FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES

How the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Heated Up the Relations In Domestic Fotball

Bachelor's Thesis

MARKO ĐUREK

Supervisor: prof. PhDr. Vít Hloušek, Ph.D.

Department of International Relations and European Studies International Relations and European Politics

Brno 2021

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HOW THE DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA HEATED UP THE RELATIONS IN DOMESTIC FOTBALL

Bibliographic Record

Author: Marko Đurek Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University Department of International Relations and Euro- pean Studies Title of Thesis: How the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Heated Up the Relations In Domestic Fotball Degree Programme: International Relations and European Politics Supervisor: Prof. PhDr. Vít Hloušek, Ph.D. Academic Year: 2021 Number of Pages: 612 Keywords: Yugoslavia, Football, Politics, Fans, Break-up, Ser- bia,, Nationalism

1 HOW THE DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA HEATED UP THE RELATIONS IN DOMESTIC FOTBALL

Abstract

The bachelor thesis will analyse intersections between football clubs and fans with the politics in the context of late period of Yugoslavia. With the death of Josip Broz Tito, growth of nationalistic tensions and the rise of nationalism among the ethnic groups led to the bloody breakup of the country. Nowhere did this rapid growth of nationalism show itself in the late '80s as it was reflected on the football pitch and terraces across the Yugoslavia. The bachelor thesis will mention all six former Yugoslav countries and events across those countries, however the main focus will be on the three most affected countries during those conflicts – i.e. Ser- bia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This bachelor thesis will be in the format of research question, which will consequently lead towards having many other questions, such as – why did it happen? What was the main cause? What the consequences were and so on. The list of sources that are going to be used will be mainly from primary sources such as journals and documentaries from the period of happenings, as well as from the secondary sources – i.e. books, academic literature, journals, ar- ticles etc.

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Statutory Declaration

I hereby declare that I have written the submitted [select type of docu- ment] concerning the topic of How the Dissolution of Yugoslavia He- ated Up the Relations In Domestic Fotball independently. All the sources used for the purpose of finishing this thesis have been adequately referenced and are listed in the Bibliography.

In Brno 16 April, 2021

...... Marko Đurek

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HOW THE DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA HEATED UP THE RELATIONS IN DOMESTIC FOTBALL

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my supervisor prof. PhDr. Vit Hloušek, Ph.D. for his support and fast responses and feedbacks, as well as for giving me ideas about the thesis. In addition, I would like to thank my family and my fri- ends for their support and understanding during the process of writing this thesis.

TABLE OF CONTENTS 5

Table of Contents

List of Images 7

List of Tables 8

List of Terms and Acronyms 9

1 Introduction 11

11 Literature Review 11

1.2 Methodology 15

2 Politics in Yugoslavian Footballl 18

2.1 Post Tito Years 20

2.2 Structure of Yugoslavian Football League 23

2.3 Rise of Nationalism in Football - How did it happen? 27

3 Dinamo vs Red Star 32

3.1 A game that changed everything 35

3.2 Aftermaths 39

4 Conclusion 45

Bibliography 49

Index

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LIST OF IMAGES 7

List of Images

1.1 Image: Hajduk – Crvena Zvezda. The scene when they found out about Tito’s death

1.2 Image: The famous scene when Zvonimir Boban kicks a police officer

7 8 LIST OF TABLES

List of Tables

8 LIST OF TERMS AND ACRONYMS 9

List of Terms and Acronyms

Ex-Yu – Ex/former Yugoslavia CZV – Crvena Zvezda () LCY – League of Communists of Yugoslavia SFRJ – Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugoslavija/Socialist Federa Republic of Yugoslavia FSJ – Fudbalski Savez Jugoslavije/Football Association of Yugoslavia BBB – Bad Blue Boys HDZ – Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica (Croatian De- mocratic Union)

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1 Introduction

Ever since football was invented as a game, it was always people's game. A game created by the working-class people for working-class. As the time progressed and as it became more and more popular, politics saw its chance to intervene into the ‘’people’s game’’. Nowadays football and politics goes along with each other, not just football but sport and politics in general are connected nowadays. The case of politics and football in Yugoslavia it is not the only one but cer- tainly it is one of the more specific cases. One of the very good examples when politics intervened into football is the so called ‘’Football War’’ – war between El Salvador and Honduras in the 1969. However, the ‘’Foot- ball War’’ was an Inter State war while the Yugoslavian case wan an Intra State conflict between Ex-Yugoslavian countries. What is going to be analyzed and explained in this thesis is how pol- itics intervened into the football and how it led to rise of nationalistic tensions within the countries and among the people. The conclusion will answer relevant research questions while sum- marizing the most significant findings of this thesis.

1.1 Literature Review

Football in the 1980s and 90s in Yugoslavia became a hot topic in the worldwide news mostly because of the political reasons, hence it caught the attention of the broader academic researchers and writers, which led to increased number of academic work and papers dealing with the football and political topic.

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Many authors explains the rise of nationalism in the 1980s. Ramet (2002) argues that after the Tito’s death Yugoslavia abandoned their stable formula while it was affected by the economic crisis and the political situation throughout the country. Meier (1999) builds on the work of Ramet by supporting the claims and highlighting the active role of Milošević and Tudjman as the emerging nationalist leaders. Their nationalist views and beliefs were the reason that brought them at the top of the hierarchy, as well as controlling the media and majority in the parliament. Meier adds that the media in Bosnia, and Croatia contributed largely to the breakup and interethnic conflicts in Yugoslavia by spreading the hatred speech. Political situations in Serbia, and Croatia during the last years of the 80s eventually led that Croatia and Slovenia declared their independence. Political situation in ex-Yugoslavian countries reflected heavily on the football pitch, which was elaborated in the work of Mills (2018) and Armstrong (1999). Both of the authors supports the claim that violence among the fans existed even before Tito’s death. Fans or hooligans (in this case) looked up to the English fans or Italian ‘’Tifosi’’ fans because of their style of cheering. In addition, they were the ones causing big troubles during the football matches. Hence, as Mills explains, this was passed on to the Balkan fans influencing them to do the same. However, with the happenings within the country, politics entered into the football clubs and among the fans, which led to high-level nationalization and bigger outbreak at the stadiums.

