its Greek roots “cosmos” and “polis”—“world” and “citizen”—and thus a “cosmopolitan” is “a citizen of the world.” But although cosmopolitanism might be an ideal of “global citizenship” for some, in this project I will argue for cosmopolitanism less as a designation of a political or social ideal than as a description of a cultural process. Kwame Anthony Appiah makes this point, when he argues for cosmopolitanism as something that happens when people make use of their local particulars in an environment in which global presences have become inescapable. Appiah acknowledges that some local practices—circumcision for men is one of the examples he uses—are abhorrent and anathema to many people around the world, but are equally accepted and celebrated by many others. For Appiah, the value of the cultural practice itself is not the point, because what makes conversation across boundaries worthwhile isn’t that we’re likely to come to a reasoned agreement about values.
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