Richard Mills also acknowledge that not just the deteriorating poli- tical situation in the country was bad itself, he also points out that the

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economic situation in the 1980s led to corruption within the football clubs – such as, political figures who bribed the referees, as well as the clubs who bribed the league officials at the top of the hierarchy. Ćolović (2004) seems to agree with the lines mentioned above, adding that collapse of Ex-YU and rise of nationalism led to accusing the sports officials and players as nationalist. Those claims were transferred on the terraces where fight amongs the football hooligans occured, which eventually became a commonplace (fights between Partizan and Hajduk Split fans or Red Star Belgrade and Dinamo Zagreb fans). Another trend in the Ex-YU football in the 1980s and 90s, where Ćolović argue is that (as he explains) – '' The exclusion of Yugoslav teams and clubs from international competitions was also interpreted with reference to the international isolation of the Serbian regime as described by the state media. According to their interpretation, Milošević’s Yugoslavia was exposed to international isolation and was under economic embargo and other United Nations sanctions’’. did not just affect the internal relations; it also affected country on the foreign policy level. Let us turn to literature on the two selected clubs and their specific game of our analysis now. The breaking ground point in the research trends of Ex-Yu football was the game between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star Belgrade that took place in Zagreb on the 13th of May in 1990. Foer (2005) supports the claim that game was pivotal in many ways. Wilson (2006) agree with the research of Foer, adding that Red Star Belgrade was always a club of poor and disaffected, a club who had anti-Titoist and anti-federalist views. Their fans insisted on independence from any political body. Wilson explains that the game against Dinamo Zagreb and its fans Bad Blue Boys (BBB) was the war’s first battle than the actual war itself.

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Foer builds with another argument explaining that the game played a role in revival of where the fans were led by the famous and notorious Željko Ražnatović ‘’’’where he recalled that ‘’Maksimir game was a seminal moment in his realisation that war was approaching’’. Authors Schlichte (2010), Foer (2005) and Mills (2018) supports the claim and stated that Arkan used the game against Dinamo as sort of a training for his paramilitary unit ‘’Arkan’s Tigers’’ that acted during the 1990s in the civil war. Not just that, later he recruited part of the ‘’Delije’’ fans into his unit to fight alongside him. Foer adds that game between two great rivals was a reflection of everything represented in the Yugoslavian football at the time and everything that went wrong after it. Kuhn (2019) argue to all of the above mentioned that football and politics existed ever since and it was not just the case in Yugoslavia. He explains that the reason why politics and politicians intervenes into football is that they are trying to gain people’s support by identifying with the ‘’people’s game’’. Kuhn adds example such as footballer who suffered under the Soviet regime or even in some African countries where players were punished because of the bad results, where he concludes that football does not appear to be a culprit on those situations. Literature that was written and the researches that were conducted on this specific topic shows us what happens when politics intervene in sports (particularly football in this case) in one fragile country at that moment. Academic works that were written portray to us that when the political situation in the country goes bad it can reflect on to football badly. The aim of this thesis is to provide analysis, to evaluate what and

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why it went wrong from the already existing literature, and to provide unique analysis of this specific case.

1.2 Methodology and the Structure of the Thesis

In this thesis, methodology that is going to be utilized is qualitative approach. By utilizing qualitative analysis I will collect already grounded data of how the break-up and post Tito years affected the relations in domestic Yugoslavian football. This thesis aims to examines the complexity of the relationship on how the politics interfered into football and how it reflected onto the fans, hence the research question approach seems to be most suitable and effective. In this topic, hypotheses will not be tested, rather the research questions are going to be answered. However, the main research question that will be analyzed and that is going to be asnwered is how the dissolution of Yugoslavia heated up the relations in domestic football? In order to operationalize and answer questions that will ultimately emerge I will have to determine certain causes of events that led to raising those questions. This thesis will reasses historical events and facts, as well as it will critically evaluate the existing secondary literature.

The causes behind certain events such as rise of nationalism within the countries, as well as economic recession in the ‘90s that proved to be a one of the problems in the country, are going to be included in the contextualisation of the main research topic. Connecting those

15 INTRODUCTION contextual conditions that deals with selected facts and events, such as rise of nationalistic political structures in Serbia and Croatia, as well as the outbreak of nationalism among the fans will provide answer to my questions mentioned above. What I mean by the rise of nationalistic political structure in Serbia and Croatia is the emergence of politicians Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tudjman, who advocated nationalistic views and hatred towards other countries and nation in the former Yugoslavia. By analyzing their political views, this will lead to an explanation of how and why nationalism spread among the fans, which later affected the football as a sport.

The data that will be mostly used and relied on are the secondary sources data gathered from the books and papers on related topics (both on the dissolution of Yugoslavia and Yugoslavian football), as well as the academic work and researches that were conducted by the various writers. Primary sources that are going to be included will be in a way of documentary movie/video and from the newspapers from the mentioned period. Some of the weaknesses of this topic might be prevented by the above-mentioned methods. However, lack of details in sources and not good enough explained events might appear as weakness. Another weakness might be a biased attitude or opinion from the actors appeared in the primary sources (i.e. players, fans, politicians etc.). Moreover, if I come across to the above-mentioned problems – I will mitigate and deal with that by looking for a non-bias and more objective opinion and comments that serves the purpose or with triangulation of my sources wherever it will be possible.

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This thesis will be divided into two main parts. In the first part I will explain the structure of the football league in Yugoslavia and the political influence in the country, as well as within the football itself, that led to the rise of nationalism among the fans, people, players and so on. The second part of this thesis is dedicated to the specific example – match between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star Belgrade. The reason why I opted to include this match into my thesis is that the game between those two rivals was the culmination of all of the things that is going to be mentioned and presented. What I mean by culmination is the fact that the sport was put in another plan, it was not relevant at all at that match. Clash of two different political and nationalist view and two different hooligan groups were the reasons why this match went into history of sport. The game between two biggest clubs at that time is example of almost everything that went wrong in Yugoslavian football and everything that my topic present and deals with.

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2 Politics in Yugoslavian Football

Politics in football has more or less always had its influence and its word. Politics in Yugoslavian Football was shaped by political events, mostly after Tito's death. The main players at that time were the govern- ments – i.e. political leaders of Serbia and Crotia, as well as football fans (hooligans) who were influenced by the rise of nationalism during the 80s and early 90s. Not to forget the economic crisis and sanctions im- posed by the UN in the 1992 who also played a big role in the devastation of the Yugoslavian football. 1 Politics (and nationalism) in Football were not just the case in the Yugoslavia. As Gabriel Kuhn explains in his book ‘’Soccer vs the State’’ it was the case for the ''Football War'' between El Salvador and Honduras. However, looking at the European soil we can find similar examples in the rivarly between Glasgow Rangers and Celtic in Scotland (background of rivarly lies in the religion diverity- protestants vs catholics) or even in Spain where we have a rivarly between Barcelona and Espanyol (Barce- lona who is pro-catalan oriented and Espanyol who is against that) (Kuhn, 2019).

1 In the 1992, the UN imposed the sanctions against Yugoslavia under the resolution 757 (later on 787) because of the war crimes by Serbian side in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unknown author; ''Kako smo živeli za vreme sankcija''; Mondo; January 18, 2017 URL: https://mondo.rs/Info/Ekonomija/a974150/Americke-sankcije-SR-Jugoslaviji- ukinute-pre-16-godina.html?fbclid=IwAR0i1PEjEaAuGJC4eI- xXyjKdViDJo1BS7cF_HURUQP3WykdDHC9SkMbsQ8

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Football as such in Yugoslavia changed greatly after the death of Tito. With the coming to power of various other politicians who wanted their share of power, they caused people to become filled with national- ism, which soon transferred to football fields and among the fans. Josip Broz Tito was a link between, then one people, and today they are divided into ‘’these or those’’. Tito’s death caused many problems, which reflected on socio-economic problems. In the field of football, Tito’s death meant the presence of many other politicians at sporting evens (which were an indicator of the beginning of ethnic and civic na- tionalism), as well as the beginning of many riots among fans, eventually based on the nationality. Politics in Yugoslav football played a big role because politicians tried (and in the end succeeded) to turn people and the states against each other through football. This chapter is divided into 3 subheadings. In the fist subheading, I will describe the situation in the state after the death of Josip Broz Tito, which left a deep mark on several fields. In the second subheading, I will deal with the structure of the Yugoslav football league, and in the third subheading, I will answer how all this culmination in the country led to the growth of nationalism that was transmitted among football and foot- ball fans.

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2.1 Post Tito Years

Umro je drug Tito (translated into English – Comrade Tito died). Those were well-known words in the news that quickly echoed through- out Yugoslavia and shocked millions of people. Many older people from the former Yugoslavia believe that the disintegration of Yugoslavia began with that sentence. Josip Broz Tito dies on May 4, 1980. Tito’s legacy was large and influential. He managed to unite the people of the Yugoslavia (although he him- self stated that he failed to do so) (Meier, 1999). Tito’s death and the grief that followed were felt among the population, among musicians, athletes and even among the leaders of other countries. Titoist Yugoslavia (a term used to mark his rule and leadersip) disappeared and a great vacuum arose in the state and among the authorities. Many politicians felt the op- portunity after his death. Not only Tito’s death affect political develop- ments in the country, but it also resulted in an economic crisis. However, Tito itself is not the topic of this thesis but it is very im- portant to note what his death meant to the Yugoslavia at that time and after. Three factors preceded to the collapse of Ex-Yu. Although the pe- riod from 1971-81 was considered as the ‘’golden age’’ of Tito’s regime. After Tito’s death (and a year before the death of Vice President Edvard Kardelj) it was enough to reach the breaking point. Among the first fac- tors was that the economy started to deteriorate. The second factor was, as I mentioned above, the death of Tito and Kardelj, which led to the fact that there is no strong leader in the country capable of bringing the unity. In addition, the third factor was the widespread of anti-Serbian ri- oting among the Albanian population in Kosovo due to which Serbia and

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Slobodan Milošević will deal with the next few years (Ramet Petra, 2002). The ineffectiveness of the regime to turn towards liberal economic reforms had led to new foreign credits and debts, as well as to the deval- uation of the dinar. The period from 1980 to the early 1990s was a long and transitional, but the period from 1990s to the early 2000s was even longer due to the civil war. During the ‘80s many former states were in transition period such as Slovenia and Croatia but the greatest transition (which was later transferred to other states) was in Serbia. In 1986 in Serbia, Slobodan Milošević appeared – until then he was the president of the Belgrade League of Communists City Committee (Meier, 1999). Quickly, Milošević took over the mainstream media in the country and de facto became the only leader in Serbia at the time with his extreme national and populist politics and interests. Slobodan Milošević was the one who propagated to go into a non-Titoist direction. It was him and Serbian parliament who abolished the constitution and long-planned stategy of LCY (League of Communists of Yugoslavia). On the other hand, Croatia had its leader in the form of Franjo Tuđman, who also leaned towards right-wing. Tito’s death was also felt on the football fields. The matches of the First League were played across the state. One of the most memorable scened happened during the match between Hajduk Split and Red Star Belgrade played in Split. The match at the Poljud (Hajduk’s stadium) was interrupted when the news arrived that Tito had died. The whole stadium cried including the players. That pictured and the opinion of the footballers what they thought about Tito was described by two legends of Red Star Belgrade – Vladimir

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Pižon and Dušan Savić. They recall that everobody loved Tito at that time. They all felt sad because they grew up with Tito. As Vladimir Pižon recalls ‘’ Everything was spontaneous that day. As well as the song of whole Pol- jud – Druže Tito mi ti se kunemo (Comrade Tito, we swear to you). Those scenes were both touching and beautiful at the same time’’. In addition, Dušan Savić adds ‘’ The concern was legitimate because the fate of the entire state in the period from 1945-1980 depended on the mood and health of one man who was suddenly gone. No one should be blamed to- day for crying for Tito, either out of fear or out of love. Such was the time’’ (Čuveni fudbaleri Crvene Zvezde, 2020). In addition, what Tito’s death meant to the people and footballers was seen when the player of Velež from Mostar won the Marshal Tito Cup in 1981. As proof of how much Tito meant even more after his death, the fact that 20.000 Velež fans chanted ‘’Mi smo Titovi, Tito je naš’’ (We are Tito’s, Tito is ours) speaks for itself.

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1.1 Image: Hajduk – Crvena Zvezda. The scene when they found out about Tito’s death (Source: (Čuveni fudbaleri Crvene Zvezde, 2020))

2.2 Structure of Yugoslavian Football League

This subheading is dedicated to the structure of the Yugoslavian Football League, as well as it will be about the most famous fans at that time. This subheading will be a brief description of the league and the clubs who consisted that league. It is important that readers get acquainted with this part because it will help them in further reading and understanding the thesis itself.

The SFRJ championship (Socijalistička Federativna Republika Jugo- slavija – Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) existed in the period from 1946 (1946/47 season) until 1991 (1990/91 season). The league was consisted out of 18 clubs where the last two are relegated to the sec- ond division of the competition (as in the most world leagues), while the top 4-5 are fighting to enter the European competitions. The most tro- phy-winning club in the former Yugoslavia is Crvena Zvezda (Red Star Belgrade) with 19 titles, followed by Partizan with 11, then Hajduk with 7 and Dinamo Zagreb with 4 titles (Football).

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The league as such was strong and competitive. Derbies between the ‘‘big four’’ – Red Star, Partizan, Dinamo Zagreb and Hajduk Split, charac- terized the league. Both local and regional derbies have always been lively and tense during their matches, mostly because of the fans. It was always fiercely with many tensions in the stands, even when you add the years after the Tito’s death where the growth of nationalism greatly in- fluenced the events on the field and among the fans, then those matches gained even more weight. However, as mentioned many times above, with the death of Tito many things have changed, including the situation in the fist Yugoslav league. Matches began to be fixed and decisions were made behind the scenes. As a result and as example of that, in the 1985-6 season, Partizan from Belgrade was deprived of the title because the last seven games were fixed.2 Due to all these match-fixing, the FSJ (Fudbalski Savez Jugoslavije – Football Association of Yugoslavia) has decided that the matches that ended with draw will go into a penalty-shoutout with the winner taking points (Mills, 2018). This is supported by an article from the Croatian newspaper ‘’In- dex.Hr’’, which, after about 30 years, reminds us of that famous last round/gameweek from the 1985-6 season, which was named ‘’Šajberovo kolo’’(Šajber’s gameweek)3. Šajber decided on a brave move when he an- nulled the entire last round. He punished all the teams involved in match-

2 Term match-fixing in football or any other sports is related to the fact when two teams agree in advance on a particular outcome or in any other case when one team bribe the referee. It is considered as a cheating, as well as breaking the rules of the game. 3 That last gameweek was named after the president of FSJ – Slavko Šajber.

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fixing by deducting the 6 points in the following season. In the article it was explained that Partizan and Red Star entered with the same number of points, but Partizan had better goal difference by one goal, which means that Partizan should have won with the same result as Red Star had. The epilogue of the story is that CZV won the away game against Sarajevo with the 4:0 result, however Partizan won at home against Žel- jezničar from Sarajevo with the same result. Some people claim that whenever CZV scored against Sarajevo, Partizan would immediately score at their stadium. That is how – now the famous ‘’Šajberovo kolo’’ – ended (Čobanov, 2016). Yugoslavian football and its league would be nothing without the fans, hence speaking about the fans they played a big role in supporting their teams.

The most famous and notorious fans were (and some of them today still are) Delije (Red Star Belgrade fans), (Gravediggers) fans of Par- tizan Belgrade, BBB (Bad Blue Boys) the fans of Dinamo Zagreb and Torcida (the oldest fans/hooligans in Europe) fans of Hajduk Split. These four groups of fans were the loudest, most numerous and the most frightening with their appearances in the stands. What later distin- guished those fans was that they emaulated other European fans, specif- ically English and Italian fans. Following their example, they started do- ing various bad things, such as pitch invasion, throwing torches/flares, fighting with other fans (on and off the pitch) and so on.

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They behaved destructively at away matches as Ćolović puts it. As the 90s approached, the state did not have to repress their violent behav- iour because the wartime were approaching. In fact, it was in the interest of the state to use them and their behaviour for the war aims (Ćolović, 2004). In addition to the big four fans and due to the influence of English and Italian groups, new fan groups began to appear, such as Red Firm from (FC Vojvodina fans), and Velež from Mostar also got its Red Army group. Sarajevo clubs FC Željezničar and Sarajevo had their own groups – The Maniacs and (Hordes of Evil). The Green Dragons, fans of Olimpija from Ljubljana appeared in Slovenia. In my hometown, the supporters of Borac Banja Luka emerged as Lešinari (Vul- tures), as well as in Rijeka where the fans called ‘’Armada’’ appeared. What is common for most of those groups is the fact that most of them emerged in the period from 1986 until 1990.

2.3 Rise of Nationalism in Football – How did it happen?

Nationalism in sports is a universal phenomenon. The roots of na- tionalism lies in socio-economic and economic-political elements. Factors that encourage nationalism are numerous, but some of them are, for example, the low level of general material and cultural devel- opment, the development of democratic and political traditions. Con- sidering that sport nationalism lies in the fact that we cannot know when it is going to be ‘’reasonable sport nationaslim’’ as Pejković called it in his article (now it is often portrayed as ‘’patriotism’’), it

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can easily turn into vulgar and violent behaviour. (Pejković, 2017). Such was the case in Yugoslavia at the time. Nationalism in sport/football in Yugoslavia was a perfect example. It contained all the elements (such as low development of democracy and economic- political elements), as mentioned in the above definition. Earlier, football brought people and nations closer to each other, and nowadays it became a way of expressing hatred towards other na- tionalities. In addition, there is a strong influence of media in spreading nationalism. In Yugoslavia, the matches of Partizan, CZV, Hajduk and Di- namo formed a national character. Most nationalism were manifested in the fights between the fans. After Tito’s death, Yugoslav society was shaken by the crisis, which on the one hand manifested the growth of nationalist trend and on the other a deep economic drepession, which indicated the strengths of seri- ous destabilization, which also affected football.

The nationalist chanting in the stands in the former Yugoslavia first appeared in Serbia, and then in Croatia and it was primarily related to the Red Star fans. Djordjević added that Delije recognized Slobodan Mi- lošević as the national leader. However, that connection did not last long and Delije turned to the modern interpretation of the ideology of the Yu- goslav Army in the homeland – i.e. Chetniks and Draža Mihajlović, as well as to the anti-regime activities. Delije turned to opposition leaders such as Vuk Drašković and Vojislav Šešelj (Djordjevic, 2016). However, the glorification of Draža Mihajlović and the Chetniks is also present among the fans even today.

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On the other side, in Croatia around 1989 with the appearance of the Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica – HDZ (Croatian Democratic Un- ion) and its leader Franjo Tuđman, nationalist outburst began at the stands, along with the chants such as – ‘’Hrvatska – nezavisna država’’ (Croatia – an independent state), ‘’Srbe na vrbe’’4 and so on. The appear- ance of HDZ and Tudjman represented a liberation for the fans (Djordjevic, 2016). Tudjman and Milošević advocated populist policies, as well as the fact that they used the media in their intentions to turn people and fans against each other. As mentioned in the previous chapter, hooliganism was common- place in the ‘80s, however in 1982-83 it started with nationalist slogan where Partizan fans visited Zagreb in a game against Dinamo Zagreb where they covered their train with Serbian nationalists slogans. Politicization of football was provoked by deteriorating situation in politics at that time. Already in 1983, when Priština won the first league promotion, Albanian nationalism came on scene. Especially the case was when Priština had an away game against Red Star Belgrade in Belgrade, where Priština fans chanted songs in honor of Enver Hoxha (Albanian leader and politician) and where they hoisted Albanian flags. The situation with Kosovo at the time was trig- gered by the rebirth of Sebian nationalism. Another example of Serbian nationalism is where the city rivalry between Red Star and Partizan is brought to its limits, but together they would always sing and shout chants about Albanians and shout songs such as ‘’We will drop the bombs

4 Srbe na vrbe – It is an anti-serb slogan, translated as Serbs onto willows. It means hang the Serbs on the willlow trees. Nowadays mostly used by Croatian nationalists.

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on Priština, so that Albanians slowly die’’ (Mills, 2018). It was regarded as a ‘’pro-chetniks’’ behaviour. The situation in Bosnia was such that CZV and Partizan fans could be found in the Serb part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as that Haj- duk and Dinamo fans could be found in Croat part of Bosnia – in Herze- govina entity. This additionally led to further conflicts between these fan groups, even on the territory of another state. All these events during the ‘80s were just an introduction to what will happen on Maksimir in May 1990, now known as the ‘’ Maksimir myth’’. Maksimir ‘’myth’’ nowadays is very famous game between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star Belgrade where the fans clashed with the police, which was a real liberation for them at that time. I will write more about that game in the next chapter, which is related to that special match.

Slovenia and Macedonia were not affected by this ''nationalist wave'' as Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia to some extent were. In fact, Slovenia and Macedonia were among the first to be for independence, as well as football was not the most popular sport in those countries. However, one situation from 1989 stands out. When Red Star Belgrade visited Olimpija Ljubljana, Olimpija fans ''Green Dragons'' were supported by the BBB and Armada (Rijeka fans) who came from Zagreb and Rijeka just to help further to provoke Red Star fans Delije. The provocations were in the sense that the opposite fans publicly supported Kosovo, which Delije did not like at all (Mills, 2018). The consequence of that match is that relations between Slovenia

29 POLITICS IN YUGOSLAVIAN FOOTBALL and Serbia further deteriorated, as well as that Milošević decided to push Slovenia out of the federation and the League of Communist. The events at that time in the stands at the stadiums and within the country, which was on the verge of disintegration, caused that the fans whistled to their national anthem of Yugoslavia ''Hej Sloveni'' (Hey,Slavs). As a result of all that, a football team which was strong at that time went to the World Cup without support. What is also imporant to note is that the relationship between the fans and the police was in form of awe. The attack on the police was essentially an attack on the state, but that changed in that context after the events on Maksimir in 1990. As Mills stated, all these fans outburst were observed through socialist prism. The economic situation also had an impact, where for example, some fans came from rural areas where the so-called ''patriarchal-rural culture and religious traditionalism'' ruled (Mills, 2018). All these banners, slogans and chant used massively on football stadiums created by the fans were an indicator of the upcoming collapse of the social system in the former Yugoslavia. Tito's death and rise of nationalist political structure within Serbia and Croatia gave, to some extent, a freedom for the fans in their nation- alist expressions towards other nationalities accompanied by chauvinis- tic flags/banners and songs, as well as with frequent physical violence. As the years got closer and closer to the 1990s, the dynamics of violence and conflict grew among the fans and people generally of the former Yu- goslavian countries.

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31 DINAMO ZAGREB VS RED STAR BELGRADE

3 Dinamo Zagreb vs Red Star Belgrade

When you read about the riots in Yugoslavia during the 1990s or when you read about football in Yugoslavia, it is impossible not to men- tion the match between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star Belgrade. No match in Yugoslavia and later in the independent Croatia and Serbia, has ever had such an impact as the unplayed match between those two teams on the eve of the Civil War (or as the Croatian calls it – Homeland War), on ,1990. The match that was to be played at the Maksimir stadium was declared by CNN as one of the five matches that changed the world. That game also ended in the school literature (Matijašević Erceg, 2015). In the years between 1989 and 1991, Belgrade press printed a large number of commentaries, which were in a dramatic sense a warning that the danger is approaching because of the spread of chauvinism in sport. Some of the titles at that time were ‘’Nationalistic war games’’, ‘’At the gates of hell’’ and so on. In those articles, even the sportmen and sport officials were accused of nationalism (Ćolović, 2004). In terms of sport, it was the main match of the season. Red Star was first on the table, while Dinamo was second. From the point of view by the fans, that match was even more important. Among its channels, the BBB received information that the posters ‘’Everyone to Zagreb’’ are be- ing put in Belgrade and that Delije were preparing for a ‘’big show’’. From the police-security point of view, the match had to be treated as a high security risk event. There was a mutual fight between the two rival groups. Dinamo fans, Red Star fans, police and even players – they were all fighting. The clash took place in the stands, at the pitch and even at the surrounding streets (Revija, n.d.).

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Miraculously, there were no dead people, and ironically, the match was supposed to be played on ‘’Dan Bezbednosti’’.5 As the 1990s approached, Yugoslavia was in political turmoil. Mi- lošević destabilized the fragile federal institutions, also League of Com- munists of Yugoslavia no longer existed. On the other hand, Croatia held its first multi-party elections where Franjo Tudjman and his HDZ side won. The events in Knin started, where the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) was formed on 17 February 1990. Milan Babić, who was a leading member of the SDS and a Mayor of Knin, demanded a Serb municipality as an autonomous region, which further deteriorated relations with Za- greb (Mills, 2018). In fact, Tudjman removed Serbs from the constitution, which further added fuel to the fire. As mentioned earlier, Delije did not want to be associated with any political party, however BBB welcomed the fact that Tudjman used a ‘’šahovnica’’6 as his emblem used by the Ustashas while collaborating with Nazis during the WWII. One of the most important personalities during the 1990s, who later ‘’stood out’’ during the civil war was the war criminal Željko Ražnatović – Arkan (sometimes portrayed as a hero among the Red Star fans).

5 ''Dan Bezbednosti'' – is the day when the ex- Department for People's protection (also known as OZNA) celebrates its formation day – 13 May (formed in 1944). OZNA was the security agency during the Communist Yugoslavia under the Tito's regime. It was a very efficient and intimidating agency in its methods. There is even a famous quote – ''OZNA sve dozna'', which means OZNA finds out everything. 6 Šahovnica is nowadays the coat of arms of the Republic of Croatia. It is consisted of 5x5 red-white fields, of which the first (upper-left) field must be red. The first upper-left field used to be white while the Ustashas used ''Šahovnica''.

33 DINAMO ZAGREB VS RED STAR BELGRADE

A son of colonel in Tito’s air force. Arkan was always a problematic guy, causing a lot of problems in Western Europe, as well as breaking from jails all the time (Stewart S., 2008). Arkan saw his opportunity in Delije (Heroes) where he became their member and chief security officer and eventually their leader. However, he saw an opportunity to use Delije to train them so they can later incor- porate into his paramilitary group Tigers. Most of the new members among the Delije came from newer parts of the Belgrade, where the so- cial contradictions of socialist modernization were felt. Most of the new members were young boys with high unemployment rate and bad houseold incomes. Arkan saw that as opportunity to shape Delije accord- ing to his vision. Arkan later said that the game between Dinamo and Red Star was a breaking point, as he knew that the war was coming (Schlichte, 2010). In one of the interviews from the early 2000s, one of the CZV fans was asked who he hates the most? He answered – ‘’a Croatian, a cop..it doesn’t make a difference, I’d kill them all’’(Foer, 2005). Similar question was asked to a Dinamo fan, where the answer was more-less the same. Asked if he would like to see a new match between Dinamo and Red Star, he answered that he would look forward to it with open arms (The Real Football Factories International - Serbia & Croatia, n.d.). Crotian newspapers saw that game as a brave act of their fans (i.e. BBB fans) in a fight for an independent state of Croatia. However, on the other side, Serbia accussed the HDZ for organizing the riots at that game (Šnidarić, 2015).

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These statements and shootings on both sides are proof of how the media influenced people and ‘’shaped’’ their opinions by inciting them to hate each other. In addition, football and that specific game was a last straw for all the events in the country at that time.

3.1 A Game That Changed Everything

The events and what preceded to the match are described in the previous chapter. The 13th of May, 1990 – it was a match day. Hundreds of fans headed to Zagreb by train. They were ready for what would await them as soon as they entered the territory of the city of Zagreb. What was definitely not on their list was sightseeing. The day started very dynamically. Traveling by train, Delije used an emergency brake to get out at some station earlier, to avoid the police that was waiting for them. While walking towards city, they were smash- ing the windows of the companies such as ‘’Exportdrvo’’, ‘’Tehnounion’’, ‘’Elan’’ and so on, making it known that they had arrived in the city. What these companies have in common is that they were companies from Cro- atia and Slovenia. The Delije deliberately targeted them. They also tore up the posters featuring Tudjman. They were already in the city center around 7.30 in the morning. In the early hours of the morning, there were already first clashes between Delije and Bad Blue Boys at the Republic Square. In addition, Delije also received support from ethnic Serbs living in Croatia.

35 DINAMO ZAGREB VS RED STAR BELGRADE

As early as 12.30pm, Delijes were fighting with the police and BBB fans around Maksimir Stadium and in the surrounding streets. About 55 of Delije (Heroes) were arrested before the start of the match. The sta- dium gates opened around 4pm, but Delije were released earlier to the stadium because of the security measures. Delije started chanting with songs like ‘’ Comrade Tito, Serbs are lying to you. They really, really love General Draža’’7 (Mills, 2018). Such events and facts testify to the fact that the end of Yugoslavia was definitely in sight, as well as what the fans actually thought about Tito. Tear gas, batons, fists, stones, chairs and water cannons are just part of the arsenal used in the confrontation between the Yugoslav militia and members of the Bad Blue Boys and Delije fans. The culmination of riots took place at the stadium before the start of the match, around 5.40pm. Then the Red Star fans, located on the south stand, started tearing the seats and throwing them at the home fans on the east stand. At one point, the mad Delije broke through the protective fence and headed across the lawn towards the east stand. The Bad Blue Boys followed that reaction by the Red Star fans by tearing down the fence on the north stand and stormed the field to oppose Delije, however the police, who violently at- tacked the home fans, protected Delije. In a few minutes, the situation was out of control because the number of enraged fans, who entered the conflict, was higher than what the special forces of the militia could keep. The Red Star players escaped into the locker room, while several Dinamo players stayed on the field trying to defend home fans.

7 Delije were referring to the Dragoljub -Draža Mihajlović. The Chetnik leader (Detachment group of Yugoslavian Army during the WWII).

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At one point, the policeman hit Zvonimir Boban (then Dinamo cap- tain) with a truncheon, who retaliated by kicking him in the stomach. This situation became legendary as ‘’Bobanov skok’’ (Boban’s jump). Ac- cording to some witnesses, Refik Ahmetović (a police officer who was hit by Boban) was told to shoot Boban in the back (D.N., 2020). It was pretty clear that the match will be not be played, which was announced around 7.20pm. The fight continued outside the stadium and it lasted until mid- night.

1.2 Image: The famous scene when Zvonimir Boban kicks a police of- ficer (Source: Novosti.rs (Online, 2020))

37 DINAMO ZAGREB VS RED STAR BELGRADE

According to Vladimir Faber, who worked as policeman and as secu- rity that thay, he said that the reason why the hooligan conflict happened was due to the disorganization of the leadership of the Zagreb police. They did not react to the small – initial skirmishes, which they let happen for 15-20 minutes, which was enough for the violence to escalate. Howe- ver, Igor Grahovac, author of the documentary ‚‘‘Nedelja 13‘‘ (Sunday the 13th) said that everyone involved in the match came from all camps – members of the Bad Blue Boys and Delije fans, member of the State Secu- rity Service, former police officers and journalist, as well as club repre- sentatives and players of both teams. Interestingly, they all agree on the one thing and that is – the riots happened spontaneously. If there had been a previous agreement about the riots, then at the end of the clash, the lost human lives would have been counted (Matijašević Erceg, 2015). Many in Croatia point to the presence of war criminal Željko Ražna- tović Arkan as an argument in support of the thesis that the clash on Mak- simir was planned from Belgrade by the State Security Service and Slo- bodan Milošević. Arkan can be seen in the footages as he walks with his hands in his pockets on the Maksimir pitch, while Delije were clashing with the Bad Blue Boys.8 Arkan allegedly had a gun in his jacket. It is in- teresting that Aleksandar Vučić, today’s president of the Serbia and a declared Red Star fan, was also in the stands at that time (Tironi, 2015).

Figures showing that there were about 138 casualties, of which 79 were policemen. Also, twenty criminal charges were issued along with

8 Many footages regarding that game between Dinamo Zagreb and Red Star Belgrade can be found on YouTube.

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sixty misdemeanours. Although everything returned to normal in Zagreb on Monday, the clash continued through the media. Croatian ‚‘‘Vijesnik‘‘ condemned supporters of Red Star, while Serbian ‚‘‘Politika‘‘ condemned Dinamo’s Bad Blue Boys. In addition, Bosnian ‚‘‘ Plus Sport‘‘ condemned all of them, saying on their front page ‚‘‘ All are guilty!‘‘ (Mills, 2018).

3.2 Aftermaths

The previous chapter described in more detail the day and game that later changed many things in the former state, as well as the reason why CNN ranked it among the five football games that changed the world. The Maksimir riots produced numerous political consequences, as well as the fact that the entire police leadership in Croatia was dismissed. Due to the media exploitation that continued even after the match, that match practically acquired a mythical status. Many believe that the civil war ac- tually started on Maksimir. The consequences of that match are numer- ous on several fronts and one whole thesis can be devoted to it in details. In this chapter, I will not describe in details the thing that happened dur- ing the civil war, but I will mention some important facts that happened in the period of two years after the game.

The riots at Maksimir served as a goal to strengthen national aware- ness among the fans of both group, as well as preparing to see how ready they are for the upcoming war. In Croatia, they saw the event at Maksimir

39 DINAMO ZAGREB VS RED STAR BELGRADE as a key part of the founding myth of modern Croatia. After that match, Dinamo fans saw themselves as defenders of the Croat nation (Mills, 2018). One of the most important bases for recruiting the army for the war was initially fan groups. In Serbia (specifically among Delije), this was done under the leadership of Željko Ražnatović Arkan, who formed Srpsku Dobrovoljačku Gardu (Serbs Volunteer Guard). As Arkan himself stated, the events on Maksimir had great significance and timing in the formation of the Serbian Volunteer Guard. On the other hand, in Croatia, a large number of members of Torcida and Bad Blue Boys joined Croatian military units. As Djordjević states, if Maksimir riots were a symbolic border, then the departure of fans to war was a key point in discontinuity between to eras in the football history of the former Yugoslavia (Djordjevic, 2016). As early as March 31, 1991, the first incident occurred, known as the ‘’ Krvavi uskrs’’ (Bloody Easter – Plitvice Lake Incident), which is taken as the beginning of the war. Croatian police clashed with the armed rebel Serbs. The result of the clash was that two Croatian police officers and one Serb were killed. The Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) had to intervene. The last Yugoslav Cup final between Red Star Belgrade and Hajduk Split took place a month after that, in May 1991. Shortly afterwards, less than a month after Red Star Belgrade won the UEFA Champions League, Croatia and Slovenia declared independ- ence.

Despite the armed conflicts, the Football Association of Yugoslavia and the Croatian Football Association (HNS – Hrvatski Nogometni Savez)

40

wanted to continue the league in the 1991 season, but some players feared the continuation of football. One of the Hajduk’s players, Czech Jiri Jeslinek, refused to play due to the above-mentioned reasons. He left Yu- goslavia and returned to Prague. On the other had, Red Star played the Champions League final in Bari against Olympique Marseille. At that match, Red Star had the support of over 15,000 fans who came from var- ious cities, such as Zagreb, Novi Sad, Knin, Trebinje, Skopje and so on. The Serbian ‘’Tempo’’ newspaper then wrote on their front page ‘’Who says that Yugoslavia no longer exists!’’. However, many of these cities were on the verge of the war. Red Star won that match in the penaly shootout, which will turn out to be their biggest success in the history of the club (Mills, 2018). In addition, that title was the greatest success out of any Yugoslav clubs in history. As for the national team, the Yugoslav team existed, but it was mostly consisted out of players from Bosnia and Serbia. Croatia then had its own national team, although not recognized by the football international governing bodies. UEFA made the decision in August 1991 to ban matches in European competitions from being held at the stadiums in Yugoslavia (Ćolović, 2004). In fact, the Yugoslav national team was punished for the Bosnian war, where none of the players had anything to do with that.

Because of the war in Bosnia, the Security Council pressed Belgrade for their non-intervention. Because of that, the Resolution 752 was adopted where it stated that Yugoslavia needs to withdraw its troops from Bosnia as soon as possible. It wad done under threat of new sanc- tions. Although Milošević promised to do so, the Secretery General did

41 DINAMO ZAGREB VS RED STAR BELGRADE not believe him, hence UN imposed new sanctions under Resolution 757. Moreover, the European Champion at that time, Red Star Belgrade was also affected by those sanctions, as well as the Yugoslav national team. Yugoslavia did not participate at the UEFA Euro tournament in 1992, in- stead Denmark participated, and won it at the end. Serbian newspaper clearly emphasized that the sanctions were ‘’Serb-hater’’ (Mills, 'It All Ended in an Unsporting Way': Serbian Football and the Disintegration of Yugoslavia, 1989-2006, 2009). Before the start of the 1991-92 season, the league fell apart. Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia ( nowadays) were independ- ent countries and had their own leagues. In Croatia they wanted to con- tinue football with the first and second division leagues but some of the players and clubs were reluctant. They were of the opinion that football should not be played in Croatia, however the priority must be the defense of the homeland. Moreover, members of Bad Blue Boys, Torcida and Ar- mada volunteered to contribute to the war effort. As early as 1992, the civil war was largely underway, as was the fact that the federal Yugoslavia no longer existed. Morever, with the UN sanc- tions, Yugoslavia was affected which further led to the collapse of foot- ball.

Croatian president Tudjman praised Croatian athletes for their ‘’am- bassadorial endeavours’’ in representing Croatia. With Croatia’s inde- pendence in 1992, FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Associa- tion) welcomed HNS (Hrvatski Nogometni Savez) into their family. On the other side, with all those UN and UEFA sanctions, it was perceived that the Germans were against Serbs and that UEFA was making conspir- acy against them. When Red Star played in the Intercontinental Cup in

42

Japan (where they beat Chilean Colo-Colo), a Swiss referee dismissed Red Star player Dejan Savićević. After the game, Red Star player Duško Radinović drew comparison with the war in Croatia where he said: ‘’ They provoked Savićević by sending off. They tried to fake a penalty, but we played according to our principles, just as they are fighting for Yugo- slavia on the battlefield for our homeland. Hence, we will fight here, on the football pitch!’’ (Mills, The Politics of Football in Yugoslavia: Sport, Nationalism and the State, 2018). The statements where Tudjman compares military and football vic- tories, and where he calls the success of national football team as the fruit of Croatia’s struggle for freedom and independence, are indicator of eth- nic nationalism. On the other hand, Milošević said that Croatia and Serbia could not remain partners with Serbia. With that statement, he gave them a reason for encouragement of their own nationalism. As men- tioned, the influence of Arkan before and during the war was strong to the extent that it influenced the Serbian government to prefer the hooli- gan style and therefore did not need a conventional troops to fight in the army. Taking advantage of this, they terrorized civilians, forcing Muslims and Croats to flee their territory. Some reports say that Red Star players sometimes drove to Arkan’s camp to visit a wounded fans (Foer, 2005). After the outbreak of the war, nothing was the same in the stands or on the field. Even today, the situation is not much different. If we com- pare Eastern Europe and their football, it was visible that with the fall of Communism there was a decline in football and decline in investment into football. Same thing happened to Yugoslavia, where the vacuum was created during the transition period from ‘’state-sponsored’’ structure to a capital system.

43 DINAMO ZAGREB VS RED STAR BELGRADE

In the front of the Dinamo stadium Maksimir there is a monument in honor of the fallen Dinamo Zagreb supporters who fought in the war. Although most belive that the war started after the game at Maksimir, a couple of journalist think otherwise. The Croatian journalist Juraj Vidov- ljak said that the Dinamo – Red Star game has now a mythical status in Croatia, however the truth is that it did not really spark the war conflict. Morever, on the other side, a Serbian journalist Vladimir Novaković thinks that those who were ready to kill in the war, did not need Maksi- mir at all (Shumanov, 2019).

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4 Conclusion

This thesis aimed to show all the complexity of the relationship between football as a sport and the socio-political content in Yugoslavia in the period between the 1980s and early 1990s. The stadiums that served the nationalist political elites in Serbia and Croatia played a significant role in this context – and that was to convey the message of the people on the big stage. In addition, hoisting of a large Serbian flag in Bari when Red Star Belgrade won the Champions League and the whistling to the anthem of the Yugoslav national team was a clear picture and message that was sent to the public. After the events on Maksimir in that famous match, the fans became the heroes of the nation, they were the ones who started the war for independence and ‘’free’’ state. Red Star became a pillar of Serbs. This thesis aimed to answer some relevant questions concerning the political sphere in Yugoslavia, which were also related to football and its influence on it. Primarily, issues such as how nationalism has risen among citizens, fans, players and so on. By analyzing the events and pre- senting the facts and some statistical data, it was shown that football was only a collateral damage in the sea of other problems in Yugoslavia. Initially, in this thesis, I engaged in explaining the political structure in Yugoslavia and later I continued to explain and analyse the influence and impact that Tito had, as well as impact on the state after his death. Moreover, this thesis also explained the structure of the football league and the fans.

45 CONCLUSION

All of the above things were important to mention in the events that followed one after the other, because it is of great importance that the reader of this thesis understands why all this happened, and generally to get familiar with the context of the thesis. This thesis can be divided into two parts. The first part that is about post Tito years until Maksimir event and the second part which is after Maksimir event. Years after Tito’s death displays the beginning of the end of Yugoslavia as a state that was stable then within the framework of world politics and economy. However, with the rise of various other pol- iticians, Yugoslavia began to lose its identity, which led to the growth of nationalism, economic depression and significant nervousness among the population of the former state. The rise of nationalism can be attributed to two politicians. In my opinion, the main actors are Slobodan Milošević, who took power in Ser- bia and Franjo Tuđman who came to power as first president of the Re- public of Croatia. They played a major role in turning people against each other. They advocated national hatred between the people, as well as the religious hatred (a hatred between Catholics and Orthodox). The second part that I mentioned – i.e. the post Maksimir events/part was the focal point. Even bigger riots in the stands and among the fans led to the first armed conflict known as Plitvice Lakes Incident. This was followed by a bloody civil war that further alienated the people and turned them against each other.

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Based on all the facts presented and written in this thesis, perhaps the best reflection of football in Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s would be shown by the quote of George Orwell, where he said ‘’ Football has nothing to do with fair play. It is bound up with hatred, jealousy, boast- fulness, disregard of all rules and sadistic pleasure in witnessing vio- lence: in other words it is war minus the shooting’’ (Orwell, 1968). From my point of view, I am sorry for everything that happened in the former Yugoslavia, especially from the football aspect. The football league was strong in Europe back in the days, and I believe that it would be strong today as well. Although I was born after the civil war, I am sorry that it had to end in that way and that politics had to get its hand involved in this wonderful sport. However, not only that, it is a shame that civil war led to hatred among the people, which still exists nowadays. The consequences of sports and political events in the former Yugo- slavia are felt even today. Even though, every former state of Yugoslavia nowadays has its own football league, they are equally bad, more or less. Although there was some plan and idea to bring back those league and united them once again into one Yugoslav Football league, unfortunately this would not have been possible for the same reasons that it was origi- nally disinitigrated.

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